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SAINT    PETER 

AND   THE 

FIRST  YEARS  OF   CHRISTIANITY 


Htjjtl  oljgtat. 

A.  FIVEZ,  S.T.L. 

Censor  Deputatus. 


Umprimatur : 

*  MICHAEL  AUGUSTINUS, 

A  rchiepiscopus  Neo-Eboracensis. 


Neo-Eboraci,  die  2^^  August!,  1S92. 


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APOSTOLIC  MISSIONS 

DURING  THE 

FIRST  CENTURY  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


Bradley  ^  I\>itUt>  En;rr»,  N,  V. 


SAINT   PETER 

AND   THE 

FIRST  YEARS  OF  CHRISTIANITY 

By  the  abbe   CONSTANT  FOUARD 

Ex&ntiMtti  from  tf)e  &tta\xti  lElittion  iuttf)  tfjc  ^utijor's  wttcttoit 
By  GEORGE   F.  X.  GRIFFITH 

mii\)  an  llnttotiucti0n 
By  cardinal  GIBBONS 


NEW   YORK   AND    LONDON 
LONGMANS,    GREEN,    AND    CO. 

1893 


Copyright,  1892, 
By  George  F.  X.  Griffith. 

LIBRARY  ll 


Toronto 

YVVW 


SECOND   ISSUE. 


JUL  19  1965 


•^ 


thtyi 


mittbersits  Press: 
John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I  HAVE  been  requested  to  introduce  the  present  volume 
to  the  English-speaking  public,  and  I  gladly  do  so,  in  the 
persuasion  that  it  will  be  welcomed  on  all  sides  as  a 
valuable  addition  to  our  religious  literature. 

In  a  previous  work  the  gifted  author  gave  us  a  most 
happy  presentation  of  the  "  Life  of  Our  Lord."  In  this 
book  he  undertakes  to  describe  the  first  beginnings  of 
the  (Christian)  Church. 

No  subject,  after  the  Gospel  narrative,  could  be  more 
grateful  to  the  Christian  reader.  There  is  none  which 
the  thoughtful  student  approaches  with  a  keener  interest, 
for  it  is  the  opening  of  the  great  era  of  human  history, 
and  of  that  higher  form  of  life  which  the  whole  civilized 
world  gradually  came  to  accept  as  its  ideal,  and  to  which 
it  has  never  since  ceased  to  pay  homage. 

Unhappily,  our  sources  of  information  regarding  the 
early   days   of    Christianity   are    very   imperfect,   being 
almost  entirely   confined  to   the  Acts  of  the   Apostles.  -^QJ 
But   under   the    intelligent   guidance   of   Abbe   Fouard,!^^  / 
how   much   may   be   gathered  even   from  so   short  and 
fragmentary  a  narrative  !     With  all  the  varied  informa- '  ^  ^ 
tion  and  cultivated  tact  of  an  historian,  he  adds  to  the 
clearness  and  consecutiveness  of  what  we  knew  before, 


VI  INTRODUCTION. 

while  giving  distinctness  and  life  to  numberless  details 
hitherto  obscure  or  unnoticed. 

With  him  we  follow  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  as 
they  come  back  at  stated  intervals  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  to  the  Holy  City,  and  carry  away  with  them  the 
first  knowledge  of  the  Gospel.  Jerusalem,  Rome,  Antioch, 
are  no  longer  to  us  mere  names  recalling  only  faint 
images  of  ancient  cities.  We  see  them ;  we  walk  their 
streets  ;  we  catch  the  voices  and  the  thoughts  of  the 
crowds  that  throng  them ;  we  watch  with  wonder  the 
divine  seed  as  it  springs  to  life  and  spreads  and  flourishes 
amid  the  worst  forms  of  moral  decay. 

In  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  Acts,  Saint  Peter  takes 
the  leading  part,  thus  exercising  from  the  beginning  the 
privilege  to  which  he  had  been  called  when  Christ  Him- 
self made  him  the  foundation  of  His  Church,  and  later 
on  committed  to  him  His  lambs  and  His  sheep,  that  is, 
the  care  of  His  whole  flock.  It  was  only  proper,  there- 
fore, that  the  name  of  Saint  Peter  should  be  found  in  the 
very  title  of  the  present  volume.  But  it  should  not  con- 
vey the  impression  that  the  work  is  written  in  a  polemi- 
cal spirit.  Controversy  is  entirely  absent  from  it.  It  is 
only  at  the  very  close  that  the  writer  sets  forth  the 
reasons  which  have  led  almost  all  impartial  historians, 
Protestant  as  well  as  Catholic,  to  admit  the  fact  that 
Saint  Peter  was  the  first  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  that  he 
suffered  martyrdom  in  the  imperial  city. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  know  that  the  learned  author  has 
been  engaged  for  several  years  on  another  work,  having 
for  its  object  the  life  and  writings  of  Saint  Paul.  Books 
thus  written  with  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  subject, 
and  leading  the  mind  back  without  effort  to  the  very 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

fountain-head  of  the  faith,  are  an  incalculable  benefit 
to  the  public  at  large,  and  to  none  will  they  prove  more 
welcome  than  to  Catholic  readers. 

We  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  present 
translation  is  a  faithful  transcript  of  the  original,  ex- 
pressed in  idiomatic  English ;  and  we  hope  that  the 
volume  now  presented  to  us  in  its  new  dress,  by  the 
talented  translator,  will  be  as  eagerly  sought  as  were 
those  that  preceded  it. 

J.  Card.  Gibbons. 


NOTE 

ON  THE  SYMBOLICAL    DEVICE,    SAINT    PETER  STRIKING 
THE  ROCK. 

^' .  .  .  the  primacy  of  Saint  Peter  is  distinctly  attested 
...  by  another  symbol  which  can  hardly  be  misunderstood. 
We  mean  that  in  which  he  appears  under  the  type  of  Moses 
striking  the  rock.  The  rock,  of  course,  at  once  suggests  the 
passage  of  Saint  Paul :  '  They  drank  of  that  spiritual  rock 
that  followed  them,  and  that  rock  was  Christ;  '  but  we 
should  hardly  have  ventured  to  affirm  that  the  figure  striking 
the  rock  was  Saint  Peter,  if  his  name  had  not,  in  two  in- 
stances, at  least,  been  unmistakably  given  at  his  side.  .  .  . 
They  show  us  that  Saint  Peter  was  considered  to  be  the 
Moses  of  ^  the  new  Israel  of  God, '  as  Prudentius  speaks,  and 
they  explain  why  the  rod,  the  emblem  of  Divine  power,  is 
never  found  except  in  three  hands,  —  those  of  Moses,  Christ, 
and  Peter.  It  belongs  primarily,  and  by  inherent  right,  to 
Christ,  the  eternal  Son  of  God.  By  Him  it  was  of  old 
delegated  to  Moses,  of  whom  God  testified,  '  He  is  most 
faithful  in  all  My  house.'  For  a  few  j^ears  the  rod  of  power 
was  visibly  wielded  by  the  Incarnate  Word;  and  when  He 
withdrew  His  own  visible  presence  from  the  earth,  *  after- 
wards,' to  use  the  words  of  Saint  Macarius  of  Egypt, 
'Moses  was  succeeded  by  Peter,  to  whom  is  committed  the 
new  Church  of  Christ  and  the  new  priesthood.'"  —  North- 
cote  and  Brownlow:  Roma  SotterraJiea,  vol.  ii.  pp.  313- 
315. 


PREFACE. 


Ubi  Petrus,  ibi  Ecclesia. 

Saint  Ambrose,  in  Ps.  xl.  30. 

The  title  of  this  book  is  not  the  one  I  had  intended  to     /t^^* 
give    it.     According  to    my  first  plan,    the   name  of    Saint 
Paul  was  to  have  been  predominant  throughout  this  story  of 
the  beginnings  of  Christianity;    I  expected  to  demonstrate 
thereby  that    in   the   makings   of   this    new    institution  the 
great  Apostle  had  exerted  so  preponderating  an  influence  that      ■"-^"'  ' 
the  history  of  the  new-born  Church    was  the  history  of  his      l-vfc- 
life  and  labors.     But  by  degrees,  and  as  the  work  advanced,      'wvw^ 
another  countenance  in  place  of  the  one  I  had  set   myself 
to  sketch,  stood  forth,  so  to  say,  developing  itself  from  the 
features  of  my  first  subject.     Thus  the  position  destined  for 
the  Apostle  of  the   Gentiles   was  taken  by  the  Leader  and 
Head  of  the  Twelve. 

And  assuredly  Peter  does  play  a  preeminent  part  during 
the  first  scenes  in  the  Church's  life.  He  presides  in  the 
College  of  the  Apostles,  he  acts,  decides,  organizes.  Servant 
of  the  Divine  Spirit,  he  goes  whither  the  breath  from  on 
High  impels  him,  often  blindly,  sometimes  resisting  in- 
stinctively, as  upon  the  housetop  in  Joppa,^  but  always  in 
the  end  yielding  to  his  Master's  orders  and  submitting  his 
own  will  to  that  of  Grace.  Thus  it  came  about  that  through 
Peter's  ministrations,  and  within  about  fifteen  years  after 
Pentecost,  Jesus  completed  the  constitution  of  the  Church 
in  her  essential  parts.  The  body  already  possesses  all  its 
organs,  which  need  only  to  develop  themselves  thereafter: 
the  Gospel  preached  by  the  Apostles;  the  Hierarchy  founded; 
Deacons  ordained;  the  Priesthood  established  in  very  various 
communities;  a  separate  Episcopate  at  Jerusalem,  — even  in 

1  Acts  X.  14. 


X  PREFACE. 

Rome  itself;^  the  Breaking  of  the  Bread, ^  around  which  all 
her  liturgy  was  to  be  concentrated;  sacraments,  baptism,  holy 
orders:^  in  fine,  the  Church  has  detached  herself  from  the 
Synagogue.''  This,  the  ground-plan  of  the  Work,  appears,  to 
our  thinking,  as  finished  before  ever  Paul  begins  his  labors. 
Indeed,  far  from  being  the  organizer,  Saul  of  Tarsus  is, 
at  this  date,  a  simple  layman,^  meditating  upon  the  Lord's 
revelations  to  him ;  ^  if  he  speaks  before  the  synagogues  of 
Damascus  and  of  Jerusalem,  it  is  only  as  occasion  demands, 
and  as  a  subordinate."  He  remains  in  this  attitude  of  an 
inferior  during  the  seven  or  eight  years  which  follow  upon  his 
conversion  (from  37  to  45),  until  the  day  when  the  elders  of 
Antioch,  with  the  laying-on  of  hands,  confided  him  to  the 
promptings  of  Grace.  It  is  Peter,  therefore,  who  has  done 
everything  since  the  birth  of  Christianity,  and  his  name 
must,  of  right,  be  written  over  the  head  of  any  study  of  the 
Beginnings  of  the  Church. 

The  Acts  are  our  principal  source  of  knowledge,  whence  to 
draw  a  history  of  these  first  years.  Still,  we  need  not  confine 
ourselves  to  this  single  document,  for  as  to  many  facts  which 
the  sacred  text  passes  over  with  but  a  word,  there  are  the 
Talmudists,  Josephus,  Philo,  the  historians  of  Greece  and 
Kome,  who  add  many  a  confirming  circumstance,  many  a 
precious  detail,  to  the  general  outline  given  us  by  Saint  Luke : 
to  them  we  shall  very  often  have  recourse. 

For  what  properly  concerns  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  it 

1  This  early  institution  of  the  Hierarchy  appears  so  plainly  indicated 
in  the  Acts  that  M.  Renan  considers  it  as  one  of  the  theories  which  Saint 
Luke  was  most  anxious  to  establish  by  his  narrative.  "  One  feels  that 
the  principles  of  the  Roman  Church  have  had  their  weight  with  the 
author.  This  Church,  from  the  first  centuries,  had  the  political  and 
hierarchical  character  which  has  always  been  its  distinguishing  note. 
Our  good  Luke  may  have  imbibed  this  spirit.  His  ideas  respecting  eccle- 
siastical authority  are  very  advanced ;  in  him  we  note  the  first  movements 
of  the  germs  of  episcopacy"  (Renan,  Les  Apotres,  Introduction,  xxiii). 

2  Acts  ii.  42,  46. 

3  Acts  ii.  41  ;  vi.  6;  viii.  12,  14-17,  36-38;  x.  47,  48. 
*  Acts  X.  9-18,  34-43. 

5  The  common  opinion  is  that  S.  Paul  did  not  receive  the  sacerdotal 
consecration  until  about  the  year  45,  when  the  Elders  of  Antioch  made 
him  a  priest  of  God  by  the  laying  on  of  hands  •  "  Consecratricem  fuisse 
eam  manuum  impositionem  docent  SS.  Chrysostomus  et  Leo  Magnus, 
estque  hsec  communior  in  hac  queestione  sententia  et  omnino  tenenda" 
(Beelen,  Commentarius  in  Acta  Apostolorum,  in  loco). 

6  Gal.  i.  15-24;  Acts  xi.  25.  '  Acts  ix.  20,  28  ;  xi.  26. 


PREFACE.  XI 

must  be  acknowledged  that  after  his  miraculous  deliverance 
from  the  prison  in  Jerusalem,  little  is  known  about  his 
ministry.  Saint  Luke  shows  that  he  was  present  at  the 
Council  of  Jerusalem;  ^  Saint  Paul  relates  the  discussion  he 
had  with  him  at  Antioch:  ^  there  ends  the  testimony  of  in- 
spired writers.  Quite  uncertain  as  the  traditions  may  be, 
on  whose  authority  the  sequel  of  his  life-story  is  based,  we 
have  not  failed  to  gather  them  together  here,  because,  among 
details  of  less-assured  historical  value,  two  conclusions  seem 
to  us  to  stand  out  as  worthy  of  full  faith,  —  one,  that  Saint 
Peter  made  Eome  the  principal  seat  of  his  Apostolate;  the 
other,  that  his  coming  to  that  city  was  coincident  with  the 
reign  of  Claudius. 

So  far  as  concerns  the  last-named  point  at  issue,  modern 
criticism  is  exceedingly  disdainful.  That  speedy  journeying 
of  the  Apostle,  mentioned  by  Eusebius  and  Saint  Jerome, 
has  been  regarded  by  certain  authors  as  ''an  unfortunate 
hypothesis,  for  which  no  reasonable  defence  can  be  con- 
structed." ^  In  answer  to  these  dogmatic  decisions,  we  may 
be  permitted  to  call  in  evidence  the  twenty-five  years  of 
Saint  Peter's  Pontificate  inscribed  at  the  close  of  the  second 
century  upon  the  pontifical  catalogues  of  the  Roman  Church;  * 
the  memorials  of  the  Apostle's  two  comings  to  Pome,  pre- 
served from  this  same  date,  both  in  her  liturgy  and  by  the 
archseological  monuments,  together  with  the  entire  mass  of 
traditions,^  which  our  adversaries  are  unable  to  explain  away 
by  any  theory  as  to  their  origin,  confirming,  as  they  do,  the 
chronology  adopted  by  the  historians  of  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries.  To  throw  aside  these  arguments  because,  taken 
separately,  they  are  not  of  sufficient  weight  to  overbalance 
all  possible  doubt,  is  to  sin  against  the  rules  of  criticism. 
Mere  hints,  testimony  which  is  either  vague  or  confused 
with  much  that  is  false,  yet,  when  all  bearing  in  support  of 

1  Acts  XV.  7-11.  2  Gal  ii.  11-14. 

3  Renan,  L'Antechrist,  Append  ice,  p.  553. 

^  "  Just  as  the  Philocalian  Chronicle  relies,  so  far  as  concerns  the  cata- 
logue of  the  Popes,  on  the  authority  of  the  Chronicle  of  S.  Hippolytus, 
compiled  at  Rome  in  235,  so  the  Chronicle  of  S.  Hippolytus  itself  is 
based  on  that  of  older  pontifical  lists,  and  thus  we  are  led  to  infer 
that  the  twenty-five  years  of  Peter's  sojourn  figured  in  the  Episco- 
pal Catalogues  of  Rome  as  early  as  the  close  of  the  second  century" 
(Duchesne,  Les  Origines  chretiennes,  p.  78). 

^  See  Appendix  IV.  and  chapter  xviii. 


xii  PREFACE. 

the  same  point,  these  may  give  us  new  light,  may  correct 
each  other,  may  even  confirm  us  as  to  the  fact,  when  we  look 
at  them  thus  taken  together.  As  scattered  hints,  they  are 
glimmering  sparks ;  once  bound  together,  they  shed  forth  a 
steady  light  upon  the  student's  path.  The  essential  rule, 
however,  is  not  to  regard  any  induction,  however  well  author- 
ized it  may  seem  to  be,  with  the  same  certitude  wherewith 
we  accept  the  account  of  events  attested  by  contemporary 
writers;  nor  have  we  failed  to  observe  this  rule. 

Whatever  opinion  one  holds  as  to  the  beginnings  of  the 
Roman  Pontificate,  the  traditions  referred  to  above  indicate 
this  much  at  least,  — that  Peter  had  two  principal  centres  of 
action:  Jerusalem  before  the  dispersion  of  the  Apostles, 
Rome  in  the  years  which  came  after.  This  conclusion,  which 
no  moderate  critic  will  deny  us,  makes  it  possible  not  to 
abandon  our  study  of  the  Apostle's  ministry,  so  summarily 
ended  after  his  imprisonment,  but  to  go  farther,  and  show 
whither  the  Spirit  of  God  led  Peter's  steps,  and  what  new 
lands  thereafter  were  opened  to  receive  him.  We  have  con- 
fined ourselves  to  these  general  views,  deferring  to  their  time 
the  few  incidents  of  his  Apostolate  which  are  known,  and  of 
which  the  details  are  intimately  connected  with  the  life  of 
Saint  Paul. 

The  Church  at  Jerusalem  under  the  Apostles;  the  estab- 
lishment of  Peter's  seat  in  Rome,  —  such  is  the  twofold 
theme  of  this  book.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  volume  the 
necessity  I  was  under  of  setting  forth  impartially  what  was 
the  real  religious  and  moral  state  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
forced  me  into  undertaking  a  study  which  belongs  to  the 
apologist  rather  than  to  the  historian.  The  task  was  far 
easier  for  the  earlier  period,  for  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem 
Saint  Luke  has  left  us  a  picture  with  outline  and  coloring 
still  clear  and  vivid  to-day.  Rationalists,  it  is  true,  assume 
that  it  must  be  treated  as  a  composite  of  separate  pieces 
without  historical  value;  but  it  is  enough  for  the  scholar  to 
study  the  origin  and  structure  of  the  work,  and  he  will 
understand  that  their  suspicions  are  born  of  foregone  con- 
clusions, not  the  results  of  severe  and  serious  examination. 

The  Author  of  the  Acts  recalls  in  his  proem  that  he  had 
written  ^'a  former  treatise  of  all  that  Jesus  had  done  and 
taught."  ^     There  is  no  doubt  that  the  work  thus  designated 

1  Acts  i.  1. 


PREFACE.  Xlll 

is  our  Third  Gospel;  for  the  two  works,  alike  dedicated  to 
Theophilus,^  show  such  a  conformity  of  style  and  ways  of 
thinking  that  the  most  guarded  critics  do  not  hesitate  to 
recognize  the  same  handiwork  in  both.^  The  writer  of  the 
Acts  does  not  claim  to  be  an  Evangelist  merely;  in  the  course 
of  his  narrative  he  ranks  himself  among  the  companions  of 
Saint  Paul,  ^  and  by  constantly  using  the  word  ^'we"  after 
the  sixteenth  chapter,  declares  that  he  was  a  witness  of  the 
facts  he  is  relating.  As  for  his  name,  if  not  written  in  the 
Acts,  we  know  it  from  tradition  *  and  from  the  title  given  to 
the  third  Evangelist  by  all  the  manuscripts.^  That  name  is 
Lucanus,  or  Lucas,  and  it  designates  a  well-known  Christian 
whose  devoted  zeal  is  thrice  praised  by  Saint  Paul  in  his  let- 
ters. ^'Luke,  the  physician,  our  dearest  brother ''  (Coloss. 
iv.  14).  ^'  Luke  alone  is  with  me  "  (2  Tim.  iv.  11).  ^'  Epaph- 
ras  .  .  .  salutes  you  with  Mark,  Aristarchus,  Demas,  and  Luke, 
who  are  my  fellow-laborers  and  companions"  (Philem.  23, 
24).  Even  our  adversaries  recognize  the  legitimate  foundation 
of  these  deductions;  for  them  as  for  us,  'Uhe  Author  of  the 
Third  Gospel  is  certainly  Luke,   Paul's  disciple.''® 

Thus,  then,  historians  of  the  beginnings  of  the  Church 
possess  the  testimony  of  a  contemporary,  a  trustworthy  man, 
well  instructed,  who  has  taken  part  in  the  events  he  nar- 
rates, and  is  acquainted  with  the  persons  whose  words  and 
deeds  he  recites.  Our  faith  could  not  desire  firmer  founda- 
tion; hence  no  efforts  have  been  spared  to  shake  it,  and 
at  the  same  time. to  ruin  the  authority  of  his  narrative. 
Writers  h-ave  been  especially  anxious  to  retard  to  the  latest 
possible  date  the  year  he  wrote  this  book,  —  thankless  toil, 
for  to  the  eyes  of  every  man    not   swayed  by  preconceived 

1  Luke  i.  3;  Acts  i.  1. 

2  "  One  thing  stands  beyond  a  doubt,  and  that  is  that  the  Acts  were 
compiled  by  the  same  author  who  wrote  the  Third  Gospel,  and  are  but 
a  continuation  of  that  Gospel  We  need  not  stop  to  prove  this  proposi- 
tion, which  has  never  been  seriously  called  in  question.  The  prefaces 
with  which  both  documents  begin,  the  dedication  of  each  to  Theophilus, 
and  their  perfect  resemblance  in  style  and  ways  of  thinking,  furnish  us 
with  abundant  demonstrations  of  that  fact "  (Renan,  Les  Apotres,  Intro- 
duction, x). 

3  M.  Renan  has  a  long  and  masterly  proof  of  this  second  proposition 
in  the  Introduction  to  his  work  on  the  Apostles  (x-xviii). 

^  Fragment  of  Muratori  ( 170) ;  S.  Irenseus  (180) ;  Tertullian  (207),  etc. 
5  Evayy€\iou  Kara  Aovkuv  (A.  C.  D.).     KotA  Aovkuv  (K.  B.  F),  etc. 
®  Renan,  Les  Apotres,  Introduction,  xviii. 


xiv  PREFACE. 

opinions,  the  Acts  also  do  in  like  manner  bear  their 
own  date.  After  having  brought  Saint  Paul  a  prisoner 
to  Rome,  they  end  with  these  words:  ^^ Thereafter  Paul  re- 
mained two  whole  years  in  lodgings  which  he  had  hired, 
where  he  received  all  that  came  to  see  him,  preaching  the 
Kingdom  of  God,  and  teaching  the  things  which  concern  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  with  all  freedom,  without  prohibition."^ 
The  two  years  which  the  Apostle  passed  thus,  in  compara- 
tive liberty  under  the  surveillance  of  a  Roman  soldier,  take 
us  from  Q2i  to  64.  It  was  then  that  Saint  Luke  finished 
writing  his  Acts;  for  in  no  other  way  can  we  explain  why 
he  has  said  nothing  of  the  incidents  which  followed,  and,  in 
particular,  of  the  death  of  the  Apostle,  —  that  great  event, 
occurring  as  it  did  only  four  years  later. 

Nothing  shows  the  force  of  this  argument  better  than  the 
pitiful  reasons  brought  forward  to  explain  the  brusque  end- 
ing of  the  Acts.  Some  fancy  that  as  Theophilus  was  living 
in  Rome,  it  would  have  been  superfluous  to  write  down  for 
him  what  was  then  occurring  in  that  city  under  his  own  eyes. 
According  to  some  exegetical  scholars,  the  narrative  ends  with 
the  Apostle's  arrival  in  the  capital  of  the  world,  because  there- 
upon was  fulfilled  the  prediction  that  the  Gospel  should  be 
preached  ^^  unto  the  ends  of  the  earth ;  "  ^  or  again  that  saying 
of  the  Lord,  ^'Paul,  be  of  good  courage,  for  even  as  you  have 
given  testimony  of  Me  in  Jerusalem,  so  must  you  bear  witness 
unto  Me  in  Rome."^  The  better-advised  critics  renounce  such 
puerilities.  Starting  with  their  principle  that  all  prophecy 
is  impossible,  and  finding  the  ruin  of  Jerusalem  foretold  in 
Saint  Luke's  Gospel,  they  draw  their  conclusion  that  that 
book  did  not  appear  until  after  the  year  70,  and  the  Acts  at 
the  earliest  about  72.  But  here  again  our  historian  is  too 
near  the  events  he  is  detailing  to  make  it  easy  for  them  to 
rob  his  evidence  of  all  its  value,  which  is  their  real  end  in 
view.  They  must  needs  defer  the  composition  of  the  Acts 
until  80,  in  order  to  put  a  half  century  between  the  first 
years  of  the  Church  and  the  period  vdien  Saint  Luke  was 
writing;  to  the  thinking  of  these  critics,  the  birth  and 
growth  of  a  legend  requires  only  this  length  of  time.  The 
only  arguments  vouchsafed  us  in  support  of  their  choice  of 

1  Acts  xxviii.  30-31.  2  Acts  i.  8. 

^  Acts  xxiii.  11.  The  student  will  find  these  hypotheses  ably  set  forth 
in  the  commentaries  of  Meyer  and  De  Wette. 


PREFACE.  XV 

this  date  are  notes  of  correspondence,  —  the  spirit  of  the 
book  reminding  us  of  the  reign  of  the  Flavians,  the  peaceful 
life  of  those  days  reflected  so  well  in  a  narrative  which  is  so 
gentle,  placid,  and  forbearing  to  all.  I  must  be  forgiven 
if  I  attach  scanty  importance  to  these  essays  in  compara- 
tive criticism.  Arguments  from  correspondence :  who  does  not 
know  what  wonderful  opinions  an  inventive  mind  can  draw 
from  such  sources? 

The  attacks  of  our  adversaries  are  not  pushed  with  the 
same  zeal  against  every  portion  of  the  book;  their  special 
point  in  view  is  the  acts  of  Peter  (chapters  first  to  twelfth), 
which  they  reject,  although  they  keep  those  of  Paul,  the 
work  appearing  to  them  more  credible  as  it  nears  its  end. 
To  justify  so  arbitrary  a  distinction,  it  is  assumed  that  Saint 
Luke  knew  little  of  Palestine  and  the  Jewish  world;  that  he 
speaks  of  it  without  exact  knowledge ;  rather,  to  speak  plainly, 
jumbling  history  with  legends  in  an  inextricable  confusion. 
Here  they  overlook  the  fact  that  the  writer  when  accompany- 
ing Paul  during  his  last  journey  to  Jerusalem  remained 
near  him  at  Caesarea  during  the  two  years  of  captivity 
which  the  Apostle  passed  there,  ^  and  that  during  that  time, 
according  to  all  appearances,  he  collected  the  facts  contained 
in  the  twelve  first  chapters  of  the  Acts.  However  young  we 
may  suppose  Saint  Luke  to  have  been  at  this  time,  he  was 
not,  as  is  often  insinuated,  of  another  generation  than  that 
of  the  founders  of  Christianity,  for  at  Jerusalem  he  had  seen 
James,  the  '^  brother  of  the  Lord,"  ^  at  Csesarea  the  Deacon 
Philip,^  and  at  Rome  Saint  Peter.  What  he  had  not  seen 
with  his  own  eyes,  his  master,  Paul,  knew  from  the  begin- 
ning. Furthermore,  he  himself  could  have  learned  all  his 
facts  from  the  actors  who  played  the  principal  parts  in  the 
scenes  which  he  is  describing.  Peter  undoubtedly  told  him 
of  the  beginnings  of  the  Church  in  Jerusalem,  his  preaching 
to  the  Jews,  the  conversion  of  Cornelius.  '' Entertained  at 
Csesarea  in  the  dwelling  of  Philip  the  Evangelist,  one  of  the 
seven,  .  .  .  abiding  many  days  with  him, ''^  the  Author  of 
the  Acts  had  heard  from  his  lips  the  story  of  his  missions  in 
Samaria,  and  of  the  baptism  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch.  From 
Saint  Pavil  he  takes  the  rest  of  the  events  which  fill  the  first 
part  of  his  book, —  the  trial  and  martyrdom  of  Stephen,  where- 

1  From  59  to  61.     Acts  xxiv.  27.  2  Qal.  i.  19. 

3  Acts  xxi.  8-10.  4  Acts  xxi.  8. 


XVI  PREFACE. 

in  Saul  had  taken  part,  together  with  the  conversion  of  the 
Apostle,  so  often  recounted  by  himself.-'  So  then,  if  Luke, 
with  these  sources  of  information,  was  unable  to  separate  the 
truth  from  the  fables  which  obscured  it,  we  might  well 
despair  of  all  certitude  in  the  history  of  those  times. 

It  is  true  that  he  has  been  suspected  of  accommodating  his 
history  to  his  own  views,  thereby  making  it  a  plea  for  his 
own  party.  According  to  this  supposition,  the  Church  was 
then  divided  into  two  factions :  on  one  side  were  Peter  and 
the  Judaizers,  stubbornly  fighting  for  the  legal  Observances ; 
on  the  other  the  adherents  of  Paul,  just  as  zealous  to  throw 
off  the  yoke.  Luke,  so  they  say,  set  about  conciliating  his 
brethren,  trying  to  persuade  them  that  under  apparent  dis- 
agreements they  had  but  one  heart  and  one  soul;  every 
incident  which  does  not  exactly  support  this  notion  they 
either  suppress  or  disfigure.  The  sequel  of  our  narrative 
will  show  what  weight  is  to  be  accorded  to  these  fantasies ; 
but  in  a  word,  it  is  easy  to  reply  here  that  the  Author  of  the 
Acts,  far  from  concealing  the  dissensions  in  the  Church,  does, 
on  the  contrary,  depict  very  strikingly  their  numerous  feat- 
ures. It  is  he  who  best  exhibits  these  divisions  of  sentiment, 
who  details  their  origin  and  their  developments. 

From  his  earliest  chapters,  the  causes  of  disagreement  are 
to  be  noted  in  the  attachment  of  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem 
for  the  Mosaic  Observances.  All,  being  Israelites,  continue  to 
consider  the  keeping  of  the  Law  an  essential  condition  of  salva- 
tion. All  in  vain  did  Stephen  utter  the  cry  of  the  new  free- 
dom in  their  ears;  in  vain  did  Peter  himself  proclaim,  in 
God's  Name,  that  Gentiles  and  Jews  have  equal  rights  in  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven,  —  always  their  aversion  for  the  uncir- 
cumcised  lingered  deep  down  in  their  hearts.  The  dominant 
spirit  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  was  ever  striving,  not  only 
to  preserve  all  the  externals  of  Israel's  ancient  religion,  but 
to  bind  the  new  believers  thereto.  Of  this  the  Acts  give 
proof  after  proof :  the  Christians  of  the  Holy  City  keeping 
jealous  watch  of  Antioch  and  those  Pagan  converts  who  were 
becoming  so  numerous  there;  ^  while  later  on,  fanatics  from 
Jerusalem,  coming  into  that  same  town,  ^^  trouble  them  all 
with  their  talk,  subverting  souls,"  ^  insomuch  that  Paul  and 
Barnabas  are  forced  ^^  to  contest  strenuously  against  them,"  * 

1  Acts  xxii.  4-21 ;  xxvi.  12-19.  2  Acts  x.  19-24. 

3  Acts  XV.  24.  ■*  Acts  XV.  2, 


PREFACE.  xvii 

and  finally  succeed  in  obtaining  from  the  Apostolic  College 
a  condemnation  of  the  Judaizer's  pet  doctrine,  —  ^^No  Salva- 
tion without  Circumcision."  ^  Disavowed  by  the  leaders  of  the 
Church,^  the  Judaizing  members  retain,  at  least  for  them- 
selves, what  they  could  not  impose  upon  their  brethren  among 
the  Gentiles.  '*They  multiplied  by  thousands,  and  all  con- 
tinued zealots  for  the  Law,"  ^  says  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
speaking  of  his  flock.  It  is  easily  seen,  how  aside  from  certain 
new  practices  and  the  faith  in  Jesus,  everything  there  re- 
mained Jewish  in  appearance  and  in  feeling.  So,  when 
about  59  Paul  came  to  the  Holy  City,  Saint  James  conjured 
him  to  be  careful  of  the  scruples  of  the  faithful.  Surrounded 
by  his  priests,  he  warned  him  that  he  had  been  accused  of 
'^renouncing  Moses,  of  striving  against  the  circumcision 
and  received  customs,"  *  and  he  obtained  a  promise  that  the 
Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  would  purify  himself  solemnly  in 
the  Temple.^  By  these  last-named  incidents  Saint  Luke 
marks  how  far  the  division  between  the  Zealots  of  Jeru- 
salem and  the  great  body  of  Christians  had  been  carried; 
yet  not  among  the  Apostles  is  this  variance  to  be  seen :  rising 
above  these  discussions,  they  intervene  only  to  conciliate,  to 
settle  and  decide. 

Such  is  the  portrayal  of  these  differences  in  the  Acts.  To 
go  farther  and  show  us  the  whole  Church,  shepherds  and 
flocks  alike,  split  up  into  hostile  factions,  one  must  distort 
the  facts,  or  twist  certain  strong  words  of  Saint  Paul,  easily 
explained  by  the  stress  of  controversy;  we  should  have  to 
forget  that  in  the  height  of  these  discussions  the  Apostle, 
far  from  breaking  with  his  brethren  at  Jerusalem,  gathers 
alms  in  every  place  for  that  very  Church;  ®  in  fine,  we  must 
regard  Saint  Luke  as  only  another  of  those  prejudiced  minds 
who  distort  their  facts  unscrupulously,  in  order  to  adapt 
them  to  their  theories.  Certainly  he  might  have  wrought 
his  history  after  this  fashion,  minimizing  the  dissensions  in 
the  Church,  or  even  coloring  them  cleverly,  so  as  to  blind 
our  eyes :  yet  there  is  nothing  of  the  kind  in  his  narrative, 
as  we  all  know.     Indeed,   on  the   contrary,    the   simplicity 

1  "Now  some  who  were  comedown  from  Judea  taught  this  doctrine 
to  the  brethren :  If  you  be  not  circumcised  according  to  the  practice  of 
Moses,  you  cannot  be  saved  "  (Acts  xv.  1). 

2  Acts  XV.  2-31.  3  Acts  xxi.  20. 

4  Acts  xxi.  21.  5  Acts  xxi.  23-26. 

6  1  Cor.  XV.  8-10 ;  2  Cor.  xi.  5 ;  xii.  11  ;  Gal.  i.  11-16,  19 ;  ii.  1-14,  etc. 


xviii  PREFACE. 

with  which  he  announces  his  intention  to  be  precise  in  all 
things  maj"  well  be  taken  as  a  guarantee  of  good  faith;  for 
to  make  claims  of  exactness,  when  relating  important  and 
imblic  facts  to  one's  contemporaries,  is  the  sharpest  spur  to 
awaken  their  attention  and  to  arouse  the  severest  criticism. 
Saint  Luke,  had  he  been  intending  to  deceive,  and  gifted 
with  sufficient  subtlety  to  succeed  in  his  designs,  would  not 
have  committed  this  imprudence.  Was  it,  indeed,  a  time 
for  such  artifices  of  language  as  those  we  excel  in  to-day? 
Throughout  the  whole  New  Testament,  Paul,  James,  Jude, 
John,  speak  without  circumlocutions  or  concealments.  It  is 
the  same  with  Saint  Luke :  the  tone  of  the  Acts  ^  discloses 
a  man  of  sincere  soul,  honest  rather  than  clever. 

Our  adversaries  are  so  well  aware  of  the  impossibility  of 
refusing  for  this  reason  all  credibility  to  the  sacred  text 
that  they  have  made  the  twofold  division  alluded  to  above; 
and  even  they  consent  to  treat  certain  of  these  latter  chap- 
ters as  ''the  only  really  historical  pages  which  we  possess, 
telling  of  the  origins  of  Christianity."^  The  only  motive 
for  this  preference,  although  none  of  them  openly  avows  it, 
is  that  miracles  abound  in  the  beginning  of  the  book,  and 
that  modern  criticism  rejects  them  on  principle.  But  such 
a  preconceived  notion  not  only  shakes  the  authority  of  the 
first  chapters,  it  ruins  the  whole  work;  for  the  narrative  of 
Saint  Paul's  missions  is  no  less  filled  with  prodigies.  Nay, 
w^e  may  ask,  Avith  this  canon  of  criticism,  what  would  become 
of  the  Apostle's  epistles,  which  some  compare  with  Saint 
Luke's  narrative  as  documents  of  superior  worth  and  less 
questionable  sincerity.  In  them  Saint  Paul  tells  the  Gala- 
tians  of  his  revelations ;  ^  to  the  Eomans  he  mentions  the 
miracles  he  has  worked  in  every  land,  from  Jerusalem  as 
far  as  lUyria;  ^  to  the  Corinthians  he  enumerates  those 
divine  signs  which  were  day  after  daj^  appearing  in  every 
Christian  community,  —  prophecies,  healings,  the  gift  of 
tongues.^  Equally  with  the  Author  of  the  Acts,  the  Apostle 
is  a  witness  to  the  marvels  of  the  new-born  Church.  If  this 
his  faith  is  no  bar  to  his  recognition  as  a  writer  of  historical 
veracity  (and  this  they  concede),  why  should  we  refuse  to 
the  disciple  what  is  granted  to  his  master? 

1  Luke  i.  3-4.  '^  Renan,  Les  Apotres,  lutroductioD,  xxvii. 

^  Gal.  i.  12 ;  ii.  2.  *  Rom.  xv.  19. 

^  1  Cor.  xii.  8-11,  28-30. 


PREFACE.  xix 

And  indeed  Saint  Paul  has  taken  pains  to  authorize  the 
work  of  his  Evangelist.'^  During  the  time  when  the  latter 
was  finishing  the  Acts,  the  Apostle  was  writing  his  letter 
to  Philemon;  in  it  he  speaks  of  Luke  by  name,  as  working 
by  his  side,  under  his  eyes.^  He  must,  then,  have  read  this 
record  of  the  origin  of  Christianity  and  approved  it.  Taking 
his  initiative,  every  tradition  has  accepted  the  work  as  an 
utterance  of  the  truth,  nay,  as  the  very  words  of  the  Apostle 
of  the  Gentiles.  ''What  Paul  gives  us  to  understand  con- 
cerning the  Twelve,"  says  Saint  Irenseus,  ''and  Luke's 
witness  thereto,  agree  at  all  points,  and,  so  to  speak,  form  but 
one  and  the  same  testimony.''  ^ 

It  would  be  easy  to  carry  this  demonstration  farther;  but 
the  arguments  enumerated  will  suffice  for  any  one  who,  with 
an  unbiassed  mind  and  in  simplicity  and  uprightness  of 
soul,  considers  them  as  a  whole.  Nor  need  we  be  surprised 
that  they  do  not  so  strike  certain  thinkers,  occupied  solely 
with  matters  of  detail,  eager  to  raise  a  cloud  of  dust  in  order 
to  obscure  the  real  points  at  issue.  In  the  realms  of  history 
there  are  prejudices  which  blind  men  as  completely  as  pas- 
sions. "  Obscuratum  est  insipiens  cor  eorum,  "*  says  the 
Apostle.  To  such  men,  rather  preoccupied  in  denying  the 
supernatural  than  in  discussing  the  authenticity  of  the  Acts, 
we  must  content  ourselves  witli  recalling  the  words  of  the 
sole  Witness  they  are  willing  to  listen  to,  when  there  is  ques- 
tion of  the  beginnings  of  Christianity,  —  the  only  one  who, 
in  their  eyes,  speaks  with  authorit3^  Paul  had  foreseen  that 
men  would  make  misuse  of  his  preachings,  as  to-day  do  our 
"doubters  of  miracles,"  ^  and  that  they  would  transform  it 
into  the  seed  of  death.  With  unselfish  compassion,  he  be- 
sought forgiveness  for  these  strivers  against  the  truth; 
but  at  the  same  time  he  foretold  to  them  the  victory  of  that 
Faith  which  they  were  to  attack  in  vain:  "Now  thanks  be 
to  the  God  Who  maketh  us  to  triumph  in  Jesus  Christ,  Who 

1  In  primitive  times  the  Third  Gospel  was  always  regarded  as  nothing 
more  than  the  preaching  of  S.  Paul  as  compiled  by  S.  Luke,  his  dis- 
ciple and  fellow-laborer  (S.  Irenaius,  Adversus  Hcereses,  iii.  1  ;  Tertullian, 
Contra  Marc,  iv.  5). 

2  Philem.  24.  "  Is  Lucas  iuseparabilis  a  Paulo,  et  cooperarius  ejus  in 
Evangelic"  (S.  Irenseus,  Adversus  Hoereses,  iii.  14,  1). 

^  "  Est  consonans   et  velut  eadem,  tam   Pauli   annuntiatio,  quam  et 
Lucas  de  Apostolis  testificatio  "  (S.  Irenseus,  Adversus  Hcereses,  iii.  13,  3). 
*  Rom.  i.  21.        ^  Pascal,  Pensees,  art.  xxv.  61,  ed.  Havet. 


XX  PREFACE. 

by  us  in  every  place  doth  shed  forth  the  knowledge  of  His 
Name  as  a  sweet  savor,  ...  an  odor  of  death  unto  some, 
unto  others  of  life  unto  life.  ...  For  we  are  not  as  many 
who  corrupt  the  word  of  God,  but  in  all  sincerity  as  from 
God,  before  God,  in  Christ  do  we  preach."  ^ 

1  2  Cor.  ii.  16,  17. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 


Page 

Introduction  by  Cardinal  Gibbons v 

Author's  Preface ix 


CHAPTER    I. 

PENTECOST. 


The  Apostles  in  the  Supper  Room.  —  Election  of  Mathias.  —  Descent  of 
the  Holy  Spirit.  —  Gift  of  Tongues.  —  Peter's  First  Discourse.  — 
Community  of  Goods.  —  Daily  Life  of  the  Disciples  at  Jerusalem      .         1 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE    APOSTLES   BEFORE    THE    SANHEDRIN. 

The  Cripple  at  the  Beautiful  Gate.  —  Peter's  Second  Discourse,  —  Peter 
and  John  before  the  Sanhedrin.  —  Unity  of  the  Faithful.  —  Barnabas. 

—  Ananias  and  Saphira.  —  Imprisonment  and  Release  of  the  Twelve. 

—  Gamaliel  undertakes  their  Defence.  —  They  are  scourged  and 
dismissed 19 

CHAPTER   III. 

THE   JEWS   OF   THE   DISPERSION, 

The  Babylonian  Captivity.  —  Jewish  Colonies  scattered  over  the  World. 

—  Their  Privileges.  —  Popular  Prejudices  aroused  by  their  Arrogance 
and  Prosperity.  —  The  Attractions  and  Power  of  the  Synagogues.  — 
Jewish  Literature  of  Alexandria.  —  Proselytes  of  Israel 38 


xxii  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

SAINT   STEPHEN. 

Page 
The  Seven  Deacons.  —  Stephen's  Manner  of  Preaching.  —  His  Discourse 

before  the  Sanhedrin.  —  His  Martyrdom 58 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE   MISSIONS  OF  THE   DEACON   PHILIP. 

I.  Simon  the  Magician. 

Philip  at  Samaria.  —  Baptism  of  the  Magician.  —  He  is  repulsed  by  Peter 

and  John.  —  His  Doctrines 77 

II.  St.  Philip  and  the  Eunuch  from  Ethiopia. 

The  Kingdom  of  Ethiopia.  —  The  Eunuch  in  Jerusalem.  —  His  Baptism 
on  the  Road  to  Gaza.  —  Philip's  Mission-work  in  the  Country  of 
the  Philistines  and  in  Sharon 90 


CHAPTER    VI. 

SAUL   OF   TARSUS. 

Saul's  Family.  —  Tarsus.  —  Corrupt  Morals  of  that  City.  —  Celebrated 
Schools.  —  Saul  goes  up  to  Jerusalem.  —  School  of  Gamaliel.  —  Saul 
the  Persecutor  of  the  Church ,     .     100 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE    CONVERSION   OF   SAINT   PAUL. 

Damascus.  —  Paul  struck  down  at  the  City  Gates.  —  He  secludes  him- 
self  in  Arabia.  —  Appearance  and  Character  of  Saul.  —  Returns  to 
Damascus,  but  is  constrained  to  flee. — Paul  and  the  Twelve  in 
Jerusalem.  —  Paul  returns  to  Tarsus 117 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   PEACE    OF   THE    CHURCH 

The  Jews  and  Caligula.  —  Peter  visits  the  Churches  of  Sharon.  —  Eneas. 

—  Tabitha.  —  The  Vision  at  Joppa.  —  Conversion  of  Cornelius    .     .     136 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS.  xxiii 

CHAPTER    IX. 

ANTIOCH. 

Page 
Peter  at  Antioch.  —  Descriptiou  of  the  City.  —  Depravity  of  Morals.  — 

Jews  of  Antioch.  —  The  Gospel  proclaimed  to  the  Gentiles.  —  Barna- 
bas and  Saul  preach  at  Antioch.  —  Believers  called  Christians      .     .     157 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE   PERSECUTIONS   UNDER   HEROD    AGRIPPA. 

Prophecy  of  Aagabus.  —  Herod  Agrippa  in  Jerusalem.  —  Martyrdom  of 
Saint  James.  —  Peter  delivered  by  the  Angel  of  the  Lord.  —  Death 
of  Agrippa.  —  The  Great  Famine.  —  The  Princes  of  Adiabene      .     .     171 


CHAPTER    XI. 

THE    DISPERSION    OF   THE   APOSTLES. 

College  of  the  Twelve.  —  Saint  James  of  Jerusalem.  —  Apostolate  of  the 

Hierarchy.  —  Ministry  of  the  Apostles 188 

CHAPTER  XII. 

SAINT  Matthew's  gospel. 

T.    The  Evangelical  Preaching. 

Oral   Tradition  the   only   Form  of  Teaching  among  the  Jews.  —  The 

Halaka  and  Hagada.  —  The  Spoken  Gospel 206 

II.     The  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew. 

Origin  of  this  Gospel.  —  Written  in  Aramean,  it  was  composed  for  the 
Benefit  of  Jerusalem  Jews.  —  Greek  Translation  of  his  Work.  — 
Gospel  of  the  Nazarenes 216 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

the    TEACHING   OF   THE    CHURCH   OF   JERUSALEM 

Gradual  Progress  of  Revelation.  —  The  Apostles'  Creed. — The  primitive 

Credo  of  Rome.  —  Origin  of  the  Formularv  of  Faith 221 


xxiv  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

SAINT   PETER   AND   THE   JEWS   OF   ROME. 

Page 
Saiut  Peter  in  Asia  Minor. —  His  Arrival  at  Rome.  —  The  Roman  Jews, 

—  Hatred    and   Calumnies    suffered  by  them, —  Their    Influence, — 

Parts  of  Rome  inhabited  by  Jews.  —  The  Roman  Synagogues      .     .     246 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE   RELIGION   OF   ROME. 

Character  of  Roman  Religion,  —  The  Gods  numbered  in  the  Indigita- 
menta.  —  Importance  of  Worship  and  Ceremonies,  —  Decline  of  Belief 
among  the  Upper  Classes.  —  Lively  Religious  Sentiments  extant  in 
the  People.  —  Attraction  felt  for  Oriental  Rites  and  Mysteries      .     .     272 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE   CONDUCT   OF   LIFE    IN   THE    TIME   OF   AUGUSTUS. 

Decadence  of  Moral  Ideas  in  the  Family,  among  Women,  and  in  Public 
Life.  —  The  Client's  mean  Condition  under  the  Empire,  —  The 
Pursuit  of  Heritages,  —  Scanty  Number  of  Virtuous  and  Noble 
Characters 291 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

THE    STOICS   OF   THE    EMPIRE. 

Zeno's  Philosophy,  —  Stoics  of  Rome  less  enlightened  than  the  Sages  of 
Greece  as  to  God,  Providence,  Immortality.  —  Their  Propagation  of 
Ideas  of  Humanity  and  Social  Equality.  —  Sterility  of  their  Doctrines     315 


CHAPTER   XVIII, 

SAINT  Peter's  ministry  in  rome. 

The  Gospel  spread  through  Rome  by  Slaves,  the  Lower  Orders,  and 
Women. — Pomponia  Grsecina.  —  Various  Places  where  Peter  abode, 
—  on  the  Aventine,  in  the  Residence  of  Pudens,  at  the  Ostrian 
Cemetery.  —  Peter  and  Simon  the  Magician    ...,.,..     335 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  XXV 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE   LEGAL   STATUS   OF   THE    CHRISTIANS. 

Pagk 
Roman  Respect  for  Foreign  Religions.  —  Customary  Tolerance  of  the 

Magistrates.  —  Christians  of  the  First  Century  enjoy  the  Franchises 
decreed  for  the  Jews. —  Early  Conversions  of  Certain  Patricians  con- 
tribute to  strengthen  their  Position.  —  Submissiveness  of  the  Church 
to  the  Laws  of  the  State 351 

CHAPTER    XX. 

THE    GOSPEL   OF   SAINT    MARK. 

Saint  Mark's  Gospel  is  only  Saint  Peter's  Preaching  to  the  Pagans  at 
Rome.  —  Peculiarities  of  this  Gospel.  —  Date  of  its  Composition.  — 
Saint  Peter  and  the  Church  of  Alexandria 36? 


EPILOGUE. 

Providential  Resources  ordered  for  the  Speedier  Diffusion  of  the  Gospel. 

—  Obstacles  which  hindered  the  Success  of  the  Apostles'  Ministry    .     382 


I.    Chronology  of  the  First  Years  of  the  Church  .     .  391 

II.    Date  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Saint  James      ....  393 

III.  Testimony  of  Saint  Iren^us  as  to  the  Date  of  the 

Composition  of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel  ....  395 

IV.  Saint  Peter  in  Rome 398 

V.    Simon  the  Magician 411 

Map  of  the  Apostolic  Missions Frontispiece 

Note  on  the  Symbolical  Design  for  Cover viii 

Map  of  Antioch  in  the  Time  of  the  Apostles      ....  157 

Map  of  Rome  in  the  Time  of  the  Apostles 246 

Index 417 


SAINT   PETER 


AND    THE 


FIKST  YEARS  OF  CHEISTIANITY. 


CHAPTEE   I. 

PENTECOST. 

Jesus  was  gone  away  from  earth.  The  Apostles,  obe- 
dient to  His  commands,  descended  the  Mount  of  Olives 
and  re-entered  the  city.  Great  was  their  emotion,  for  the 
Master  had  foretold  "  that  they  should  not  depart  from 
Jerusalem  until  His  promises  should  be  fulfilled ; "  ^  and 
the  Angels  had  said,  "This  Jesus  whom  you  have  seen 
ascending  into  the  skies  shall  return  in  like  manner  as 
you  have  seen  Him  going  up  thither." 

The  Eleven,  with  meagre  conceptions  of  what  was  to 
come,  waited  in  expectation.  What  did  He  mean  by  that 
"  gift  of  the  Father,  that  Holy  Spirit,  the  Comforter  "  ^  so 
many  times  promised  them ;  and  "  those  cups,  the  ban- 
quets, the  twelve  thrones,  and  that  kingdom,"^  which 
were  reserved  for  them,  —  what  did  it  all  portend  ?  Still 
too  earth-bound  in  their  ways  of  thinking  to  glimpse 
the  truth  underlying  such  figures,  the  Apostles  could  do 
no  more  than  by  devout  longings  hasten  the  time  when 
these  mysteries  should  be  unveiled.  It  was  a  season  of 
watching  and  of  prayer. 

1  Acts  i.  4.  2  John  xiv.  16,  2G  ;  xv.  26  ;  xvi.  7,  13,  etc. 

3  Luke  xii.  32  ;  xxii.  29-30;  Matt.  xx.  20-23. 
1 


2  SAINT  PETER. 

And  accordingly  from  that  hour  "  they  were  seen  every 
day  in  the  Temple  praising  and  blessing  God."  ^  They 
quitted  it  only  to  return  to  the  Supper  Eoom  ;  there,  gath- 
ered in  that  upper  chamber  ^  where  the  Lord  had  insti- 
tuted the  Eucharist,  they  persevered  in  prayer,  having  with 
them  both  Mary,  the  Mother  of  Jesus,  and  His  cousins.^ 
The  latter,  for  so  long  time  incredulous,  had  yielded  faith 
in  presence  of  the  wonders  of  His  Resurrection;  there- 
after they  remained  with  their  kinsmen,  James  and  Jude. 
Other  disciples  joined  the  company,  and  very  shortly  one 
hundred  and  twenty  believers  were  assembled  in  the  Sup- 
per Room,  all  so  intimately  united  that  they  greeted  each 
other  as  brethren. 

Thus  reassembled,  the  lowly  flock  gathered  about  that 
one  to  whom  it  had  been  said  :  "  Feed  My  lambs,  feed  My 
sheep."*  But  the  consciousness  of  his  fall  still  burned 
so  deep  in  Simon's  heart  that  he  durst  do  nothing ;  like 
all  the  rest,  and  as  one  of  them,  he  gazed  Heavenwards. 
God  accepted  this  self-distrust,  this  inactivity  of  the 
humble  soul ;  so  then  during  those  days  He  inspired 
Peter's  mind  with  only  the  one  design,  that  of  filling 
the  place  left  vacant  in  the  College  of  the  Twelve. 

This  mystic  number  was  for  a  figure  of  the  Twelve 
Tribes  of  Israel,  and  of  that  union  which  had  once  made 
them  invincible ;  it  reminded  them  that  no  defection  had 
reared  its  head  among  them  during  the  forty  years  in  the 
wilderness ;  that  upon  their  entering  into  the  promised 
land,  Reuben,  Gad,  and  Manasseh,  although  already  in  pos- 
session of  their  pasture-lands,  had  crossed  over  the  Jordan 

^  Luke  xxiv.  53. 

2  "Tirepc^ou,  which  the  Vulgate  translates  "coenaculum,"  is  meant  to  desig- 
nate the  upper  chamber  which  the  Jews  built  upon  the  terrace  of  their 
dwellings  and  used  for  gatherings  of  every  description.  The  Supper 
Koom  became  naturally  the  first  church  at  Jerusalem.  S.  Epiphanius 
(De  Ponderihus,  xiv.)  relates  that  Adrian,  on  his  entrance  into  the  ruined 
city,  found  this  Sanctuary  standing  alone,  like  a  hut  in  the  midst  of  a 
devastated  vineyard. 

3  Acts  i.  14.  Four  of  His  cousins,  "James,  Joses,  Jude,  and  Simon," 
are  mentioned  by  S.  Mark  (vi.  3).  Their  father  was  Alpheus,  and  their 
mother  Mary,  sister  of  the  Blessed  Virgin. 

^  John  xxi.  15-17. 


PENTECOST.  3 

and  done  battle  side  by  side  with  the  rest  as  sons  of  the 
one  same  Father.  So  likewise  on  the  eve  of  the  combats 
foretold  by  the  Lord  it  was  fitting  that  the  Apostles  should 
be  present  as  a  body  ready  to  enter  into  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven.  Therefore  Peter  rose  up  in  the  midst  of  their 
gathering. 

"  My  brethren,"  he  said,  ^  "  it  must  needs  be  that  what 
the  Holy  Spirit  has  prophesied  in  the  Scripture  by  the 
mouth  of  David  touching  Judas,  the  leader  of  those  that 
apprehended  Jesus,  should  be  accomplished.  He  was  of 
the  same  number  with  us,  and  had  been  called  to  the 
functions  of  the  same  ministry.  Now  he  has  taken  pos- 
session of  the  field,  the  price  of  his  iniquity ;  there  he 
hanged  himself,  and  falling  headlong  to  the  ground,  his 
belly  burst  asunder  in  the  midst,  and  all  his  bowels 
gushed  forth."  ^  (This  was  become  known  to  all  the  in- 
habitants of  Jerusalem,  so  that  this  same  field  was  called 
in  their  tongue  Hakeldama,  —  that  is  to  say,  The  Field 
of  Blood.  3) 

This  death  of  the  traitor  disowned  of  God  Peter  had 
seen  predicted  in  the  psalms,  for  ever  since  the  Resurrec- 
tion the  Apostles  had  had  a  clearer  comprehension  of 
these  prophetical  songs,  finding  their  Master's  Passion  all 
detailed  therein,  —  His  Soul  snatched  from  the  deep  pit, 
His  Ascension  to  the  right  hand  of  Jehovah ;  doubtless 
during  their  prayers,  in  an  ecstasy  of  longing  hope,  they 
had  often  uttered  those  invocations  in  David's  solemn 
hymn,  — 

"  The  throngs  of  the  wicked  have  besieged  Me ; 
They  have  pierced  My  feet  and  My  hands ; 
All  My  bones  I  can  number. 

1  Acts  i.  16-19. 

2  We  have  noted  elsewhere  {The  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  vol.  ii.  p.  290, 
note  4)  the  sense  in  which  we  are  to  understand  that  verse  in  the  Acts, 
"Judas  hath  possessed  the  field,  the  price  of  his  iniquity."  S.  Peter  does 
not  thereby  contradict  the  testimony  of  S.  Matthew,  according  to  which  it 
was  the  High  Priests  who  purchased  Hakeldama;  he  simply  makes  use 
of  a  figurative  expression,  "  The  corpse  of  Judas  hath  taken  possession  of 
the  field  in  recompense  for  his  crime." 

^  The  explanation  of  the  word  "  Hakeldama,"  and  probably  the  whole 
of  verse  19,  is  an  addition  of  S.  Luke's. 


4  SAINT  PETER. 

They  have  parted  My  garments  amongst  them, 

Upon  INIy  robe  they  have  east  lots. 

Do  not  thon,  then,  Jehovah,  remove  far  from  Me; 

Thou  art  My  strength,  make  haste  to  aid  Me. 

Save  my  life  from  the  sword, 

Deliver  My  Soul  from  devom^ing  dogs."  ^ 

But  the  Psalmist's  malediction  attracted  the  Apostles' 
attention  even  more  strongly  than  these  Oracles  of  God ; 
for  in  the  former  they  read  with  terror  and  awe  of  the 
fate  of  one  of  their  own  number,  Judas :  — 

"  Let  his  dwelling  be  made  desolate. 
And  his  tent  stand  alone ;  ^  .  .  . 
He  hath  loved  cursing  :  let  him  be  accursed ! 
Let  it  envelop  him  even  as  a  garment ! 
Let  it  penetrate  like  water  into  his  bowels, 
Like  oil  to  the  marrow  of  his  bones  ! 
May  it  be  like  the  mantle  which  covers  him, 
Like  the  girdle  which  encircleth  his  loins !  " 

From  among  these  imprecations  Peter  had  noted  par- 
ticularly the  following  prophecy,  — 

"  May  his  days  be  shortened, 
And  let  another  possess  his  charge  !  "  ^ 

"  Brethren,"  he  continued,  "  from  among  those  who  have 
been  in  our  company  all  the  time  that  the  Lord  Jesus 
dwelt  in  our  midst,  beginning  from  the  baptism  of  John 
until  the  day  when  He  left  us  to  return  to  Heaven,  one 
must  needs  be  chosen  who  may  be  with  us  a  Witness  of 
Ttis  Resurrection." 

Indeed,  had  not  the  Master  said,  "  You  shall  bear  testi- 
mony of  Me,  you  who  have  been  with  Me  since  the  be- 
ginning "  ?  ^  But  few  of  the  disciples  had  followed  Jesus 
since  the  beginning  of  His  public  life ;  the  little  gather- 
ing contained  only  two,  Mathias  and  Joseph,  son  of  Sabas 
(Bar-Sabas),  surnamed  The  Just,  on  account  of  his  holi- 
ness of  life.     The  virtue  of  Mathias,  of  no  less  lofty  a 

1  Ps.  xxii.  16-20,  according  to  the  Hebrew  Bible 

2  Acts  i.  20;  Ps  Ixix.  26,  accordiug  to  tbe  Hebrew. 

3  Ps.  cix.  according  to  the  Hebrew. 
•1  John  XV.  27. 


PENTECOST.  5 

character,  rendered  a  choice  between  them  difficult ;  the 
Apostle  had  recourse  to  an  ancient  usage  in  Israel,  and 
left  it  for  the  lots  to  decide  this  election. 

The  Supper  Room  was  hushed  in  prayer. 

''  Lord,"  ^  they  cried,  "  Thou  Who  knowest  the  hearts  of 
men,  show  unto  us  whether  of  these  two  Thou  hast  chosen, 
that  so  he  may  enter  into  this  Ministry  and  into  this  Apos- 
tleship,^  from  which  Judas  hath  fallen  by  his  crime,  that 
he  might  go  unto  his  own  place."  ^ 

Then  in  the  folds  of  a  mantle  the  two  names,  written 
upon  tablets,  were  shaken  together.  The  first  to  fall  out 
was  that  of  Mathias,  and  he  was  made  an  associate  of 
the  Eleven  Apostles.'^ 

This  manner  of  election  shows  how  completely  the 
Apostles  confided  in  the  divine  assistance.^  They  knew 
that  the  Lord  would  manifest  Himself  shortly,  and  in 
this  trust  they  abandoned  themselves  to  Him.  These 
were  the  feelings  which  animated  the  holy  women  as 
well,  they  who  had  been  first  at  the  Sepulchre  and  the 
Resurrection.  The  Apostles  left  them  their  place  in  the 
midst,  which  they  had  occupied  during  the  Saviour's  life, 
without  any  pretence  of  keeping  them  in  a  place  apart, 

^  ^v,  Kvpie  This  prayer  is  probably  addressed,  not  to  the  Heavenly 
Father,  but  to  Jesus,  who  had  Himself  chosen  His  Apostles:  "Ego  elegi 
vos,"  John  XV.  16  Indeed,  after  the  l^esurrection  we  find  that  the  Apos- 
tles worshipped  Him  and  implored  His  aid  (Luke  xxiv.  52). 

'^  Aiaicoulw;  is  used  to  designate  the  active  work  of  the  ministry; 
cLTToo-ToAris,  the  dignity  of  the  Apostolate., 

3  Thu  roTTou  rhp  thiou.  Judas  deserted  the  post  which  was  assigned  him 
among  us  to  go  into  his  place,  the  place  of  torments  Lightfoot  {Horce 
Hebraicce,  in  loco)  cites  this  passage  from  the  Baal  Turim  on  Numbers: 
"Balaam  ivit  in  locum  suum,  id  est  Gehennam.'' 

4  Lil<e  S-  Mathias,  Joseph  Barsabas  was  probably  one  of  the  seventy 
disciples  (Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastira,  i  12).  Far  from  feeling 
wounded  because  he  was  not  chosen,  his  humble  virtue  attained  that 
state  of  innocence  predicted  by  S.  Mark  (xvi.  18),  wherein  no  evil  could 
harm  him.  According  to  a  tale  recorded  by  Papias,  after  drinking  poison 
on  one  occasion,  he  received  no  injury  (Patro/ogie  grecque,  t  V.  p.  1255) 
The  Martyrologies  of  Usuard  and  Addon  set  down  his  feast-day  for  the 
20th  of  July,  and  add  that  while  busied  in  the  ministry  of  preachilig,  he 
suffered  many  things  from  the  Jews  and  had  a  victorious  end ;  that  is  to 
say,  he  died  a  Martyr. 

^  "  Electi  sunt  duo  judicio  humano,  et  electus  de  duobus  unns  judicio 
divino  "  (S.  Augustine,  Enarratlo  in  Psalm.  XXX.,  Serm.  ii.  13). 


6  SAINT  PETER. 

as  the  Jews  were  wont  to  do  in  the  Temple  and  the  syna- 
gogues. They  prayed  with  them  in  common,  and  "  in 
union  with  Mary,  the  Mother  of  Jesus."  ^  From  the  early 
dawn  of  Christianity  the  Virgin's  prayer  was  what  it  is 
for  us  to-day,  —  a  mother's  help,  the  pure  incense  of  Love 
which  penetrates  our  hearts  and  sweetly  disposes  them 
for  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Lively  as  were  their  holy  hopes,  nothing  of  all  this  had 
become  known  in  the  world  outside.  The  little  band 
gathered  in  the  Supper-room  was  of  too  obscure  a  char- 
acter to  attract  attention  ;  as  for  the  Galilean,  the  rumors 
of  His  Eesurrection  were  gradually  dying  away.  With 
good  reason  the  Sanhedrin  people  could  congratulate 
themselves  on  having  immolated  this  teacher  of  new 
doctrines.  With  Him  so  satisfactorily  disposed  of,  there 
was  no  cause  for  any  anxiety  lest  their  Pentecost  should 
be  disturbed  as  the  Pasch  had  been. 

The  fifty  days  which  separate  these  two  feasts  make 
the  time  of  harvesting  for  Judsea.  It  begins  with  April 
in  the  warmer  valleys ;  thence  came  the  sheaves  of  bar- 
ley offered  as  first-fruits  on  the  second  day  of  the  Pasch.^ 
Two  months  later,  the  sickle  is  put  to  the  last  ears  of 
wheat ;  this  end  of  their  labors  was  consecrated  by  the 
Feast  of  the  Fiftieth  Day,  —  the  Pentecost.  The  ritual 
proper  of  the  solemnity  consisted  in  presenting  to  the 
Lord  two  loaves  from  the  fruits  of  the  new  harvest,^  to 
which  was  added  a  holocaust  and  burnt  offerings  of  peace 
and  of  expiation.^  At  sunrise  the  victims  and  the  loaves 
of  bread  were  scattered  by  the  priests  towards  the  four 
winds  of  heaven ;  then  above  and  below,  in  order  so  to 
consecrate  them  to  the  Eternal  who  directs  the  winds, 
and  has  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth.     During  this 

1  Acts  i.  14. 

2  This  second  day  of  the  Passover  was  the  sixteenth  of  the  moon. 
Starting  from  this  point,  forty-nine  days  must  needs  elapse,  and  the  fif- 
tieth was  the  great  solemnity  called  by  Moses  "  The  Feast  of  the  Weeks  " 
(Exod.  xxxiv.  22  ;  Deut.  xvi.  10,  16),  and  later  on  designated  by  the  Greek 
name  nevTTjKoaTn,  "  Fiftieth"  :  Pentecost. 

3  Lev.  xxiii.  16  ;  Num.  xxviii.  26 ;  Deut.  xvi.  10. 
*  Lev.  xxiii.  18-20;  Num  xxviii.  27. 


PENTECOST.  7 

oblation  the  Levites  chanted  the  Great  Hallel,  the  people 
mingling  their  voices  with  the  harmony  of  the  musicians. 
Originally  this  thanksgiving  after  the  harvest  home  was 
the  only  object  the  Jews  recognized  as  proposed  by  this 
festival ;  later  on,  however,  they  made  it  also  a  time  for 
thanking  God  for  the  Law  which  had  been  given  to  Moses 
on  this  very  day,  according  to  a  tradition  common  in  the 
time  of  the  Christ.^  This  second  meaning  of  the  feast 
recommended  it  to  the  Saviour's  choice  as  a  fitting  season 
for  the  fulfilment  of  His  promises  and  the  promulgation 
of  the  New  Law. 

In  accordance  with  custom,  the  disciples  shut  them- 
selves up  in  the  Supper  Room,  and  there  kept  the  holy 
watching  which  has  remained  down  to  our  day  in  the 
traditions  of  Jewry.  "  When  God  wished  to  reveal  the 
Law,"  so  say  the  Rabbins,  "  He  was  obliged  to  wake  His 
people  from  sleep ;  that  we  may  escape  this  sinful  tor- 
pidity, we  keep  watch  the  whole  night."  ^  Gathering  in 
the  synagogues  or  private  houses,  the  sons  of  Israel 
chanted  the  holy  books  which  their  descendants  still  re- 
cite to-day,  —  the  Song  of  Songs,  wherein  is  sung  Jeho- 
vah's love  for  His  people ;  the  Law,  sweeter  than  honey 
on  the  lips  of  the  spouse ;  and  the  Story  of  Ruth,  which 
describes  the  toils  of  the  harvest.  These  present  goods 
were  not  allowed  to  efface  from  memory  the  terrors  of 
Sinai ;  for  besides  the  Canticles  and  Ruth,  they  repeated 
at  the  same  time  Habakuk's  prayer:^  — 

"  Eloah  Cometh  from  Theman,  and  The  Holy  from 
Mount  Paran.^  .  .  .  He  halteth  and  maketh  the  earth 
to  quake ;  at  His  glance  the  peoples  tremble,  the  eternal 

1  Schoettgen,  HorcB  Hebraicce,  on  Acts  ii.  1 ;  S.  Jerome,  Epistola  ad 
Fabiam,  mansio  xii. ;  S.  Augustine,  Contra  Faustum,  xxxii.  12. 

2  Kitto's  Cj/rlopcedia :  Pentecost,  3,  c. 

3  Such  is  still  the  order  of  reading  in  the  synagogues. 

^  Theman,  the  southerly  region  of  the  land  of  Edom,  here  designates 
the  whole  of  Idumea;  Paran,  the  mountains  of  Arabia  Petraea,  Avhose 
central  point  is  Sinai.  Habakuk  has  drawn  his  inspiration  from  a  passage 
in  Deuteronomy,  where  Moses  refers  to  Idumea,  not  as  Theman,  but  Seir : 
"The  Eternal  hath  come  from  Sinai  and  risen  for  their  sake  from  Seir; 
He  hath  shone  on  high  from  the  Mountain  of  Paran.  .  .  .  From  His 
right  hand  hath  come  forth  for  them  a  Law  of  fire  "  (Deut.  xxxiii.  2). 


8  SAINT  PETER. 

hills  are  nought.  .  .  .  The  deep  lifteth  its  voice ;  it  lift- 
eth  its  hands  towards  heaven.  The  sun,  the  moon,  flee 
away  at  the  glare  of  Thy  darts,  at  the  dazzling  gleam  of 
Thy  sword.  In  Thy  anger  Thou  tramplest  the  earth ;  in 
Thy  fury  Thou  tramplest  on  the  nations  ;  Thou  comest 
forth  to  save  Thy  people  and  to  save  Thy  Christ."  ^ 

What  was  this  coming  of  the  Lord,  a  subject  so  fraught 
with  fear  and  hope  ?  Another  seer,  Joel,  had  announced 
it,  and  whether  it  was  Jewish  usage  to  connect  his  proph- 
ecy with  that  of  Habakuk,  or  whether  the  Apostles  were 
inspired  by  Heaven  so  to  do,  these  were  the  oracles  .re- 
cited by  them  during  their  night-watch ;  for  with  the 
morning  we  see  how  Peter's  mind  is  still  charged  with 
the  prophet's  thought.^  These  words  especially  remained 
graven  upon  his  memory :  "  I  will  pour  forth  My  Spirit 
upon  all  flesh.  Your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall 
prophesy ;  your  old  men  shall  dream  dreams,  and  your 
young  men  shall  see  visions ;  and  upon  your  slaves  also, 
and  upon  your  handmaidens,  will  I  pour  out  My  Spirit  in 
that  day.  I  will  cause  wonders  to  appear  in  the  heavens 
and  upon  the  earth  beneath,  blood  and  fire,  and  clouds 
of  smoke.  The  sun  shall  be  turned  into  darkness,  and 
the  moon  into  blood,  before  the  Day  of  Jehovah  is  made 
manifest,  —  the  great  and  terrible  day.  What  time  who- 
soever shall  call  upon  the  Name  of  Jehovah  shall  be 
saved."  ^  The  two  advents  of  the  Christ  were  blended 
together  in  this  prophecy,  —  one  most  terrible,  to  come  at 
the  end  of  time ;  the  other,  full  of  mercy  and  of  grace, 
whereof  the  hour  was  fast  approaching. 

The  morning  light  was  upon  them,  and  while  the  offer- 
ings of  the  first-fruits  of  the  harvest  were  already  begun 
upon  the  Mount  of  the  Temple,  the  disciples  and  the  holy 
women  still  waited  in  the  Supper  Eoom  rapt  in  prayer. 
"  Of  a  sudden  there  was  heard  a  great  noise,  as  of  a 
mighty  wind  which  came  from  heaven  and  filled  tlie 
whole  house  where  they  were  sitting;  and  they  saw  at 
the  same  time,  as  it  were,  tongues  of  fire  which  parted 

1  Habak.  iii.  3-13.  2  Acts  ii.  16-21.  »  Joel  ii.  28-32. 


PENTECOST.  9 

and  rested  over  above  each  one  of  them."  ^  More  sud- 
denly than  these  flaming  orbs,  the  Holy  Spirit  filled  the 
Apostles  and  transformed  them.  Ignorant  hitherto,  all  ab- 
sorbed in  their  earth-bound  longings,  incapable  of  grasp- 
ing higher  truths,  and  so  carnal-minded  that  Jesus,  when 
about  to  go  away  from  them  into  Heaven,  once  more  re- 
buked them  for  the  hardness  of  their  hearts,  in  an  instant 
these  common  men  were  seen  to  be  lifted  above  their  old 
selves,  remembering  and  understanding  the  teachings  of 
their  Master.  The  Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  indeed 
what  John  the  Baptist  had  foretold,  —  "a  Baptism  of 
Fire,"  ^  consuming  in  them  all  that  was  impure,  enkindling 
their  hearts  with  such  zeal  that  they  were  ready  from  that 
moment  to  dare  all  things  for  Him  Whom  they  had  so 
miserably  abandoned.  And  for  that  hour,  thus  invested 
with  the  rays  of  the  Godhead,  penetrated  and  thrilling 
with  His  presence,  one  and  all  felt  as  if  lost  in  a  glorious 
flood  of  light  and  love ;  flowing  over  them  and  sweeping 
into  the  inmost  recesses  of  their  souls,  God's  Spirit  took 
possession  of  their  faculties,  even  making  them  His 
mouthpiece,  insomuch  that  each  one  there  "  began  to 
utter  speech  in  divers  tongues  according  as  the  Holy 
Spirit  put  words  into  their  mouths." 

Transports  of  feeling  so  mighty  as  theirs,  the  sound  of 
women's  voices  lifted  high  in  an  ecstasy  of  joy,  were  enough 
to  arouse  the  attention  of  the  Jews,  who  were  passing  in 
either  direction  outside  the  Supper  Eoom.  They  were  not 
less  numerous  at  Pentecost  than  upon  the  day  of  the 
Pasch,  for  besides  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  who  came 
up  again  to  Jerusalem  for  this  time,  great  numbers  of 
strangers  made  it  a  religious  duty  not  to  take  their  de- 
parture until  after  having  celebrated  the  second  feast-day 
of  Israel.  The  city  was  therefore  full  "of  pious  and 
God-fearing  Jews  from  every  nation  under  heaven."^ 
These  sons  of  Abraham  had  no  bond  of  union  besides  a 
community  of  faith  and  hopes ;  the  majority,  indeed,  not 
knowing  Hebrew,  spoke  only  the  language  of  the  land 

1  Acts  ii.  2-3.  2  Matt.  iii.  1 ;  Acts  i.  5.  ^  Acts  ii.  5. 


10  SAINT  PETER. 

they  lived  in.  Now,  among  those  who  were  encamped  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Supper  Eoom,  or  who  were  pass- 
ing by  at  this  time,  there  were  people  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  —  "  Parthians,  Medes,  Elamites,  dwellers  in 
Mesopotamia,  from  the  distant  provinces  of  Judsea,  from 
Cappadocia,  Pontus,  Asia,  from  Phrygia  and  Pamphylia, 
from  Egypt,  and  from  the  parts  of  Lybia  about  Cyrene ; 
many  were  from  Eome,  Jews  by  race  and  proselytes  as 
well ;  others  were  from  Crete  or  from  Arabia."  ^ 

These  strangers,  attracted  by  the  sounds  which  they 
heard,  climbed  the  outside  staircase  which  led  to  the 
upper  chamber ;  there  they  beheld  the  Apostles  possessed 
by  the  power  of  God,  burning  with  the  fiery  breath  of 
His  Spirit,  in  an  ecstasy  exalting  the  wonders  of  the 
Lord.  With  the  Hymns  of  Israel,  chanted  in  all  the 
majesty  of  the  Hebrew  tongue,  were  mingled,  according 
to  the  divine  inspiration,  words  borrowed  from  various 
idioms ;  and  yet,  however  obscure  in  themselves  these 
overflowings  of  supernal  rapture  may  have  been,  every 
one  who  entered  there  understood  clearly  what  was  said, 
each  in  his  own  tongue.  Affrighted  by  this  prodigy, 
they  whispered  among  themselves :  "  Are  not  all  these 
people  who  are  speaking,  Galileans  ?  Then  how  is  it  we 
hear  them  speaking  the  language  of  our  own  land  ? " 

Others  followed  in  their  turn ;  and  as  the  miracle  was 
equally  manifest  to  them,  they  too  were  filled  with  won- 
der and  delight. 

"  What  does  this  mean  ?  "  ^  they  exclaimed  to  each  other. 

The  audience,  growing  larger  every  moment,  did  not  at 
first  interrupt  the  disciples  in  their  thanksgiving.  But 
very  soon  their  number  was  increased  by  other  Jews  who 
were  not  in  sympathy  with  the  simple  and  respectful 
piety  of  the  first  comers ;  at  sight  of  these  men  beside 
themselves  with  holy  emotions,  they  soon  began  to  laugh 
and  sneer. 

"  These  people  are  drunk,"  they  said  ;  "  they  're  full  of 
sweet  wine."  ^ 

1  Acts  ii.  9,  11.  2  Acts  ii.  12. 

3  r\€VKovs :  sweet  wine,  not  new ;   perhaps  the  wine  made  from  the 


PENTECOST.  11 

This  slur  startled  Peter  from  his  ecstasy;  it  was  his 
place  to  act  now  in  the  name  of  the  brethren,  and  to 
avenge  God's  Spirit  insulted  in  their  person.  He  rose  up, 
surrounded  by  the  Twelve,  and  stood  forth  upon  the 
threshold  of  the  Supper  Eoom. 

"  Oh,  Jews,"  he  began,  "  and  all  you  who  dwell  in  Jeru- 
salem, pay  heed  to  what  I  am  about  to  say,  and  attend 
well  to  my  words.  These  men  are  not  drunk,  as  you 
think,  seeing  it  is  but  the  third  hour  of  the  day.^  But 
this  is  that  which  was  spoken  of  by  the  Prophet  Joel : 
'  In  the  last  days  I  will  pour  forth  My  Spirit  upon  all 
flesh :  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall  prophesy ; 
your  young  men  shall  see  visions,  and  your  old  men  shall 
dream  dreams.' " 

Peter  went  on  to  recall  the  sequel  of  this  prediction : 
the  Messiah's  coming  to  be  marked  by  a  new  overflow  of 
the  Holy  Spirit ;  His  return  in  the  hour  of  Judgment  ac- 
companied by  awful  wonders,  the  heavens  tottering,  the 
sun  wrapped  in  darkness,  the  moon  changed  to  blood.  In 
the  eyes  of  the  Apostles,  as  in  the  Prophet's  thought,  these 
two  events  so  eclipse  all  the  rest  of  the  history  of  man 
that  the  interval  between  is  lost  sight  of ;  the  Christ  made 
flesh,  Christ  judging  all  flesh :  of  what  importance  are 
the  evolutions  of  earthly  empires  when  considered  in  the 
light  of  these  great  doings  of  God  ? 

"  Ye  Israelites,"  he  continued,  "  hear  these  words. 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  was  a  Man  approved  of  God  by  the 
wonders,  the  prodigies,  and  the  miracles  which  God  hath 
given  Him  to  do  in  the  midst  of  you.  This  you  know, 
and  nevertheless,  when,  by  a  determinate  counsel  and 
foreknowledge  from  on  High,  He  was  delivered  into  your 
hands,  taking  Him,  you  crucified  Him  and  put  Him  to 
death  by  the  hands  of  wicked  men.     But  Him  God  hath 

small  sweet  grape  called  by  Jewish  interpreters  \>')P.  Gen.  xlix.  1 1  ; 
Is.  V.  2  ;  Jer.  ii.  21.  According  to  Suidas,  it  is  the  first  juice  which  comes 
from  the  press  before  it  is  trampled. 

^  "Clpa  TpiTT) :  the  first  hour  of  prayer  (nine  o'clock  in  the  morning), 
before  which  no  Jew  ate  or  drank  :  "Non  licet  homini  gustare  quidquam 
antequam  oraverit  orationem  suam  "  {Berachoth,  f.  28,  2). 


12  SAINT  PETER. 

raised  up,  snatching  Him  from  the  travailings  ^  of  Death 
which  could  have  no  power  over  Him." 

This  is  what  David  had  prophesied  when  he  said 
to  the  Lord :  "  Thou  wilt  not  leave  My  Soul  in  the 
tomb,  neither  wilt  Thou  suffer  Thy  Holy  One  to  see 
corruption."  ^ 

This  tomb  of  their  great  king,  which  still  stands  to- 
day upon  Mount  Sion,  close  beside  the  Supper  Room,''^ 
was  in  sight  of  all,  and  Peter  could  by  a  gesture  call  the 
Jews'  attention  to  it,  as  he  went  on,  — 

"  My  brethren,  let  me  speak  boldly  to  you  of  the 
Patriarch  David,  that  he  died,  that  he  is  buried,  and 
that  his  sepulchre  is  with  us  to  this  present  day.  But 
whereas  he  was  a  Prophet,  and  knew  that  God  had  prom- 
ised him  with  an  oath  to  bring  forth  from  his  seed  a  Son 
Who  should  sit  upon  his  throne,  —  in  this  knowledge  of 
the  future  he  has  spoken  of  the  Eesurrection  of  the 
Christ,  saying  that  He  has  not  been  left  in  the  tomb, 
and  that  His  flesh  has  not  suffered  corruption.  This  is 
that  Jesus  Whom  God  hath  raised  up,  whereof  we  all  are 
witnesses.  Raised  up  by  the  power  of  God,  having  re- 
ceived the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  which  the  Father 
had  made  Him,  that  He  would  send  forth  the  Holy 
Ghost,  He  hath  here  poured  it  forth,  as  you  now  see  and 
hear.  Now,  David  is  not  ascended  into  heaven,  for  he 
says  himself,  — 

"  Jehovah  said  unto  my  Lord, 
Sit  Thou  at  My  right  hand 
Until  I  subdue  Mine  enemies 

Even  as  a  footstool  unto  Thy  feet.* 

1  Avcras  ras  whlvas  rov  OavaTov.  S.  Peter  undoubtedly  made  use  of  the 
Hebrew  word  'S^H  (Ps.  xvii.  5)  :  "the  bonds  "  wherewith  Death  held  the 
Lord  captive  ,  in  rendering  this  passage,  S.  Luke  has  adopted  the  version 
of  the  Septuagint,  which  here  translates  '^^n  by  u}b7vas,  "the  ])angs  of 
childbirth."  2  Ps.  xv.  10.    '  ' 

3  We  read  in  the  Third  Book  of  the  Kings  (ii.  10),  that  David  was 
interred  in  the  fortress  of  Sion.  This  tomb  had  been  opened  by  the  High 
Priest  Hyrcanus,  and  later  on  by  Herod,  who  seized  the  treasures  it  con- 
tained (Josephus,  Antiquitates,  vi.  15,  3).  It  had  fallen  into  ruins  at  the 
time  of  Adrian  (Dion  Cassius,  Ixix.  14);  but  S.  Jerome  found  it  restored 
{Ep.  xlvi.  [xvii.]  ad  Marcellam,  12).  *  Ps.  cix.  1. 


PENTECOST.  13 

Let  all  the  House  of  Israel  know  most  certainly  that 
God  hath  made  Lord  and  Messiah  this  same  Jesus  Whom 
you  have  crucified." 

These  words  touched  his  hearers,  who  for  the  most 
part  had  seen  Jesus,  while  very  many  among  them  did 
in  secret  detest  the  crime  of  the  Sanhedrin  party. 

"  Men,  brethren,"  they  said  to  Peter  and  to  the  rest, 
"  what  must  we  do  ?  " 

"  Do  penance,"  Peter  replied,  "  and  be  baptized,  each 
one  of  you,  in  the  Name  of  the  Christ  Jesus,  to  obtain 
remission  of  your  sins ;  and  you  shall  receive  the  gift  of 
the  Holy  Ghost."  Then  he  explained  how  the  Lord, 
before  going  up  into  the  skies,  had  promised  that  they 
should  receive  the  power  of  the  Spirit  from  the  Father ; 
this  promise  had  just  been  accomplished  in  the  person  of 
the  disciples  gathered  there  in  the  Supper  Eoom,  but  it 
belonged  likewise  both  to  the  Jews  now  present  and  to 
"  all  that  are  far  off,  as  many  as  the  Lord  our  God  shall 
call."  By  this  the  Apostle  alluded,  not  to  the  sons  of 
Israel  scattered  afar,  but  the  Gentiles  who,  according  to 
Judaic  prepossessions,  were  destined  eventually  to  become 
sons  of  Abraham,  and  thus  find  their  chance  of  salvation 
in  the  Law.  From  this  point  of  view,  Peter's  teaching 
contained  nothing  which  could  shock  his  hearers,  for, 
like  them,  he  still  believed  that  every  Pagan,  if  he  would 
become  a  disciple  of  the  Master,  must  first  of  all  practise 
the  external  forms  of  Judaism. 

Brilliant  as  was  the  light  which  had  encircled  the 
Supper  Room,  it  had  not  as  yet  illumined  all  the 
mysteries  of  Faith ;  the  mists  lingered  here  and  there, 
though  soon  to  be  cleared  away,  little  by  little,  by  the 
breath  of  the  Divine  Spirit.  But  these  last  shadows  in 
no  way  obscured  the  preaching  of  the  Apostle ;  simple, 
burning  with  great  faith,  it  was  enough  to  set  their  hearts 
aflame,  recalling  the  loving-kindnesses  and  the  wondrous 
deeds  of  the  Master.  In  this  spirit  he  ended  his  exhor- 
tation to  the  Jews  who  stood  before  him.  "  Save  your- 
selves from  this  perverse  generation,"  he  said ;  thus 
branding    the    hypocritical  righteousness  of    Israel,   de- 


14  SAINT  PETER 

nianding  of  all  a  change  of  heart  and  the  reception  by 
baptism  of  that  new  life  which  Jesus  had  come  to  proffer 
to  the  world.  The  majority  of  his  listeners  received 
Peter's  words ;  about  three  thousand  persons  were  bap- 
tized upon  the  spot,  and  joined  the  number  of  these 
disciples  of  the  Christ.  Among  them  were  included  many 
strangers,  who,  on  their  return  home  after  the  Feast,  car- 
ried afar  the  seeds  of  Christianity ;  but  a  saintly  company 
still  remained  in  Jerusalem,  all  the  closer  bound  together 
because  they  were  so  few  in  numbers. 

Day  by  day  the  Apostles  continued  to  instruct  them, 
ever  repeating  the  divine  teaching  thus  kindled  anew  in 
their  memories  by  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"  Blessed  are  the  poor,  for  theirs  is  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven !  .  .  .  You  cannot  serve  God  and  riches  ;  be  not 
troubled,  therefore,  as  to  what  you  shall  eat  or  what  you 
shall  drink,  for  they  are  Pagans  who  seek  such  things, 
and  your  Father  knows  that  you  have  need  of  them.  And 
for  this  reason  seek  first  the  Kinc^dom  of  God  and  His 
righteousness,  and  all  the  rest  shall  be  given  unto  you, 
added  to  them."  ^  But  even  more  than  this  trustfulness 
in  our  heavenly  Father,  the  duty  of  brotherly  charity  was 
inculcated  by  their  preaching ;  for  this  indeed  was  their 
Master's  own  commandment,  the  oftenest  repeated,  the 
one  of  which  He  had  said  :  "  By  this  shall  all  men  know 
that  you  are  my  disciples,  if  you  have  love  one  for 
another."  ^  In  the  exaltation  of  new-born  faith,  all 
worldly  prudence  was  despised,  all  examination  of  the 
past,  all  considerations  for  the  future,  discarded ;  these 
ardent  souls  dreamed  of  nothing  less  than  to  lose  their 
own  identity  in  that  unity  of  the  brethren  which  the 
Saviour  had  demanded  of  them  before  His  death.  "  May 
they  all  be  one,  as  Thou,  Father,  in  Me,  and  I  in  Thee, 
that  they  may  be  likewise  one  in  Us,  in  order  that  the 
world  may  believe  that  Thou  hast  sent  Me."  ^ 

This  holy  enthusiasm  did  not  continue  without  practi- 
cal consequences.   "  All  those  that  believed  lived  together, 

1  Matt.  V.  3  ;  vi.  24-34;  Luke  xii.  29-31. 

2  John  xiii.  35.  ^  John  xvii.  21. 


PENTECOST.  15 

and  everything  they  possessed  was  common  among  them. 
They  sold  their  lands  and  their  goods,^  and  distributed 
among  them  all  according  as  each  one  had  need."  ^ 
Strange  as  it  may  seem,  in  contrast  with  our  customs, 
there  was  nothing  about  this  community  of  goods  which 
would  be  apt  to  amaze  Jerusalem,  for  the  priests  who 
came  from  a  distance  to  perform  their  ofhces  in  the 
Temple  were  accustomed  to  live  in  common,  after  much 
the  same  fashion ;  taking  example  from  them,  the  Phari- 
see-scribes had  established  societies  in  which  the  mem- 
bers gathered  together  every  day  for  repasts  sanctified 
by  religious  rites  :  there  were  the  numerous  ablutions, 
dishes  scrupulously  preserved  from  any  uncleanness ;  the 
table  was  blessed,  while  sweet  spices  burned  in  the 
presence  of  the  guests,  to  remind  them  of  the  incense  of 
their  altars.  The  Essenes  went  still  farther ;  among 
them  there  was  no  distinction  in  property,  —  the  same 
dwelling,  the  same  table  where  they  sat  in  silence,  the 
same  wardrobe  furnishing '  to  each  the  white  habit  by 
which  this  sect  was  known.  Hence  the  common  life  of 
the  disciples  had  nothing  singular  about  it  for  the  multi- 
tude, and  attracted  no  more  attention  than  the  opening  of 
some  new  synagogue  in  tlie  town. 

So  far  as  concerns  their  outward  conduct  of  life,  there 
was  nothing  to  distinguish  them  from  other  devout 
Israelites.  We  find  in  the  Talmud  and  contemporary 
authors  an  account  of  what  were  then  the  customs  of 
Jews  commended  for  their  virtuous  life.  These  differ 
so  widely  from  the  practices  which  go  to  make  up  the 
duties  of  a  Christian's  day  in  this  age  that  we  must  try 
to  form  some  notion  of  them,  in  order  to  conceive  any  cor- 
rect notions  of  the  early  manners  of  the  Church. 

1  Acts  ii.  44,  45.     Kr^/iara,  lands;  virdp^eis,  other  sources  of  wealth. 

2  This  community  of  goods  was  never  made  obligatory  as  a  law  (Acts 
V.  4),  and  it  existed  in  Jerusalem  alone;  in  the  other  Churches,  on  the 
contrary,  from  the  time  of  the  Apostles  we  find  both  rich  and  poor  (1  Tim. 
vi.  17  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  2).  It  may  have  been  owing  to  the  strictness  with 
which  they  accomplished  this  act  of  renunciation  that  we  find  that  state 
of  poverty  which  always  prevailed  among  the  Christians  of  the  Holy  City, 
and  which  obliged  S.  Paul  to  solicit  charity  from  the  other  Churches  on 
their  behalf  (Rom.  xv.  25,  26  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  13  ;  2  Cor.  viii.,  ix.,  etc.). 


16  SAINT  PETER. 

Upon  awakening,  the  first  duty  of  every  Israelite  was 
to  praise  God,  and  then  wash  his  face  and  hands  ;  for 
sleep,  the  image  of  death,  defiled  a  man  as  much  as  does 
the  tomb.  The  dawn  found  him  in  the  Temple  waiting 
the  moment  when  the  watchmen  stationed  upon  the  roofs 
of  the  Sanctuary  should  catch  the  white  light  flushing 
the  hills  of  Hebron,  whereupon  their  cry  resounded 
over  all,  — 

"Priests,  begin  your  ministry  !  Levites,  fulfil  your 
functions  !     Israelites,  to  your  places  !  " 

Crowded  in  the  Jews'  Porches,  all  united  in  the 
morning  sacrifice,  following  its  every  detail :  first  the 
lamb  slain,  its  blood  sprinkled  upon  the  corners  of 
the  altar ;  then  incense  burned  in  the  Holy  Place ; 
afterwards  the  victim  was  consumed,  amid  various  offer- 
ings and  libations.  It  was  just  as  the  sun  was  rising : 
nine  times  the  trumpets  pealed  forth  over  the  terraces  of 
the  Temple,  and  the  priests  repeated  that  ancient  benedic- 
tion given  to  Israel,  — 

"  May  the  Lord  bless  and  keep  you !  May  the  Lord 
show  His  countenance  unto  you  and  have  pity  on  you ! 
May  the  Lord  incline  Himself  unto  you  and  give  you 
peace  ! " 

With  these  first  hours  of  the  day  hallowed  by  religion, 
the  public  life  commenced,  —  a  serious  and  laborious 
life,  its  features  visible  to  all,  since  it  was  carried  on  in 
the  open  doorways  of  houses  and  in  the  public  streets, 
just  as  we  find  it  still  among  the  bazaars  in  the  East. 
Narrow,  winding  streets  lined  with  open  shops  ;  in  these 
dark  recesses  the  workman  squats,  with  the  wares  he  has 
for  sale  displayed  about  him^  —  here,  a  heap  of  fruit  or 
grain  ;  there,  precious  cloths,  brilliant  garments,  handi- 
work in  iron  or  in  bronze ;  farther  on,  there  are  glittering 
jewels,  costly  perfumes  and  oils.  In  that  network  of 
tortuous  streets  an  hundred  various  arts  were  exercised 
before  the  eyes  of  every  passer-by :  such  has  always  been 
the  general  aspect  of  Oriental  cities,  such  was  Jerusalem 
in  those  days.  The  different  trades,  then  as  now,  were 
collected  in  bodies,  each  in  its  own  locality ;  indeed,  Jeremy 


PENTECOST.  17 

mentions  the  street  of  the  bakers,  Josephus  speaks  of  the 
clothing  market,  another  for  linen  goods,  and  one  for 
metal  ware.^ 

In  the  shops  of  these  artisans  we  should  have  found 
the  first  Christians,  and  that  without  any  preference  for 
any  particular  kind  of  work ;  for  while  the  Eabbis  of 
Israel  shunned  trades  which  were  liable  to  contact  with 
what  was  legally  impure,  ^  the  Holy  Spirit  recognized  no 
such  distinctions :  breathing  where  it  listed,  its  call  was 
heard  by  the  great  and  the  humble  ones  of  the  city,  and 
the  latter  were  more  highly  favored.  But  with  all  its 
workings  were  so  efficacious  that  it  transformed  the  low- 
liest members  of  the  new-born  Church ;  their  virtue,  their 
brotherly  love,  and  notably  their  devotion  to  their  re- 
ligion, were  strikingly  manifest  to  all. 

The  time  had  passed  when  Israel  regarded  the  Tem- 
ple as  the  only  place  for  prayer ;  the  four  hundred 
and  eighty  synagogues^  erected  in  Jerusalem  gathered 
together  in  one  place  the  congregations  of  Cyreneans, 
in  another  the  Alexandrians,  elsewhere  the  Jews  from 
Cilicia,  the  first  idea  of  each  being  to  collect  friends 
of  common  origin,  having  the  same  education,  lan- 
guage, and  customs.  But  this  was  not  the  case  with 
the  community  of  Jesus'  disciples ;  more  faithful  to 
the  spirit  of  the  Law  than  these  others,  "  they  per- 
severed daily  in  the  Temple,  united  among  themselves 
in  heart  and  mind."  *  At  the  third  hour,  at  the  sixth, 
and  at  the  ninth ,^  they  were  seen  laying  aside  their  work 
to  ascend  to  the  Porches  of  the  Jews,  and  there  mingled 
their  voices  with  those  who  besought  the  aid  of  the  God 
of   Abraham,   Isaac,   and  Jacob.^     But   though   in   this 

1  Jer.  xxxvii.  21  ;  Josephus,  BelJum  Judaicum,  v.  8,  1. 

2  See  article  under  Tanner,  Smith's  Dictionari/  of  the  Bible. 

3  Megilla,  iii.  1.  *  Acts  ii.  46. 

^  Nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  noon,  and  three  in  the  afternoon,  accord- 
ing to  our  manner  of  counting  the  hours  of  the  day. 

<»  "  The  God  of  Abraham,  of  Isaac,  and  of  Jacob.'*  This  title  of  the 
Almighty  is  used  much  oftener  in  the  Acts  than  in  the  other  books  of  the 
New  Testament ;  thereby  the  Apostles  avoided  the  appearance  of  intro- 
ducing new  dogmas,  and  thus  linked  their  faith  in  Jesus  with  the  testimony 
of  the  Patriarchs,  David,  and  all  the  Prophets. 

2 


18  ..  SAINT  PETER. 

way  they  had  everything  in  common  with  Israel,  —  the 
Sabbath,  their  prayers,  libations,  offerings,  bloody  sacri- 
fices, —  there  was  one  rite,  nevertheless,  which  distin- 
guished them,  containing  in  itself  the  new  worship  :  that 
rite  was  the  Breaking  of  the  Bread,  whereby  the  Master 
had  bade  them  renew  the  memory  of  Himself. 

Obedient  to  this  behest,  they  gathered  together  every 
evening ;  and  as  the  Supper  Koom  could  no  longer  con- 
tain the  growing  throng  of  disciples,  they  made  use  of 
private  houses  ^  to  conceal  the  holy  mysteries  from  the 
gaze  of  the  profane.  These  gatherings,  as  representations 
of  the  Last  Supper,  were  opened  by  a  frugal  meal,  where 
"each  one,  with  thanks  to  God,  partook  of  his  food  in 
gladness  and  simplicity  of  heart ; "  at  the  close,  one  of 
the  Apostles,  breaking  the  bread  and  blessing  the  cup, 
consecrated  them  as  the  Saviour  ^  had  done :  each  one  ate 
and  drank,  and  their  union  with  Jesus,  prepared  all  day 
long  by  prayer,  was  consummated  by  this  their  com- 
munion. Hence  arose  that  close  concord  of  heart  and 
soul,  with  their  virtue,  which  was  of  so  lovable  and 
attractive  a  character  to  all  who  knew  them,  insomuch 
that  "  every  day  the  Lord  increased  the  number  of  such 
as  should  be  saved  in  the  unity  of  the  one  same  body."  ^ 
Even  those  whom  Grace  had  not  attracted,  could  not 
suppress  emotions  of  amazement  and  fear ;  for  "  many 
wonders  and  signs  were  done  by  the  Apostles,  and  all 
were  filled  with  great  awe."  ^ 

1  Acts  ii.  46.  Kar'  oIkov,  "  circa  domos  "  (Vulgate),  is  used  in  contrast 
to  T^J  iep(^. 

2  In  Christian  sanctuaries,  when  none  of  the  Twelve  was  at  hand, 
everything  leads  us  to  infer  that  the  Holy  Eucharist  was  reserved,  aad 
distributed  to  the  disciples  every  evening. 

3  Acts  ii.  47. 

4  Acts  ii.  43. 


CHAPTEE   IT. 

THE   APOSTLES   BEFOUE   THE    SANHEDRIN. 

Eeassured  by  the  fifty  days  which  followed  the 
Passion,  the  Sanhedrin  party  believed  that  they  had 
buried  the  Christ  forever;  their  vexation  was  therefore 
the  more  intense  upon  learning  that  great  rumors  were 
rising  about  His  disciples,  whose  number  was  increasing 
daily.  Though  at  first  they  did  not  employ  against  them 
the  same  rigorous  measures  they  had  used  against  the 
Nazarene,  this  was  only  because  they  did  not  find  among 
the  Apostles  what  they  had  so  much  dreaded  in  Jesus,  — 
the  words  of  the  Master  which  captured  the  people's 
heart,  and  branded  the  hypocritical  masters  of  Israel  for 
what  they  were ;  most  of  all,  His  more  than  human  supe- 
riority, to  which  all  men  were  forced  to  yield.  The  first 
Christians,  timid  and  simple,  men  of  the  people,  had 
nothing  illustrious  about  them  except  their  great  virtue, 
no  other  eloquence  save  such  as  was  inspired  by  the  faith 
with  which  they  repeated  the  precepts  of  the  Master. 
Indeed,  it  would  seem  that  amonc^  the  Lord's  instruc- 
tions  which  they  gave  the  people,  those  which  shocked 
the  Jewish  doctors  by  condemning  their  sabbatical  super- 
stitions and  puerile  ablutions  were  not  mentioned  at  the 
first.  From  earliest  childhood  bending  under  the  yoke 
of  the  synagogue,  the  disciples  did  not  dream  as  yet  of 
casting  it  off;  they  continued  to  live  as  strict  Pharisees, 
—  austere  in  manners,  exact  in  their  observances,  as  pious 
as  they  were  charitable. 

This  exterior  life,  in  perfect  conformity  with  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Scribes,  both  edified  and  reassured  them ; 


20  SATNT  PETER. 

but  this  was  not  the  case  with  the  Sadducees.  These 
sectaries,  for  the  most  part  priests,  and  drawing  their 
revenues  from  the  Temple,  looked  with  an  evil  eye  upon 
anything  which  was  likely  to  derange  the  established 
order.  What  might  not  be  expected  of  this  association, 
so  suddenly  formed,  animated  by  a  common  spirit,  and 
rapidly  increasing  ?  Besides  such  fears,  there  was  another 
reason  for  their  aversion  which  was  peculiar  to  the  Sad- 
ducees: no  dogma  was  more  hateful  to  them  than  the 
Resurrection  of  the  dead  and  faith  in  a  future  life ;  yet 
this  was  what  the  Apostles  never  ceased  to  preach,  affirm- 
ing that  their  risen  Master  was  living  in  Heaven  Ac- 
cordingly, the  Sadducees,  who  to  the  last  had  shown 
themselves  quite  indifferent  concerning  Jesus,  wore  now 
the  first  to  declare  themselves  against  His  disciples. 
Their  animosity,  held  in  check  during  the  Sanhedrin's 
meetings  by  the  opposite  opinions  of  the  Pharisees,  could 
not  at  once  look  for  revenge ;  but  it  brooded  in  secret, 
and  at  the  first  opportunity  broke  forth. 

At  the  top  of  the  steps  which  led  from  the  Gentiles' 
Porches  to  those  of  the  Jews  stood  a  door  of  Corin- 
thian bronze,  called,  because  of  its  splendid  design,  the 
Beautiful.  Although  nine  other  entrances  gave  access 
to  the  first  terrace  of  the  Sanctuary,  this  one,  opening 
right  opposite  the  Holy  Place,  grander  and  more  ornate 
than  all  the  rest,  was  also  the  most  frequented  by  all. 
Hence,  very  many  beggars  were  seated  here.  Among 
them  was  a  man,  lame  from  his  mother's  womb,  who  was 
carried  in  and  set  down  on  this  spot,  in  order  to  ask  alms 
of  those  who  entered  into  the  Temple.  Now,  as  Peter 
and  John  were  going  up  to  the  Porches  about  the  ninth 
hour  (three  in  the  afternoon)  to  take  part  in  the  public 
prayers,  they  heard  the  cripple  repeating  the  plaint  of 
the  poor, — 

"  Help  me,  good  sirs,  and  God  will  bless  you." 

The  unselfishness  of  the  Apostles  went  so  far  as  to  wish 

to  keep  nothing  for  themselves  from  the  goods  given  into 

the  common  treasury  by  the  faithful ;  they  kept  neither 

purse  nor  money.     Peter,  and  John  with  him,  stopped. 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       21 

and,  resting  his  eyes  upon  the  poor  man,  the  former 
said,  — 

"  Look  at  us." 

The  lame  man  fixed  his  gaze  upon  the  Apostles,  hoping 
to  receive  something.     Then  Peter  said  to  him,  — 

"  I  have  neither  gold  nor  silver ;  but  what  I  have  I 
give  thee.  In  the  Name  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Nazareth,  arise 
and  walk."  Taking  him  by  the  hand,  he  lifted  him  up. 
Immediately  the  soles  and  ankles  of  his  feet  were  strength- 
ened ;  the  lame  man  bounded  up,  stood  upright,  walked, 
and  then  entered  with  them  into  the  Temple,  leaping 
with  joy  and  praising  God. 

Once  their  prayer  was  ended,  the  Apostles  found  them- 
selves encircled  by  a  great  crowd  ;  for  every  one  recognized 
this  man  as  the  same  they  had  seen  seated  at  the  Beauti- 
ful Gate  asking  alms,  and  all  thronged  about,  full  of  ad- 
miration for  his  benefactors.  Notwithstanding,  Peter  and 
John  descended  the  broad  steps  and  made  their  way  to- 
wards Solomon's  Portico,  the  man  they  had  healed  holding 
them  by  the  hand.  The  people,  amazed  at  this  wonder- 
ful happening,  followed  after  them  under  the  colonnade. 
Here  Peter  raised  his  voice. 

"  Israelites,"  he  said,  "  why  do  you  marvel  at  this  ? 
Why  fix  your  eyes  upon  us,  as  if  by  our  power  or  our 
piety  we  had  made  this  lame  man  walk  ?  The  God  of 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  of  Jacob,  the  God  of  our  fathers, 
hath  glorified  His  Servant,  Jesus,  Whom  you  delivered  up 
and  denied  before  Pilate,  even  when  that  man  had  judged 
He  should  be  released.  You  have  denied  the  Holy  One 
and  the  Just,  and,  demanding  the  pardon  of  a  murderer, 
you  have  put  to  death  the  Prince  of  Life ;  but  Him  God 
hath  raised  from  the  dead,  of  which  we  are  witnesses. 
It  is  faith  in  His  Name  which  gave  strength  to  this  man 
you  see  here,  whom  you  know ;  it  is  faith  in  His  Name 
which  has  given  him  perfect  soundness  in  the  sight  of 
you  all." 

After  these  reproaches,  which  awakened  repentance  in 
their  souls,  Peter  spoke  words  of  pardon  and  forgiveness, 
as  the  Master  had  done  upon  the  Cross. 


22  SAINT  PETER. 

"  My  brethren,^  I  know  that  in  this  you  have  acted 
through  ignorance,  as  also  did  your  princes ;  but  in  this 
wise  hath  God  accomplished  what  He  had  predicted  by 
the  mouth  of  all  His  Prophets,^  that  it  was  necessary  that 
the  Christ  should  suffer.  Do  penance,  then,  .  .  .  that  so 
your  sins  may  be  washed  away."  And  as  the  outcome 
of  this  conversion  he  told  them  of  "  the  days  of  refresh- 
ment "  ^  so  often  and  so  passionately  desired,  repeating  the 
words  of  Isaiah :  — 

"  O  heavens,  shed  down  your  dew, 
And  let  the  earth  bud  forth  her  Saviour."  * 

This  salvation,  so  ardently  longed  for,  was  none  other 
than  Jesus ;  in  Him  they  had  beheld  the  Christ,  of  Whom 
Moses  had  said :  "  The  Lord  your  God  shall  raise  up  unto 
you  from  among  your  brethren  a  Prophet  like  unto  me. 
Hearken  unto  Him  whatsoever  He  shall  say  to  you,  for 
every  soul  that  shall  not  accept  Him  shall  be  extermi- 
nated from  the  midst  of  the  people."^  And  now,  in 
truth,  the  Prophet,  thus  announced  to  His  people,  had 
been  slain  at  their  Passover,  and  no  longer  appeared  in 
the  habitations  of  Israel ;  and  yet  had  not  this  too  been 
foretold  since  the  beginnings  of  the  world  ?  ^  "It  must 
needs  be  that  Heaven  should  receive  Him  until  what 
time  He  shall  come  to  restore  all  things." ''  Peter  con- 
tinued his  discourse,  as  he  had  begun  it,  by  referring  to 
the  Holy  Books,  as  no  other  argument  would  be  better 
understood  by  the  Jews. 

"  You  are  the  children  of  the  Prophets,"  he  went  on,  — 
"  the  children  of  the  Covenant  which  God  hath  estab- 

1  'Ad€\(poL  At  this  point  the  Apostle  tempers  the  severity  of  his  lan- 
guage ;  he  reminds  the  Jews  that  they  are  of  the  same  blood  and  the  same 
Covenant  as  he,  and  he  imputes  their  crime  to  blindness.  All  have  cruci- 
fied Jesus  while  they  knew  not  what  He  was ;  even  the  Sanhedrin  did  not 
condemn  Him  with  a  full  knowledge  of  what  they  were  doing. 

2  "  Omnes  prophetse  in  universum  non  prophetaverunt  nisi  de  diebus 
Messiae"  (SaAech^in,  99,  1).  Here  the  Prophets  are  regarded  as  a  body 
animated  by  one  and  the  same  spirit,  and  thus  the  whole  of  their  testimony 

to  forecast  the  sufferings  of  the  Messiah. 
"  Cum  venerint  tempora  refrigerii  "  (Acts  iii.  20). 
4  Is.  xlv.  8.        5  Acts  iii.  22,  23.        ^  Acts  iii.  21.        "^  Acts  iii.  21. 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       23 

lislied  with  our  fathers,  saying  unto  Abraham :  '  In  thy 
seed  shall  all  nations  of  the  earth  be  blessed.'  It  was  for 
you  that  God  raised  up  His  Servant ;  to  you,  first  of  all. 
He  sent  Him,  that  He  might  bless  and  turn  you  from 
your  wickedness." 

Peter  and  John  were  still  speaking  when  an  armed 
band  forced  its  way  under  Solomon's  Porch ;  at  the 
head  marched  the  captain  of  the  Temple-guards ;  ^  then 
came  the  priests  and  the  Sadducees.  The  last-named  had 
listened  to  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles,  and  angered 
at  hearing  them  announce  that  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead  was  made  manifest  in  Jesus,  they  had  hurried  to  the 
Pontiffs,  and  obtained  an  order  of  arrest  for  these  innova- 
tors whose  speech  was  exciting  the  people.  It  was  too 
late  to  bring  the  Apostles  before  the  judges  on  that  day ; 
they  were  content  for  the  present  to  see  them  flung  into 
prison.  But,  far  from  intimidating  the  crowds,  this  deed 
of  violence  only  heightened  their  faith ;  many  of  those 
who  had  heard  Peter's  discourse  yielded  to  Grace,  and 
the  number  of  the  new  believers  grew  until  it  reached 
five  thousand. 

The  night  did  not  still  the  storm  gathering  in  the  Tem- 
ple. The  princes  of  the  priesthood,  now  openly  arrayed 
against  the  Apostles,  were  bent  upon  stifling  their  voices 
at  any  cost ;  they  assembled  on  the  morrow,  with  Annas, 
the  High-priest,  presiding.  Saint  Luke  designates  him 
by  that  title,  although  in  fact  the  office  belonged  to 
Caiphas ;  and  thereby  he  shows  us  here,  as  in  his  Gospel, 
that  Annas  always  remained,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jews,  the 
real  head  of  the  sacerdotal  body.  Caiphas,  John,  Alex- 
ander,2  with  all  who  were  of  the  Levitical  race,  shared 


1  As  to  this  Captain,  see  Josephus  {Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  12,  6  ;  vi.  5,  3  ; 
Antiquitates,  xx.  6,  2) ;  2  Mac.  iii.  4. 

^  Acts  iv.  6.  We  know  nothing  about  these  last  named  pontiffs. 
Lightfoot  supposes  that  John  is  the  same  personage  as  Jochanan  ben 
Zaccha,  spoken  of  in  the  Talmud  [Yoma,  ,39,2).  According  to  another 
hypothesis,  Alexander  was  the  brother  of  Philo  (Josephus,  Antiquitates, 
xviii.  8,  1) ;  but  this  opinion  is  hardly  probable,  for  the  Alexander  men- 
tioned by  Josephus  dwelt  in  Alexandria,  where  he  was  Alabarch  of  the 
Jews. 


24  SAINT  PETER. 

the  Sadducees'  animosity.  Their  example  carried  with 
them  the  great  body  of  Pharisees,  up  to  this  time  tolerant 
towards  the  new  community.  So,  too,  the  three  classes 
of  the  Sanhedrin,  —  "  priests,  ancients  of  the  people,  and 
the  scribes,"  ^  —  equally  zealous,  hastened  to  make  com- 
mon cause  with  them.  Their  meeting  was  held  "  in 
Jerusalem,"  '^  says  the  sacred  Historian,  —  probably  in  the 
place  where  Jesus  was  condemned,  —  in  that  Pontifical 
Palace  where  Annas  and  his  successors  believed  them- 
selves all-powerful.  Thither  Peter  and  John  were  brought, 
the  lame  man  they  had  healed,  still  following  them.  Faith- 
ful to  his  benefactors,  he  pushed  his  way  to  the  foremost 
ranks  of  those  who  surrounded  them ;  thus  it  came  about 
that  every  one  there  was  pointing  him  out  as  the  man 
on  whom  a  miracle  had  been  wrought. 

The  examination  was  begun. 

"  By  what  power,"  they  were  asked,  "  and  in  what 
name  have  you  done  this  deed  ? " 

Filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  Peter  replied,  — 

"  Chiefs  of  the  people  and  Ancients  of  Israel,  since  we 
are  to  be  judged  this  day  for  having  done  good  to  an  in- 
firm man,  and  you  would  hear  in  whose  name  he  has  been 
healed,  know  this,  all  you  and  all  the  people  of  Israel,  that 
it  is  in  the  Name  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Nazareth,  Whom  you 
have  crucified.  Whom  God  hath  raised  from  among  the 
dead,  even  by  Him  this  man  stands  here  healed,  as  you 
see  him, before  you.  This  Jesus  is  the  Stone  which  was 
rejected  by  you  who  are  the  builders,  and  which  is  be- 
come the  head  of  the  corner.  Neither  is  there  salvation 
by  any  other,  and  no  other  Name  under  heaven  hath  been 
given  to  men,  whereby  we  must  be  saved." 

The  Sanhedrin  was  astonished  at  such  language  as 
this ;  for  the  outward  bearing  and  rough  speech  of 
these  men,  everything  about  them,  showed  what  they 
were,  — "  ignorant  men,  and  of  the  common  herd."  ^ 
Most  of  the  judges,  moreover,  remembered  having  seen 
them  in  the  company  of  Jesus,  and  were  not  ignorant  of 

1  Acts  iv.  5.  2  Acts  iv.  5. 

3  'AypdfjLfjiaTOi  Ka\  I8i(arai.     Acts  iv.  13. 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       25 

the  fact  that  the  one  who  was  speaking  in  the  others' 
name  had  fled  from  this  very  house,  weeping  and  denying 
His  Master.  How  had  this  great  change  come  about  ? 
Whence  this  hardihood  to  brave  all  things  with  such  firm- 
ness ?  And  what  were  they  to  say  in  presence  of  this 
cripple,  now  cured  and  standing  before  the  whole  court, 
close  beside  the  men  who  had  saved  him?  Giving  or- 
ders that  the  Apostles  should  be  taken  outside  the  hall, 
they  held  a  secret  deliberation  among  themselves. 

"  What  shall  we  do  with  these  men  ? "  was  the  question 
they  asked  each  other ;  "  the  miracle  they  have  performed 
is  known  to  every  one  in  Jerusalem,  —  so  much  is  certain, 
and  we  cannot  deny  it." 

But  after  this  unanimous  avowal,  no  one  of  them  felt 
moved  to  confess  the  truth ;  their  only  anxiety  was  con- 
cerned about  the  best  means  to  prevent  it  from  spreading 
among  the  people. 

"  Let  us  forbid  them,"  they  said,  "  to  speak  in  His 
Name  for  the  future,  to  any  one  whatsoever." 

And  forthwith,  summoning  them  again  before  the  court, 
they  charged  them  to  preach  no  more,  at  any  time  or 
place ;  neither  were  they  to  teach  in  the  Name  of  Jesus. 
At  once  Peter  and  John  made  answer,  — 

"  Judge  for  yourselves  before  God  whether  it  is  just 
that  we  should  obey  you  rather  than  God.  For  our  part, 
we  cannot  conceal  what  we  have  seen  and  heard."  ^ 

Thus,  in  a  word,  they  laid  down  the  principle  of  the 
Christian's  liberty  of  speech. 

Their  constancy  confounded  the  Sanhedrin,  now  utterly 
at  a  loss  how  to  proceed.  To  have  the  Apostles  whipped 
would  be  likely  to  arouse  popular  feeling,  for  the  people 
were  glorifying  God  over  the  miracle  worked  by  their 
means :  to  silence  the  reports  of  this  marvel,  or  to  seek 
to  explain  it  away,  was  equally  impossible,  for  "  the  man 
healed  "  in  this  extraordinary  fashion  "  was  above  forty 
years  old."  The  judges  confined  themselves,  therefore, 
to  uttering  threats  of  severe  punishment,  and  sent  them 
away  without  venturing  to  do  anything  against  them. 

1  Acts  iv.  19-20. 


26  SAINT  PETER. 

Peter  and  John  betook  themselves  speedily  to  their 
brethren,^  whom  they  found  waiting  and  watching ;  for 
their  distress  was  all  the  deeper  as  they  saw  that  the 
first  blow  had  struck  straight  at  the  very  heart  of  the 
Church,  —  Simon  Peter,  the  Head  of  the  Twelve,  and  John, 
the  beloved  disciple  of  the  Master.  The  two  disciples 
related  all  that  the  Princes  of  the  priesthood  and  the 
Ancients  ^  had  said  to  them ;  whereupon,  as  with  one 
voice,  in  the  Supper  Room,  this  prayer  was  heard,  — 
the  first  prayer  of  the  Church  which  has  come  down 
to  us :  — 

"  Lord,  Thou  art  the  God  ^  Who  didst  make  heaven  and 
earth,  and  all  things  that  are  in  them;  Thou  art  He 
Who  hath  said  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  by  the  mouth  of  Thy 
servant,  our  father,  David,  'Why  do  the  nations  rage, 
and  the  people  meditate  vain  things  ?  The  kings  of  the 
earth  have  arrayed  themselves,  and  the  princes  have  met 
together  against  the  Lord  and  His  Christ.'  Yea,  of  a 
truth,  Herod  and  Pontius  Pilate,  with  the  Gentiles  and 
the  people  of  Israel,  have  gathered  together  in  this  City 
against  Thy  Holy  Servant,^  Jesus,  Whom  Thou  hast  con- 
secrated by  Thine  anointment:  yet  have  they  accom- 
plished nought  save  what  Thy  power  and  Thy  counsels 
had  decreed  should  be  done.  And  now,  Lord,  pay  heed 
to  their  threatenings,  and  grant  unto  Thy  servants  that 

1  Tovs  Idiovs  comprises  the  Apostles,  and  very  likely  a  number  of  the 
faithful  who  were  in  company  with  them. 

2  Oi  dpx'epets  Kol  ot  TrpecrfiuTepoi.  S.  Luke  does  not  mention  the  scribes 
who,  Pharisees  for  the  most  part,  left  the  duties  of  acting  and  speaking  to 
the  other  two  classes  of  the  Sanhedrin,  without  mingling  in  their  violent 
disputes. 

•^  'O  Qeos,  though  omitted  in  the  manuscripts  of  the  Vatican,  Sina'i,  and 
Alexandria,  is  found  in  Beza's  Codex. 

4  IToTSa  (Tov  'Irjaovu  (Acts  iv.  27).  The  Saviour  was  not  invoked  by 
name  as  a  general  thing,  for  the  Apostles  and  baptized  Jews  who  sur- 
rounded them  could  not  at  once  cast  aside  the  custom  prevalent  in  their 
race  of  invoking  none  but  the  Lord.  Nevertheless,  no  one  doubted  the 
truth  that  Jesus  and  the  Lord  are  one.  When  Peter  preached  his  first 
sermon  on  the  threshold  of  the  Supper  Room,  his  concluding  words  were, 
"  Let  all  Israel  know  that  God  hath  made  Lord  [Adonai]  and  Christ  this 
Jesus  Whom  you  have  crucified  "  (Acts  ii.  36).  And  very  soon  we  shall 
hear  the  dying  Stephen  commit  his  soul  to  Him  :  Kvpie  'Irtaov,  S^^ai  rh 
TTVcvfxa.  juov  (Acts  vii.  59). 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       27 

they  may  tell  forth  Thy  Word  with  all  boldness,  by 
stretching  out  Thy  hand  to  heal,  to  work  wonders  and 
signs,  through  the  Name  of  Thy  Holy  Servant,  Jesus.'' 

Hardly  had  they  finished  their  prayer  when  Heaven 
answered  it  by  a  Miracle :  the  place  where  they  were  as- 
sembled shook ;  all  were  filled  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  and 
with  intrepid  souls  they  spoke  to  all  the  Holy  Word 
of  God. 

So  far,  then,  from  crushing  the  new-born  Church,  this 
storm  had  but  hardened  and  helped  its  growth.  And  yet 
the  community,  though  fast  developing,  lost  nothing  of 
its  unitedness ;  the  more  formidable  the  threats  breathed 
against  them,  the  closer  the  little  flock  pressed  about  the 
Apostles.  Shepherds  of  their  souls,  at  first  the  latter 
limited  their  Ministry  to  spiritual  cares ;  "  with  great 
power  they  bore  witness  to  the  Eesurrection  of  the 
Saviour."  ^  But  Grace  was  then  so  mighty  in  believing 
hearts,  and  their  detachment  from  the  world  so  abso- 
lute, that  soon  the  care  of  their  bodies  as  well  as  of  their 
souls  devolved  upon  the  Twelve.  The  abandonment 
of  all  earthly  goods,  counselled  by  Jesus,  and  practised, 
as  we  have  seen,  by  the  first  disciples,  speedily  became, 
although  not  a  law,  at  least  a  custom.^  "  Every  one  who 
possessed  property  in  land  or  houses  sold  these,  and 
brought  the  price  of  them,  laying  it  at  the  feet  of  the 
Apostles ;  and  thereupon  it  was  distributed  to  each  one 
according  as  he  had  need,  so  that  there  was  not  any  poor 
among  them."  Thus  "the  multitude  of  those  who  be- 
lieved had  but  one  heart  and  one  soul,  and  no  one  looked 
upon  what  he  possessed  as  belonging  to  himself  individu- 
ally, but  all  things  were  held  in  common  among  them." 

1  Acts  iv.  33. 

2  In  fact,  though  at  first  the  Acts  allude  to  this  division  of  goods  as  a 
spontaneous  movement  on  the  part  of  all  believers  (Acts  ii.  44-45),  it  is 
afterwards  described  as  coming  under  the  authority  of  the  Apostles. 
Three  times  it  mentions  that  their  riches  were  deposited  "  at  their  feet " 
(Acts  iv.  35,  37  ;  v.  2).  Apparently  they  chose  some  hour  for  making 
this  offering  when  the  Twelve,  gathered  together  in  the  Supper  Room, 
occupied  the  platform  reserved  for  the  leaders  and  pastors  in  the  syna- 
gogues. Consequently  the  expression,  "  they  laid  it  at  their  feet,"  is 
meant  to  be  understood  literally. 


28  SAINT  PETER. 

As  it  seems  quite  evident  that  these  sales  and  this 
community  of  goods  excited  no  troublesome  demonstra- 
tions in  Jerusalem,  we  are  led  to  believe  that,  for  the 
most  part,  the  new  converts  were  not  persons  of  great 
wealth.  Held  in  common,  the  few  possessions  of  these 
poor  folk  so  blessed  by  God  were  sufficient  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  their  confraternity,  austere  and  laborious  as  was 
the  life  they  led.  Nevertheless,  among  their  number  were 
reckoned  some  of  the  Princes  of  Israel :  such  were  Nico- 
demus,  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  and  Lazarus,  whose  riches 
were  at  their  disposal  in  case  of  any  greater  need. 

Only  one  of  these  renunciations  of  personal  property  is 
recorded  in  the  Acts  as  having  attracted  considerable  no- 
tice :  this  was  that  of  a  Levite,  whose  name  was  Joseph, 
a  Cyprian  born.  Distinguished  either  for  his  birth  or  his 
fortune,  he  showed  no  more  hesitation  than  his  needier 
brethren  in  sacrificiDg  all ;  he  sold  his  lands,  and  brought 
the  price  to  the  Apostles.  This  generosity  won  for  him 
the  grace  of  Apostleship ;  a  little  later  we  see  him,  with 
Paul,  admitted  to  the  ranks  of  the  Twelve.  Like  them, 
he  had  followed  the  Master  from  the  first  days  of  His 
Ministry ;  ^  and  over  and  above  this  great  advantage  he 
possessed  a  still  more  precious  gift  in  the  vivacity  and 
charm  of  his  eloquent  speech.  Often  in  the  Christian 
synagogues  he  was  intrusted  with  the  instruction  which 
followed  the  reading  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  —  what 
they  called  "  the  Word  of  Consolation."  Hence  he  got 
the  name  of  Barnabas,  given  him  by  the  Apostles,  which 
means  "  the  son  "  of  Prophecy,  of  inspired  exhortation, 
"  of  Consolation."  2 

1  According  to  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Stromata,  ii.  20),  Eusebius 
(Historia  Eccfesiastica,  i.  21),  and  S.  Epiphanius  {Adversus  Hcereses,  xx.  4), 
he  was  one  of  the  seventy-two  disciples. 

2  ^^in^  l"!  :  literally  "  Son  of  Prophecy."  The  title  of  Nabi,  «^qj, 
"  Prophet,"  is  not  reserved  exclusively  to  one  who  predicts  future  things, 
but  to  any  man  beloved  and  inspired  of  God.  In  Genesis  (xx.  7),  Abra- 
ham is  called  Nabi;  in  Exodus  (vii.  1),  Jehovah  says  to  Moses,  "Aaron, 
thy  brother,  shall  be  thy  Nabi,"  in  other  words,  as  it  is  translated  in  the 
Targum  of  Onkelos,  "  thy  interpreter."  So,  too,  in  the  New  Testament  ; 
the  word  Trpo(p7]T€ia  refers  not  only  to  the  gift  of  prophesying,  but  also 
that  of  admonishing,  preaching,  and  exhorting  in  God's  name.     Thus  it  is 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       29 

Under  such  leaders,  so  pious  and  unselfish,  overflowing 
with  thoughts  of  God's  Kingdom,  whither  they  were  rapt 
by  the  memory  and  love  of  Jesus,  the  little  community 
enjoyed  a  heavenly  existence,  —  days  of  such  peace  and 
happiness  as  the  Church  has  never  known  since,  such  as 
even  our  monasteries  have  never  tasted,  save,  perhaps,  in 
the  seasons  of  first  celestial  fervor.  Mutual  love  was 
warm  at  their  hearts ;  living  together,  they  collected,  it 
would  seem,  as  near  as  possible  in  the  same  quarter  of 
the  town,  close  to  the  Supper  Eoom,  now  hallowed  by  the 
institution  of  the  Eucharist  and  the  descent  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  No  strifes,  no  ambition,  no  scandals,  no  cares, 
save  for  things  divine ;  truly  the  Church  was  already  like 
that  luxuriant  harvest  which  the  Master  had  pointed  out 
upon  the  banks  of  Genesareth,  bearing  some  thirty,  some 
sixty,  some  an  hundred  fold.  But  for  this  Field  of  God 
the  calm  was  more  to  be  dreaded  than  tempest-blasts. 
In  the  hour  when  all  slept,  the  enemy  came  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  sin. 

It  was  just  at  this  time  that  a  man  named  Ananias, 
with  Saphira  his  wife,  together  sold  a  piece  of  land  and 
kept  back  a  part  of  the  price  they  had  received.  Thus 
they  fancied  they  could  satisfy  their  avarice  and  ob- 
tain the  same  great  renown  for  saintliness  which  their 
brethren  had  merited ;  they  hoped  at  the  same  time  to 
serve  God  and  Mammon.  In  this  the  husband  and 
wife  had  acted  in  common ;  Ananias,  however,  was  the 
first  to  go  through  with  the  hypocritical  scene.  Coming 
forward  in  the  room  where  the  Apostles  were  assembled, 
he  laid  the  money  at  their  feet,  to  indicate  that  he 
thereby  abandoned  all  his  goods. 

"  Ananias,"  Peter  said  to  him,  "  how  hath  Satan  so 
filled  ^  thy  heart  as  to  make  thee  lie  to  the  Holy  Ghost, 

said  of  Silas  and  Judas  that,  "  being  Prophets,  they  exhorted  (TrapeKoiXeaav) 
their  brethren"  (Acts  xv.  32).  We  know  from  the  Acts  that  these  ex- 
hortations, which  had  a  fixed  place  in  the  rubric  of  the  Synagogue,  — 
after  the  reading  of  the  Holy  Books,  —  were  called  "  The  Word  of  Conso- 
lation," A670S  TrapaK\ri(reu3s' (Acts  xiii.  15).  Hence  we  have  Barnabas' 
name,  which  S.  Luke  translates  as  vths  7rapa«A7/(rews, 

1  The  lection  e-Treipaaev,  which  the  Vulgate  translates  by  "  tentavit,"  is 


30  SAINT  PETER. 

and  keep  back  by  fraud  part  of  the  price  of  this  land  ? 
While  it  remained  in  thy  hands,  was  it  not  thine  ?  And 
even  after  having  sold  it,  did  not  the  price  belong  to 
thee  ?  Why  then  hast  thou  conceived  this  design  in 
thy  heart  ?     Thou  hast  not  lied  to  men,  but  to  God." 

Ananias,  hearing  these  words,  fell  down  and  gave  up 
the  ghost.  God  struck  this  blow  to  testify  His  horror 
of  hypocrisy.  Doubtless  the  sinner  was  struck  down  in 
merciful  compassion,  thereby  sacrificing  the  body  to  save 
the  soul ;  ^  but  the  faithful  could  only  see  the  outward 
effects  of  his  punishment.  All  were  seized  with  terror, 
and  yielding  to  the  horror  all  Jews  felt  for  death,  they 
besought  Peter  to  have  the  corpse  carried  out  forthwith. 
The  younger  men  in  the  congregation  ^  started  up,  caught 
up  the  body  in  great  haste,  and  bearing  it  away,  they 
buried  him. 

About  three  hours  later,  the  wife  of  Ananias  entered, 
without  knowing  what  had  taken  place.  Surprised  at 
the  emotion  of  the  disciples  and  the  strained  manner  of 
their  salutations,  she  began  to  question  them  and  talk 
of  the  gift  her  husband  had  made  to  the  Church. 

"  Tell  me,''  Peter  answered,  ^  "  didst  thou  sell  the  field 
for  so  much  ? " 

found  in  only  a  few  rare  Codices.  The  common  reading,  given  by  almost 
all  the  manuscripts,  in  the  Italic  ^nd  Syriac  Versions,  and  in  very  many 
Fathers,  is  eTrXrjpuja-ei/. 

1  "Notat  Origenes  {Tract,  viii.  in  Matt.),  S.  Augustinus  (lib.  iii. contra 
Parm.  i.),  Cassianus  [Coll.  vi.  cap.  i.),  Isidorus  Pelusiota  (lib.  i.  ep.  181), 
banc  mortis  poenam  Ananiae  divinitus  inflictam  ad  terrorem  novelise  Eccle- 
siae,  .  .  .  neque  tamen  Ananiain  in  aeternum  damnatum,  sed  potius  per 
carnis  interitum  consultum  fuisse  ejus  et  uxoris  saluti  spiritual!  etaeternse  " 
(Cornelius  a  Lapide,  Comrtunit.  in  Acta  ApostoL,  v.  4). 

2  Did  these  "  young  men  "  compose  a  special  order  in  the  Church,  and 
perform  functions  analogous  to  those  which,  later  on,  were  confided  to  the 
inferior  ministers  of  the  Hierarchy  '^  Such  a  supposition  is  not  at  all  un- 
likely, for  we  shall  see  shortly  (Acts  xi.  30)  certain  "Priests,"  ol  irpea-- 
fivrepoi,  set  over  the  congregations  ;  a  name  which  recalls  that  of  the 
"Elders"  of  the  Synagogue.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  Apostles, 
when  modelling  the  Church  after  the  religious  assemblies  of  Israel,  put 
next  in  rank  to  the  irpea-fivrepoi  a  lower  order  called  ol  vedrepoi,  whose 
ministry  corresponded  to  that  of  the  Chazzan,  the  servant  or  usher  in 
Jewish  meetings. 

2  "Air^Kpier].  This  wording  of  the  Sacred  Text  infers  that  Saphira  was 
the  first  to  speak. 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       31 

"  Yes,"  she  said,  "  for  so  much." 

"Why  have  you  agreed  together,"  Peter  replied,  "to 
tempt  the  Spirit  of  God  ?  See,  the  feet  of  them  that 
have  buried  thy  husband  are  at  the  door,  and  they 
shall  carry  thee  out  also." 

On  the  very  moment  she  fell  down  at  his  feet  and 
gave  up  the  ghost.  The  young  men,  coming  in,  found 
her  dead ;  they  bore  her  without,  and  buried  her  beside 
her  husband.  This  double  blov/,  striking  one  after  the 
other  so  suddenly,  like  pitiless  thunderbolts,  filled  with 
great  fear  all  who  heard  the  tale.  God's  hand  had  ap- 
peared in  the  Kingdom  of  His  Son,  always  as  mighty 
to  revenge  as  it  was  overflowing  with  grace.  Such 
manifestations  of  severity  are  rare  in  the  history  of 
the  Church ;  but  there  was  special  need  of  them  in 
those  early  days,  when  their  first  duty  was  to  preserve 
in  its  purity  that  seed  which  the  Master  was  soon  to 
scatter  over  the  face  of  the  earth. 

The  faith  of  the  little  flock  was  still  firmer  thereafter, 
their  zeal  more  lively  for  the  spreading  of  the  Good 
News  ;  "  all  together,  united  in  the  one  same  spirit,  as- 
sembled in  Solomon's  Porch."  ^  In  this  vast  and  lofty 
gallery  there  was  less  disturbance  from  the  noise  of  traf- 
fic ;  for  the  preparations  for  the  sacrifices,  the  tumult 
of  the  crowds,  rose  even  to  the  Sanctuary,  —  hence  the 
Doctors  always  preferred  to  meet  here.  Around  them 
there  thronged  Jews  of  every  sect  and  all  lands,  —  Phari- 
sees, Sadducees,  Essenes,  with  foreigners  imbued  with 
the  doctrines  of  Alexandria,  Greece,  and  Eome.  Ming- 
ling with  this  multitude,  the  disciples  of  Jesus  taught 
the  lessons  of  the  Gospel,  not  by  solemn  sermons,  but 
by  means  of  those  long  conversations,  in  which  the 
Oriental  is  wont  to  open  his  soul  and  confess  his  personal 
beliefs. 

However,  the  Apostles  did  not  confine  themselves  to 
preaching ;  every  day  the  miracles  performed  by  them 
were  more  numerous.     The  renown  of  these  wonders  was 

1  Acts  V.  12. 


32  SAINT  PETER. 

SO  great  "  that  none  of  the  other  Jews  dared  to  join  com- 
pany with  them.  Nevertheless,  the  people  gave  them 
great  praise,  and  the  number  of  those  who  believed  in  the 
Lord  increased  largely  ;  they  brought  their  sick  folk  into 
the  streets,  they  laid  them  on  beds  and  litters,  in  order 
that,  when  Peter  passed  by,  his  shadow  at  least  might 
fall  upon  some  one  of  them,  and  that  they  might  be 
delivered  from  their  infirmities.  ^  Great  throngs  also 
hastened  up  from  the  towns  round  about  Jerusalem ; 
thither  they  brought  their  sick,  and  those  who  were 
troubled  with  unclean  spirits,  and  all  were  healed."  ^ 

These  rapid  strides  of  the  Church  re-awakened  all  the 
hatred  aroused  by  its  Founder.  As  always,  the  first  ones 
to  bestir  themselves  were  "  the  High  Priest  and  his  com- 
pany, and  the  whole  body  of  Sadducees."  ^  Furious  at 
seeing  their  commands  and  threats  set  at  nought,  they 
resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  matter  by  laying  hold  of 
the  leaders  of  this  sect.  The  Twelve  were  therefore 
seized,  thrown  into  the  public  prison,^  and,  as  it  was  too 
late  to  hold  trials  that  day,  guards  were  posted  at  the 
doors. 

But  lo,  during  the  night  an  Angel  of  the  Lord  opened 
the  prison  doors,  and  leading  them  without,  said,  — 

"  Go  into  the  Temple,  and  there  preach  all  the  words  of 
this  Life." 

The  order  from  Heaven  was  formal  and  explicit;  it 
was  that  new  Life  ^  which  was  so  detestable  to  the  Sad- 
ducees, but  manifest  to  all  men  in  the  risen  Jesus,  —  it 
was  this  Eternal  Life  which  the  Apostles  must  needs 
publish  in  the  very  presence  of  their  persecutors.  They 
obeyed   without   delay,    ascended   to    the    Temple,    and 

1  This  incidental  phrase,  preserved  by  the  Vulgate,  is  found  also  in 
Beza's  Manuscript  and  the  Codex  Laudianus  (sixth  century). 

2  Acts  V.  13-16.  3  Acts  V.  17. 

4  After  the  constitution  of  the  monarchy,  the  King's  palaces  and  for- 
tresses were  generally  used  for  prisons  (3  Kings  xxii.  27 ;  Jer.  xxxii.  2 
xxxviii.  21 ;  Neh.  iii.  25).     The  residence  of  the  High  Priests,  the  real 
Princes  of  Israel  under  the  Roman  domination,  always  contained  some 
place  of  detention.     There  they  kept  their  prisoners. 

^  Ta  pTj/jtara  r^s  ^ojrjs  ravrrjs  (Acts  v.  20). 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       33 

when  "  at  dawn  "  ^  the  gates  were  opened  for  the  morn- 
ing sacrifice,  they  entered  the  Porches  and  began  to 
preach. 

Meanwhile,  though  the  sight  of  the  Apostles  upon  the 
heights  of  Mount  Moriah  was  a  surprise  to  the  people, 
upon  the  opposite  hill  of  Sion  the  excitement  was  still 
more  marked.  At  daybreak,  Annas  and  his  household  had 
already  convoked  the  Sanhedrin-Council ;  as  soon  as  they 
were  assembled,  word  was  sent  to  the  prison  to  have  the 
Apostles  brought  before  them.  The  officers  returned 
alone. 

"  We  found  the  prison  carefully  closed,"  was  their  re- 
port, "  and  the  keepers  before  the  doors  ;  but,  upon  open- 
ing it,  we  found  no  one  within."  ^ 

This  news  caused  a  great  commotion  in  the  Council : 
the  High  Priests  shuddered  at  the  thought  of  how  weak 
and  ridiculous  their  authority  would  be  made  to  appear ; 
the  captain  of  the  watch  was  trembling  for  his  life,  since 
his  head  was  the  penalty  for  any  escape  of  his  prisoners. 
Every  one  began  to  ask  what  would  happen  next.  Their 
apprehensions  were  soon  confirmed ;  almost  at  the  same 
time,  this  report  reached  them,  — 

"  The  men  you  put  in  prison  are  now  in  the  Temple, 
teaching  the  people."  ^ 

The  captain,  taking  the  guards  with  him,  did  indeed 
find  the  Twelve  preaching  and  conversing  beneath  the 
porticos.  The  throngs  were  surging  about  them,  growing 
more  excited  as  the  story  of  their  imprisonment  passed 
from  lip  to  lip ;  all  were  amazed  to  see  them  free  again, 
as  calm  as  if  nothing  had  happened.  To  arrest  these 
men  once  more  was  an  undertaking  not  without  peril,  for 
they  could  hear  the  mutterings  of  anger  now  stirring  up 
the  people  :  some  had  already  picked  up  stones  to  pelt 
the  soldiers.  *  Their  head  officer  was  afraid  of  this 
multitude  ;  so,  avoiding  any  show  of  violence,  he  con- 
ducted the  Apostles  rapidly  and  quietly  away. 

1  Acts  V.  21.     'Y7ri)  rhv  vpOpov. 

2  Acts  V.  23.  3  Acts  V.  25. 

*  Acts  V.  26.     "  Timebant  enim  populum,  ne  lapidarentur." 
3 


34  SAINT  PETER 

The  submissiveness  of  their  captives  rendered  their 
task  an  easy  one ;  for  they  had  not  to  do  with  leaders  of 
a  sedition,  but  with  men  whose  only  crime  was  their 
intrepid  declaration  of  their  Faith.  This  the  High  Priest 
himself  recognized ;  in  beginning  his  examination,  the  only 
rebuke  he  uttered  was  couched  in  these  terms,  — 

"  Have  we  not  expressly  forbidden  you  to  teach  in  this 
name  ?  And,  notwithstanding,  you  have  filled  Jerusalem 
with  your  doctrine,  and  have  a  mind  to  charge  us  with 
the  blood  of  this  man." 

These  words,  big  with  threats,  were  powerless  to  shake 
the  constancy  of  the  Twelve  !  In  reply,  they  repeated 
the  words  with  which  the  Church  has  always  answered 
her  persecutors, — 

"  We  must  obey  God  rather  than  men." 

And  not  content  with  this  avowal,  Peter  boldly 
preached  before  his  judges  the  Eesurrection  of  this  Jesus 
"  Whom  they  had  put  to  death,  hanging  Him  upon  the 
tree,  but  Whom  the  God  of  their  fathers  had  raised  up 
and  exalted  with  His  right  hand  to  be  Prince  and  Saviour, 
to  give  repentance  to  Israel  and  forgiveness  of  sins.  We 
ourselves  are  the  Witnesses  of  what  we  tell  you,"  Peter 
concluded,  "  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  Whom  God  hath  given 
to  them  that  obey  Him,  is  likewise  Witness  with  us."  ^ 

The  attitude  of  the  Apostles  and  their  steadfast  gaze 
showed  that  these  were  no  empty  words,  but  that  these 
men,  once  so  timid  as  to  run  from  a  woman's  questioning, 
now  stood  before  them  ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives.  See- 
ing how  the  Apostles  braved  their  authority,  the  Sanhe- 
drin  Council  was  consumed  with  thirst  for  vengeance ; 
upon  the  spot,  in  the  very  presence  of  the  accused,  they 
decided  to  put  them  to  death.  Their  peril  was  very 
great,  for  the  Sadducean  pontiffs,  who  predominated  in 
the  Council,  knew  neither  scruple  nor  pity.  The  fear 
that  Pilate  might  not  ratify  their  sentence  no  longer 
deterred  them  for  an  instant :  the  death  of  the  Christ  had 
taught  them  what  his  resistance  was  worth. 

A  Scribe  named  Gamaliel  saved  the  Apostles.    Grand- 

1  Acts  V.  29-32. 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE   THE  SANHEDRIN.       35 

son  of  Hillel  and  son  of  the  aged  Simeon,  who  first  saluted 
the  child  Jesus  in  the  Temple,  this  doctor  of  the  Law  felt 
a  secret  sympathy  for  the  new  sect ;  his  uprightness, 
which  made  him  so  revered  by  the  people,  would  not  let 
him  prove  false  to  his  conscience.  He  rose  up  in  the 
Council ;  ordered  that  the  Apostles  should  be  withdrawn ; 
then  he  addressed  the  assembly. 

"Israelites,"  he  said,  "take  heed  what  you  are  about  to 
do  to  these  men.  Some  time  ago  a  certain  Theudas  ^ 
rose  up  and  pretended  to  be  something  very  great.  About 
four  hundred  men  gathered  about  him  ;  but  he  was  slain, 
and  all  who  had  believed  in  him  were  dispersed  and 
brought  to  nothing.  After  him  rose  up  Judas  of  Gali- 
lee, ^    at  the  time  of  the  enrolment,  and  attracted  many 

1  Theudas,  ©eCSas,  Theodas  in  the  Vulgate;  in  the  Hebrew  probably 
niin.  The  leader  of  the  sedition  alluded  to  here  is  not  the  man  of  whose 
revolt  Josephus  gives  an  account  as  happening  during  the  reign  of  Clau- 
dius, in  44,  about  twelve  years  after  the  date  of  Gamaliel's  discourse. 
Throughout  his  work,  S.  Luke  shows  such  faithfulness  as  an  historian 
that  we  cannot  charge  him  with  so  gross  a  mistake.  We  prefer  to  believe 
that  two  Jews,  both  named  Theudas,  stirred  up  the  people  at  an  interval 
of  some  years.  The  insurrection  spoken  of  in  the  Acts  (v.  36)  preceded 
that  of  Judas  the  Gaulonite  (Acts  v.  37) ;  this  was  one  of  the  numerous 
acts  of  bloodshed  which  disturbed  Judea  at  the  death  of  Herod  the  Great. 
A  slave  of  the  late  monarch,  named  Simon,  profited  by  the  troubles  which 
followed  that  event  to  make  an  attempt  upon  the  throne  (Josephus, 
Antiquitates,  xvii.  10,  6  ;  Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  4,  2).  It  has  been  suggested 
that  Gamaliel  had  this  conspirator  in  mind.  Indeed  Josephus  attributes 
the  same  haughty  ambitions  to  him  which  the  Acts  ascribe  to  Theudas : 
EJvai  &^io5  eAiriaas  ira^pouriuovv  (Josephus)  ;  A^yuiv  eluai  riva  ^avrSv  (Acts). 
Both  suffer  a  violent  death,  and  neither  seems  to  have  attracted  any  great 
following  to  espouse  his  cause.  This  supposition,  it  will  be  seen,  is  not 
without  some  foundation.  To  make  the  people  forget  the  obscurity  of  his 
birth,  the  rebellious  slave  may  have  changed  his  name  from  Theudas  for 
that  of  Simon,  as  sounding  more  aristocratic  according  to  popular  tastes. 
When  addressing  the  Sanhedrin,  Gamaliel  would  naturally  make  use  of 
the  original  appellation  as  better  known  to  the  Jews ;  while  Josephus,  who 
is  writing  for  the  benefit  of  Greek  and  Roman  readers,  employs  the  second 
appellation  which  the  impostor  assumed  when  he  attempted  to  seize  the 
crown,  and  by  which,  consequently,  he  was  better  known  outside  of  Jewry. 

2  J'rom  the  report  in  Josephus  {Antiquitates,  xviii.  1,  1),  we  learn  that 
this  Judas  was  a  Gaulonite,  from  the  city  of  Gamala.  His  title  of  Gali- 
lean, doubtless,  was  due  to  the  fact  that  his  insurrection  had  its  rise  in 
Galilee.  The  census  of  Quirinius  was  the  occasion  of  the  uprising. 
Writhing  under  this  new  badge  of  servitude,  the  people  let  themselves  be 
carried  away  by  that  sectary,  whose  cry  was  a  watchword  of  revolt :  "  We 
have  no  Lord  and  Master  but  God  alone." 


36  SAINT  PETER. 

people  after  him ;  but  he  too  perished,  and  every  one  of 
his  party  scattered.  Listen,  then,  to  the  advice  I  give 
you  :  Do  not  concern  yourselves  about  those  men  yonder, 
but  let  them  alone.  For  if  this  counsel,  or  this  work,  be 
of  men,  it  will  destroy  itself  ;  if  it  be  of  God,  you  cannot 
thwart  it,  and  you  will  be  in  danger  of  fighting  against 
God  Himself."  1 

Strange  as  this  advice  may  have  sounded  to  the  Jews, 
who  admitted  no  work  as  divine  except  their  Law,  no 
other  religion  save  that  of  Jehovah,  they  nevertheless 
accepted  it;  for  Gamaliel's  authority  was  great,  his 
speech  persuasive,  and  he  made  the  councillors  under- 
stand that  although  manifest  errors  merit  no  tolerance, 
the  truth,  even  if  obscured  by  clouds  of  errors,  has  a  right 
to  our  respect.  None  dared  contradict  the  most  illus- 
trious Scribe  in  Israel,  and  the  Sadducees  abandoned  their 
demand  for  the  Apostles'  death.  Their  hatred,  however, 
insisting  upon  some  satisfaction,  they  decided  that  the 
Twelve  should  be  whipped,  in  the  presence  of  the  Council, 
for  having  rebelled  against  the  orders  given  them. 

Though  often  inflicted,  and  that  for  trifling  offences,  the 
scourging  of  the  Synagogue  was  a  cruel  torture.  Deu- 
teronomy limited  the  number  of  blows  to  forty .^  The 
prisoner,  stripped  to  the  waist,  was  tied  by  the  hands 
alongside  the  stone  on  which  stood  a  servant  of  the 
Synagogue  ;  thus,  bending  before  this  offlcer,  he  received 
thirteen  blows  on  the  breast,  thirteen  on  the  right 
shoulder,  and  as  many  upon  the  left.  The  number  was 
thus  reduced  to  thirty-nine,  in  order  not  to  exceed  the 
forty  blows  prescribed  by  law.  Every  detail  in  the  pun- 
ishment was  the    object  of  a  like   minute   care.^     The 

1  Acts  V.  35-39.  2  Deut.  xxv.  3. 

3  See  in  the  ilf /sc/ma  the  treatise  on  Punishments :  Maccoth.  The  ac- 
companiments of  the  scourging  described  in  the  Talmud  agree  with  all  we 
know  of  the  formalism  of  the  Pharisees  ;  it  would  certainly  seem  that  they 
were  in  use  in  the  time  of  the  Christ,  for  S.  Paul,  who  suffered  this  chas- 
tisement five  times,  received  only  thirty-nine  blows  from  the  whip.  2  Cor. 
xi.  24.  In  early  days  the  method  of  procedure  was  simpler.  The  Judge 
ordered  the  prisoner  to  be  stretched  out  on  the  ground,  and  he  was  lashed 
under  the  official's  very  eyes  (Deut.  xxv.  2). 


THE  APOSTLES  BEFORE  THE  SANHEDRIN.       37 

whip  was  made  up  of  two  leather  straps,  —  one  of  calf-skin, 
divided  into  four  lashes ;  the  other  of  ass's  skin,  divided 
in  two.^  One  of  the  judges  gave  the  signal  for  each 
blow,  crying  aloud,  "  Strike  1 "  another  counted  them,  and 
all  the  while  a  presiding  judge  read  in  a  loud  voice  these 
three  passages  from  the  Holy  Books  :  — 

"  If  you  neither  keep  nor  fulfil  all  the  words  of  the  Law 
written  in  this  Book,  and  if  you  fear  not  that  glorious 
and  terrible  Name  of  the  Lord  your  God,  then  will  the 
Lord  make  your  wounds  and  the  wounds  of  your  children 
to  be  both  great  and  stubborn."  ^  Wherefore  keep  the 
words  "  of  this  Law  and  fulfil  them,  that  you  may  prosper 
in  all  your  deeds."  ^  "  Yet  He,  full  of  compassion,  hath 
pardoned  their  iniquity,  neither  hath  He  destroyed  them ; 
more  than  once  hath  He  turned  aside  His  anger,  and 
hath  not  kindled  all  His  wrath  against  them."* 

The  Twelve,  brought  back  before  the  Sanhedrin,  en- 
dured this  torture,  one  after  the  other,  and  so  for  the  first 
time .  gave  testimony  to  Jesus  in  their  blood.  The  Law, 
which  ordained  that  the  executioner  should  use  only  one 
hand  in  striking,  also  enjoined  upon  him  to  use  his  full 
strength.  But  nothing  could  touch  the  serene  souls  of 
the  martyrs;  when  the  Sanhedrin  judges  let  them  go, 
after  having  forbidden  them  anew  to  speak  in  the  Name 
of  Jesus,  "  they  went  forth  filled  with  joy,  because  they 
had  been  accounted  worthy  to  suffer  this  outrage  for  the 
Name  of  Jesus ;  and  every  day,  both  in  the  Temple  and 
in  their  own  houses,  they  ceased  not  to  teach  and  to 
proclaim  Jesus  Christ."  ^ 

1  A  leathern  lash  fastened  on  a  wooden  handle  is  the  instrument  still 
used  in  the  East  for  striking  criminals  on  the  soles  of  their  feet.  As  the 
Uabbis  interpreted  it,  the  skin  of  an  ass  and  an  ox,  which  composed  the 
scourge  used  by  the  Synagogue,  was  an  implied  allusion  to  that  passage 
in  Isaiah,  "  The  ox  knoweth  his  master,  and  the  ass  the  crib  of  his  lord ; 
but  Israel  hath  not  known  Me,  and  My  people  have  been  without  under- 
standing "  (Is.  i.  3).  Thus  it  seemed  just  that  those  beasts  who  do  recog- 
nize their  master  should  furnish  the  instruments  to  punish  them  who  know 
him  not. 

'^  Deut.  xxviii.  58,  59.  ^  Deut.  xxix.  9.  *  Ps.  Ixxvii.  38. 

5  Acts  V.  41-42. 


CHAPTEE   III. 

THE   JEWS   OF   THE   DISPERSION. 

Although  up  to  this  time  the  faithful  were  all  Jews 
by  religion,  and  as  united  in  heart  as  they  were  in  belief, 
they  were  made  up,  nevertheless,  of  two  very  different 
classes.  Those  of  the  class  called  in  the  Acts  "  He- 
brews "  1  lived  in  Palestine,  spoke  Aramaic,  and  read 
their  Bible  in  the  original  text ;  those  of  the  other  class 
belonged  to  the  body  of  Jews  known  as  Hellenists,  scat- 
tered over  the  world,  and  speaking  generally  the  Greek 
tongue,  even  in  their  public  prayers  making  use  of  the 
Septuagint  Version.^  The  latter  had  synagogues  at  Jeru- 
salem, in  which  they  assembled  when  on  a  visit  or 
sojourning  in  the  Holy  City.  They  are  destined  to  play 
a  notable  part  in  the  Church,  and  from  the  very  first 
we  find  their  number  increasing  so  rapidly  that,  before 
continuing  our  narrative,  it  will  be  well  to  understand 

1  Acts  vi.  1. 

2  The  word  "EW-rjues,  "  the  Greeks,"  in  the  New  Testament,  is  used  to 
distinguish  them,  sometimes  from  the  Barbarians,  at  other  times  from  the 
Jews.  In  the  former  case  it  means  all  peoples  who  speak  the  Greek 
tongue  (Rom.  i.  14)  ;  in  the  latter  it  is  equivalent  to  the  word  Gentiles 
(Rom.  i.  16;  ii.  19  ;  iii.  9  ;  1  Cor.  i  22-23  ;  x.  32,  etc  ).  The  meaning  of 
the  term  'EWr^uiarai  is  quite  different.  By  it  we  are  to  understand  the 
Jews  scattered  through  Greece  and  the  Roman  Empire,  "where  they 
forgot  not  only  their  ancient  language,  which  was  Hebrew,  but  also  the 
Chaldean,  which  they  had  learned  during  the  Captivity.  They  developed 
a  Greek  dialect  of  their  own  mingled  with  Hebraisms,  which  got  the  name 
of  the  Hellenistic  language  ;  the  Septuagint  and  all  of  the  New  Testament 
is  written  in  this  tongue"  (Bossuet,  Disconrs  sur  Vllistoire  nniverselle, 
i.  8)  This  term  is  used  to  distinguish  them,  not  from  the  Jews,  since 
the  Hellenists  were  Israelites  by  birth,  but  from  the  "  Hebrews  "  who 
read  the  Bible  in  the  original  text.  The  word  'EWrjuLarai  is  employed 
only  twice  in  the  New  Testament,  and  always  to  indicate  the  Jews  of  the 
Dispersion  (Acts  vi.  1 ,  ix.  29). 


THE  JEWS   OF  THE  DISPERSION.  39 

by  what  peculiar  features  we  can  distinguish  them  from 
the  Jews  of  Judea. 

It  was  in  the  days  of  the  Babylonian  Captivity  that 
the  stem  of  Jesse  was  thus  divided  into  two  branches. 
Transplanted  by  violence  into  Mesopotamia,  at  first  the 
Israelites  felt  all  the  bitterness  of  captivity.  The  Kings 
of  Egypt  and  Assyria  continued  to  show  themselves 
merciless  to  the  vanquished  ;  their  earlier  policy,  prompted 
entirely  by  revenge,  was  to  rivet  the  yoke  upon  all 
such  as  they  had  not  massacred;  employing  them  as 
beasts  of  burden,  as  mere  human  machines ;  and  by 
their  labors  they  accomplished  gigantic  feats.  What 
a  story  of  suffering  the  Nile  and  the  Euphrates  could 
tell !  Only  fancy  what  the  monuments  which  cover 
their  banks  once  cost  in  sweat  and  blood  !  But  these 
furies  of  persecution  lasted  only  for  a  time  ;  it  was  but 
rarely  that  a  whole  generation  succumbed  beneath  the 
whip  of  its  taskmasters.  As  pliant  under  suffering  as 
they  were  arrogant  in  seasons  of  good  fortune,  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  knew  very  well  how  to  appease  their 
conquerors,  how  to  insinuate  themselves  into  their 
confidence,  and  transform  servitude  into  a  bearable 
subjection,  sometimes  even  to  their  advantage.  Even 
in  the  first  years  of  the  captivity  at  Babylon,  we  see 
Daniel  brought  before  Nabuchodonosor  ^  and  put  at 
the  head  of  the  Magi;  later  on,  Mardochai  becomes  the 
Minister  of  Xerxes,  ^  Esther  is  a  King's  wife,  ^  Tobias 
and  his  nephew,  Anchialus,  *  are  officers  of  the  Palace, 
and  Nehemiah  is  a  cup-bearer.  ^ 

Without  aspiring  to  such  high  fortune,  the  common 
people,  little  by  little,  lifted  themselves  out  of  their 
servile  state ;  prudently  guided  by  their  Prophets  and 
resigned  to  their  lot,  they  were  laying  the  foundation  of 
better  days  by  toil  and  the  fruitfulness  of  their  race : 
"  Build  for  yourselves  houses  and  dwell  therein,"  Jeremy 
had  said  ;  "  plant  gardens  and  eat  their  fruits,  marry  and 

1  Dan.  V.  11.  2  Esther  viii.  2,  8,  9,  15.  3  Esther  ii.  17. 

4  Tobias,  Greek  text,  in  the  Septuagint  Bible,  i.  13-22. 
s  Nehem.  ii.  1. 


40  SAINT  PETER. 

bear  children ;  give  wives  to  your  sons,  and  husbands  to 
your  daughters ;  multiply  in  the  regions  where  you  abide, 
and  let  not  your  numbers  diminish."  ^  The  Prophet  went 
still  further.  In  Jehovah's  Name  he  charged  the  Jews, 
dwelling  in  infidel  cities,  to  draw  down  the  divine  bless- 
ings thereon.  "  Strive,  by  your  toil,  to  make  prosperous  the 
city  into  which  you  have  been  taken,  and  pray  unto  the 
Lord  for  it,  because  your  peace  is  concerned  therewith."  ^ 

Such  wise  counsels  bore  their  fruit;  by  their  unity 
and  their  industry  the  Jews  soon  rose  from  this  wretched 
condition :  many  even  became  wealthy.  At  Ecbatana, 
Eaguel  possessed  great  riches.^  Among  the  many  Jews 
established  at  Rhages,  upon  the  eastern  frontiers  of  Media, 
there  was  only  one  poor  man,  Gabael ;  *  and  even  he  suc- 
ceeded in  repairing  his  fortunes,  so  that  he  was  able  to 
pay  back  a  considerable  sum,  —  ten  talents  of  silver,^  — 
which  Tobias  had  lent  him. 

It  was  to  commerce  that  the  Jews  owed  this  sudden 
prosperity :  it  belonged  to  them  by  instinct ;  they  had  a 
genius  for  it ;  and  this  aptitude,  restrained  up  to  this  time 
by  the  prescriptions  of  the  Law,  has  ever  since  been  the 
distinctive  trait  of  the  sons  of  Israel.  So  powerful,  even, 
became  this  new  attraction  that  it  lessened  their  sighs 
after  their  lost  country.  We  notice  this  when  Cyrus 
grants  leave  to  the  captives  to  return  to  Jerusalem.  Only 
a  small  number  make  use  of  the  permission ;  ^  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  nation  remain  on  the  unhallowed  soil ; 
they  multiply,  and  extending  little  by  little  over  the  whole 
inhabited  world,  they  come  to  form  a  body  of  people  as 
vast  as  they  are  various,  —  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion.'' 

But  as  the  riches  of  these  exiles  increased,  their  destiny 
became  ever  more  uncertain.     As  they  were  forbidden  by 

1  Jer.  xxix.  5,  6.  2  j^j.  xxix.  7. 

3  Tob.  (Greek  text,  in  the  Septuagint  Bible)  i.  14,  16,  20. 

*  Tob.  (Vulg.)  i.  17.  5  Tob.  (Vulg.),  iv.  21-22 ;  v.  3  ;  ix.  6. 

6  Esclr.  i.  5  ;  ii.  The  exiles  who  took  advantage  of  Cyrus'  Edict  to 
return  to  Judea  belonged,  for  the  most  part,  to  the  tribes  of  Juda  and 
Benjamin ;  they  did  not  number  over  50,000  all  told. 

'^  This  expression,  commonly  used  to  designate  such  eJews  as  settled  in 
Pagan  territory,  is  to  be  found  in  many  passages  of  Scripture  (2  Mac. 
i.  27  ;  James  i.  1 ;  1  Pet.  i.  1  ;  John  vii.  35). 


THE  JEWS  OF  THE  DISPERSION.  41 

the  Law  to  mingle  with  Gentiles,  they  remained  a  dis- 
tinct nation,  and  by  that  very  fact  made  more  conspicu- 
ous to  other  men,  marked  out  for  envy  and  persecution. 
The  monarchs  of  the  Orient  alone  were  so  far  superior  to 
popular  passions  as  to  be  able  to  estimate  the  industrial 
genius  of  the  Hebrews  at  its  real  value ;  they  alone  had 
power  enough  to  protect  the  children  of  Israel ;  and  they 
were  wise  enough  to  attach  this  people  to  their  own  per- 
sons by  making  the  fortune  of  the  Jews  depend  upon 
the  power  which  protected  them. 

The  colonies  afforded  the  richest  field  for  the  business 
enterprise  of  the  Jews,  and  from  them  the  Assyrian 
kings  reaped  the  greatest  advantages.  After  extending 
their  empire  till  it  included  very  many  nations  not  hither- 
to submissive  to  their  rule,  these  princes  were  in  continual 
expectation  of  new  uprisings.  To  avert  this  danger  in  a 
measure,  as  soon  as  any  country  came  under  their  domin- 
ion, they  transported  its  inhabitants  to  some  far-off  re- 
gion, and  gave  their  lands  to  foreigners  in  their  stead. 
But  in  these  transfers  of  whole  peoples  the  iron  chain 
was  never  strong  enough  to  keep  some  from  escaping  its 
hold.  These  remnants  of  the  former  population,  dearly 
attached  to  the  soil,  were  only  intent  upon  recovering  what 
had  been  wrested  from  them  by  force  ;  consequently  it  was 
to  the  interest  of  the  new-comers  to  be  on  their  guard  against 
treachery,  to  foresee  and  to  denounce  the  plottings  of  their 
neighbors,  —  in  a  word,  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  a  wary 
police-force  in  every  land ;  for  any  revolt  which  threat- 
ened the  supreme  power  was  a  menace  to  their  own  se- 
curity as  well.  By  this  far-seeing  policy  the  kings  of 
Nineveh  and  Babylon  managed  to  assure  peace  along  their 
borders  by  making  the  foreign  communities  which  they 
founded  there  the  bulwarks  of  established  government. 

The  Jews,  more  than  any  other  people,  were  suc- 
cessful in  this  office.  The  pliancy  of  their  character 
fitted  them  for  the  hardest  trials ;  their  thirst  for 
wealth  and  their  indefatigable  activity  in  acquiring  it 
made  them  forget  the  miseries  of  exile :  far  from  dis- 
couraging them,  these  struggles  only  increased  their  vigo- 


42  SAINT  PETER. 

rous  life.  The  Assyrian  monarchs,  and  the  Persians  after 
them,  were  not  likely  to  neglect  such  valuable  auxiliaries  ; 
everywhere  they  intrusted  their  colonial  enterprises  to 
them,  at  first  banishing  them  to  these  distant  parts  by 
force,  but  very  soon  only  adding  to  attractions  already 
sufficient  in  themselves  to  tempt  these  traders  any  dis- 
tance in  search  of  gain.^  Upon  soil  thus  delivered  into 
their  possession,  whole  tribes,  transported  in  a  body,  could 
multiply  and  enrich  themselves  unhindered.  Doubtless,  it 
was  not  the  fatherland;  but  neither  was  it  any  longer 
exile  in  the  midst  of  haughty  conquerors,  like  that  they 
had  known  of  old ;  for  the  colony  thus  formed,  remained 
Jewish  in  manners  and  religion,  and  always  was  governed 
according  to  the  Law  of  Moses.  The  Israelites,  in  their 
happiness  at  recovering  thus  much  of  their  independence, 
became  deeply  attached  to  these  territories,  which  they 
found  at  first  both  untenanted  and  insecure,  and  they  de- 
fended them  from  attacks  from  without  by  a  system  of 
military  outposts  courageously  maintained. 

The  successful  results  of  the  policy  adopted  by  the 
kings  of  Assyria  were  not  lost  upon  Alexander.  Hardly 
had  he  become  master  of  the  East  when  the  Jewish  race 
was  marked  out  for  favor,  with  ample  recognition  of  the 
unhoped-for  aid  it  offered  to  him.  The  Jews,  hastening 
to  answer  the  first  summons,  fairly  thronged  Alexan- 
dria, where  the  conqueror  accorded  them  the  same  privi- 
leges he  gave  the  Macedonians.^  After  his  reign  they 
continued  to  reach  out  over  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs, 
just  as  in  the  days  of  Joseph  and  Moses.  Two  of  the 
five  districts  of  Alexandria  were  peopled  by  them,  and 
throughout  all  Egypt,  from  the  Delta   to   the   farthest 

1  The  proposals  made  by  Sennacherib  to  the  citizens  of  Jerusalem 
prove  that  the  deportation  of  the  inhabitants,  as  accepted  by  the  con- 
quered and  arranged  in  concert  with  the  Conqueror,  was  carried  out  in  a 
spirit  as  humane  as  it  was  politic  :  "  Do  you  make  an  alliance  with  me 
and  come  over  to  my  side  ;  then  shall  each  one  of  you  eat  tlie  fruit  of  his 
own  vine  and  fig-tree  and  drink  the  Avater  of  his  own  well,  until  I  come  to 
carry  you  away  to  a  land  like  unto  your  own,  a  land  of  corn  and  wine,  a 
land  abounding  in  bread  and  vines  "  (4  Kings  xviii.  31-32). 

2  Josephus,  Contra  Apionem,  ii.  4  ;  Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  18,  7  ;  Quintus 
Curtius,  iv.  8. 


THE  JEWS  OF  THE  DISPERSION.  43 

recesses  of  the  Thebais,  the  traveller  would  find  Jewish 
synagogues  with  their  girdles  of  palm-trees.  During  the 
first  century  after  Jesus  Christ  their  number  touched  a 
million,  which  is  to  say  an  eighth  part  of  the  population 
which  then  dwelt  along  the  Nile.^  Like  the  Ptolemies 
in  Egypt,  the  successors  of  Alexander  in  Syria  followed 
the  same  policy.  Antiochus  the  Great  transported  two 
thousand  Jewish  families  from  Mesopotamia  into  Asia 
Minor,  and  thereby  transformed  Lycia  and  Phrygia 
into  a  region  entirely  devoted  to  the  Seleucides.^  In 
Antioch,  whither  Seleucus  Nicator  did  his  best  to  at- 
tract them,  Israelites  composed  the  principal  body  of  the 
nation.^ 

This  Dispersion  of  Israel  never  ceased  for  more  than 
five  centuries  to  send  forth  new  branches  from  the  parent 
stock,  always  moving  forward  to  take  possession  of  the 
most  distant  lands,  —  and  this  in  such  numbers  that  in 
Strabo's  time  there  was  no  city  nor  harbor  in  which  the 
Jews  had  not  established  themselves,  no  corner  where 
this  tenacious  people  had  not  managed  to  get  a  foothold.* 
They  were  equally  prosperous  in  the  empires  of  Eome 
and  of  Parthia.  In  the  territory  of  the  latter,  who  were 
then  supreme  in  India  as  far  as  the  Euphrates,  the  Jews, 
accustomed  of  old  to  the  Persian  yoke,  soon  ingratiated 
themselves  with  the  new  victors.  But  it  was  the  Eoman 
Empire,  after  all,  which  offered  the  greatest  advantages 
to  them :  their  "  ghettos  "  and  their  synagogues  were  to 
be  seen  in  every  land,  —  along  the  shores  washed  by  the 
Mediterranean  ;  in  the  Crimea,  where  frequent  tumulary 
stones  still  mark  the  sites  of  former  Jewish  communi- 
ties ;  ^   in  Arabia ;  ^  and   even   in   the   heart   of   Africa.^ 

1  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  vi.  2  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xii.  3,  4. 

3  Josephas,  Antiquitates,  xii.  3,  1  ;  Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  18,  15  ;  vii. 
3,  2-4. 

^  Strabo,  quoted  by  Josephus  {Antiquitates,  xiv.  7,  2). 

^  Stephani,  in  the  Bulletin  de  V Academie  de  Saint-Petershourg ,  1860, 
vol.  i.  pp.  244-246  ;  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  vol.  ii.  add.,  p.  1005, 
No.  2114  ;  p.  1006,  No.  2126;  p.  1008,  No.  2131  ;  Chwolson,  Pierres  tumu- 
laires  hebraiques  de  la  Crimee,  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences 
of  St.  Petersburg,  viii.  series,  ix.  (1886).  No.  7. 

6  Mishna,  Shabb.  6,  6.  7  Acts  viii.  27. 


44  SAINT  PETER. 

.  Herod  Agrippa,  in  a  letter  to  Caligula,^  and  Saint  Luke 
in  the  Acts,^  both  enumerate  the  lands  where  Jewish 
colonists  had  settled ;  we  find  them  among  the  Parthians, 
Medes,  and  Elamites ;  in  Mesopotamia,  Cappadocia,  and 
Pontus ;  all  through  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  Phoenicia,  Egypt, 
Cyrene ;  along  the  African  coast ;  in  the  provinces  of 
Greece ;  from  Thessaly  to  the  Peloponnesus ;  among  the 
islands  in  Euboea,  Cyprus,  and  Crete.  So  spread  abroad 
and  bound  together  by  strong  commercial  ties,  the  Jews 
encircled  the  world  without  restrictions,  and  wellnigh 
without  fear  of  the  future,  for  no  power  could  attack  the 
whole  race.  If  one  town,  even  if  a  province,  slaughtered 
its  Jewish  inhabitants,  others  soon  came  to  replace  them, 
more  numerous  than  their  persecutors;  they  comforted 
themselves  in  their  sorrows  by  repeating  the  words  of 
their  Sibyl,  — 

"  All  lands,  all  seas,  are  filled  with  thee : 
If  all  men  are  thy  foes,  't  is  because  thou  excellest  them  all."  ^ 

Eurthermore,  these  violent  attacks  were  never  long 
continued.  Adroit  enough  to  foresee  them,  and  wary  in 
avoiding  them,  the  Jews  did  not  then  lead  the  precarious 
existence  to  which  they-  have  often  been  subjected  in 
Christian  or  Mohammedan  lands.  The  rights  given  them 
were  generally  respected.  Alexander,  as  we  have  seen, 
granted  them  the  same  privileges  as  the  Greeks.  Their 
successors  confirmed,  even  enlarged,  the  favors  bestowed 
on  them  by  their  capital  city.  In  the  countries  which 
for  a  time  made  up  the  Macedonian  Empire,  —  in  Greece, 
Egypt,  Syria ;  indeed,  in  all  Asia,  from  the  Indies  to  the 
Archipelago,  —  the  Israelites  as  a  general  rule  obtained 
the  rights  of  citizenship,  with  the  right  of  governing  them- 
selves by  their  own  laws.  They  had  courts  of  their  own, 
independent  of  the  ordinary  magistrates ;  they  had  their 
presiding  officials,  called  variously,  according  to  the  local- 
ity, Alabarchs,  Archontes,  Genarchs,  or  Ethnarchs,  who 

1  Philo,  Legat.  ad  Caium,  p.  587. 

2  Acts  ii.  5-11. 

8  Oracula  Sibyllina,  iii.  271,  272. 


THE  JEWS  OF  THE  DISPERSION.  45 

directed  the  affairs  of  the  community  and  acted  in  its 
name.i 

If  any  town  denied  them  these  prerogatives,  they  as- 
sumed the  air  of  a  persecuted  people,  lamented  their  un- 
happy lot,  all  the  time  intriguing,  buying  up  powerful 
patrons,  and  never  abandoning  their  importunities  until 
they  had  succeeded  in  at  least  obtaining  perfect  liberty 
for  their  religious  rites.  This  simple  concession  sufficed 
to  make  them  a  privileged  class;  for  it  exempted  them 
from  military  service  and  the  taxes  which  were  incom- 
patible with  the  Mosaic  prescriptions.^  It  was  forbid- 
den to  summon  them  before  the  court  during  their  festival 
seasons.^  When  any  distribution  of  food  was  ordered  by 
the  city  government,  they  were  allowed  the  right  of  re- 
fusing wheat,  wine,  and  oil,  contaminated  by  the  touch 
of  Pagan  hands,  and  could  claim  an  equivalent  sum  of 
money  as  their  compensation ;  they  even  got  permission 
to  have  this  price  paid  them  on  some  other  day  besides 
the  Sabbath.* 

These  franchises  were  in  full  vigor  throughout  the 
whole  Eoman  Empire,  and  attracted  thither  Jews  from 
all  parts.  Their  fortunes  and  their  business  enterprise 
assumed  such  political  importance  under  Julius  Caesar 
that  the  Dictator  thought  it  the  wisest  plan  to  follow  the 
same  policy  which  Alexander  had  adopted  in  governing 
them.  By  four  successive  edicts  he  assured  to  them,  not 
only  their  entire  independence,  but  other  privileges  as 
well.  The  sons  of  Israel  were  permitted  to  live  openly 
according  to  their  laws  and  customs,  might  hold  assem- 
blies, and  collect  taxes  for  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  or  for 
the  support  of  the  synagogue.^  His  tolerance  went  so  far 
as  to  exempt  them  from  the  tax-levies  every  seventh  year, 
so  that  they  might  be  free  to  observe  the  rest  of  the 
Sabbatic  Year,  and  not  be  forced  to  gather  any  of  the  fruit 

1  Cicero,  Ad  Atticum,  ii.  17  ;  Juvenal,  Satirce,  i.  130  ;  Josephus,  Bellum 
Judaicum,  vii.  3,  3  ;  Antiquitates,  xiii.  6,  7  ;  xiv.  7,  2  ;  10, 17  ;  xvii.  12,  4  ; 
xix.  5,  2  ;  XX.  5,  2,  3. 

2  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv.  10,  12. 

3  Id.  xvi.  6,  4.  *  Id.  xii.  6,  4.  5  id.  xiv.  10,  8. 


46  SAINT  PETER. 

of  their  lands.^  The  High  Priest  of  Jerusalem  was  recog- 
nized as  patron  of  the  dispersed  Israelites,  and  had  the 
right  of  setting  forth  his  clients'  complaints  before  the 
Emperor's  or  the  Proconsul's  tribunal,  always  finding  free 
access  thereto.^ 

These  ordinances  of  Caesar  were  confirmed  by  Augustus, 
and  decreed  anew  by  Claudius,  after  the  persecutions  of 
Tiberius  and  Caligula.  All  this  resulted  in  constituting 
the  Jews  as  a  real  national  body  existing  throughout  all 
the  empire,  for  even  in  the  cities,  which  had  kept  their 
own  autonomy,  the  magistrates  conformed  their  conduct 
towards  this  people  with  that  of  Eome,  in  so  far  that  the 
intervention  of  the  High  Priest  was  sufficient  to  put  a 
stop  to  any  undertaking  against  the  liberties  of  Israel. 
This  was  the  case  at  Ephesus  and  Delos ;  when  they 
tried  to  subject  the  Jews  to  their  common  laws  they 
were  compelled  by  the  Consul  Dolabella  to  dispense  them 
from  military  service,  in  order  that  they  might  observe 
that  law  which  forbade  them  to  touch  unclean  meats,  or 
to  march  on  the  Sabbath  day.^  Everywhere,  in  fact, 
the  Eoman  governors  evidenced  the  greatest  care  to  con- 
sult the  wishes  of  Judaism,  so  powerful  did  they  feel  it 
to  be !  If  but  one  of  them  attempted  to  meddle  with 
their  property,  or  with  the  rights  of  some  synagogue,  the 
Israelites  of  all  lands,  particularly  those  of  the  capital, 
stirred  up  their  countrymen  to  combine  against  the 
aggressor  ;  thereupon  followed  nothing  but  tumults,  depu- 
tations, suppliant  letters,  and  apologies  ;  once  the  agitation 
had  become  general,  it  was  prolonged  with  an  obstinacy 
which  overthrew  all  obstacles. 

Formidable  as  the  Jewish  influence  appeared  to  magis- 
trates in  the  provinces,  their  power  was  no  less  dreaded 
by  the  merchants  of  the  cities  where  they  did  business. 
In  every  branch  of  traffic  the  close  union  between  mem- 
bers of  their  race,  and  their  connections,  bringing  them 
into  touch,  commercially,  with  the  whole  world,  gave 
them  a  notable  advantage  over  their  rivals.     As  soon  as 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,   xiv.  10,  6.  ^  i(j_  xiv.  10,  2,  3. 

3  Id.  xiv.  10,  12-14. 


THE  JEWS   OF  THE  DISPERSION.  47 

they  appeared  in  any  place  they  first  managed  to  get  the 
small  tradesmen's  business  into  their  hands ;  after  that 
they  would  begin  quietly  and  by  degrees  to  get  control 
of  the  more  considerable  business  interests ;  finally,  they 
even  took  charge  of  the  farming  of  taxes ;  for  although 
in  principle,  the  receipt  of  public  moneys  was  reserved  to 
the  Eomans,  oftentimes  the  wealth  and  ability  of  the  Jews 
made  it  necessary  to  ask  their  aid.  In  the  region  about 
the  Euphrates  they  exercised  such  predominance  that 
diplomacy  made  use  of  them  as  intermediaries.^ 

The  important  position  they  occupied  in  finance  and 
trade  deepened  their  disdain  for  all  not  of  their  blood. 
They  forgot  their  Prophets'  counsellings,  that  they  should 
not  separate  their  fortune  from  that  of  the  cities  where 
they  dwelt,  but  love  them  and  pray  for  them.  With 
no  longer  any  higher  motive  than  their  individual  in- 
terests in  view,  they  regarded  discretion  as  superfluous, 
and  hurried  to  Kome  whenever  any  difficulty  arose  be- 
tween them  and  the  Gentiles.  The  favor  they  found 
with  the  imperial  officials  was  enough  to  win  them 
popular  hatred ;  every  ingenuity  was  exercised  in  black- 
ening their  character,  depicting  them  as  infamous  alike 
in  the  conduct  of  life  and  from  their  origin.  In  Egypt, 
where  we  have  seen  how  powerful  they  were,  the  story 
went  that  in  olden  times  this  whole  race,  when  in- 
fected by  leprosy  and  every  loathsome  disease,  took  ref- 
uge in  the  temples,  and  lived  there  as  beggars.  Heaven, 
angered  by  this  profanation,  scourged  tlie  land  with  epi- 
demics and  sterility,  whereupon  Bocchoris,  who  was  then 
reigning,  sent  to  consult  Ammon ;  the  oracle  made  answer 
that  they  must  purify  the  sanctuaries,  drive  this  impious 
people  into  the  desert,  and  drown  those  who  were  con- 
taminated, since  the  sight  of  them  was  unendurable  to 
the  Sun :  only  by  this  means  could  the  soil  recover  its 
fertility.^     Elsewhere  other  calumnies,  not  less    odious, 

1  Josephus,  Bellum  Judaicnm,  i.  13,  5  ;  Antiquitates,  xiv.  13,  5  ;  xv.  2,  3. 
At  Alexandria  the  grain  trade  and,  consequently,  all  bread  stuffs  destined 
for  Rome  were  intrusted  to  them. 

2  Josephus,  Contra  Apionem,  i.  34. 


48  SAINT  PETER. 

were  repeated.  Their  synagogues,  without  idols  or  sacri- 
fices, offered  occasion  to  accuse  them  of  atheism ;  the  life 
they  led  apart  from  the  general  people  was  sufficient  proof, 
men  said,  of  their  savage  and  inhospitable  manners,  and 
their  hatred  for  humankind.^ 

But  if  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  excited  the  aversion 
of  the  peoples  among  whom  they  lived,  the  latter  were 
exercising  a  great  influence  upon  the  race.  While  their 
brethren  of  Jerusalem  were  multiplying  Observances  about 
their  Law,  those  outside  the  City,  far  removed  from  the 
Temple,  mingling  daily  with  Orientals,  Greeks,  and  Eo- 
mans,  subject  in  part  to  their  laws,  dealing  with  them 
through  commerce,  little  by  little  dispensed  themselves 
from  rites  which  had  become  impracticable  in  their  new 
surroundings.  In  Palestine,  a  land  very  little  travelled, 
without  great  marts  or  harbors,  separated  from  other  re- 
gions by  mountains  and  deserts,  it  was  possible  to  avoid 
contact  with  the  foreigner,  as  if  one  was  contaminated 
by  his  touch ;  if  traffic  was  regarded  as  incompatible  with 
the  strict  observance  of  the  Law,  such  rigorous  views  were 
bearable  there ;  but  it  was  not  the  same  in  Pagan  coun- 
tries, where  the  Eabbis  themselves  forbore  any  preaching 
of  the  "  Pharisaic  Separation."  Far  from  treating  mer- 
chants as  Canaanites,  they  undervalued  the  pastoral  life 
of  their  ancestors,  and  reserved  all  their  praise  for  trade. 
"  There  is  no  meaner  calling  than  agriculture,"  said  Rabbi 
Eleazar,  as  he  was  looking  at  a  field  ripe  for  the  sickle ; 
and  Rabbi  Rabh  added :  "  All  the  harvests  of  the  world 
are  not  to  be  compared  with  commerce."  ^  With  these 
novel  sentiments,  the  Jews  began  to  adopt  the  language 
of  the  lands  they  lived  in ;  Hebrew  sounded  so  strange 
to  their  ears  that  the  service  of  the  synagogue  came  to  be 
conducted  in  Greek,  and  the  Holy  Books  read  only  in  the 
Septuagint  Version.  As  sacrifices  could  not  be  performed 
outside  the  Temple,  they  retained  only  a  spiritual  wor- 
ship, in  which  Jehovah,  the  one  God,  was  adored  in  prayer 
and  song. 

1  Josephus,  Contra  Apionem,  ii.  14  ;  Diodorus  of  Sicily,  BibL,  xl.  3. 

2  Jebhamoth,  I  63,  1. 


THE  JEWS   OF  THE  DISPERSION.  49 

But  these  changes  in  no  way  encroached  upon  either  doc- 
trine or  religion.  Disengaged  from  practices  which  were 
inconvenient  outside  of  Jerusalem,  belief  in  the  Eternal, 
the  Law,  and  the  Holy  Word  to  these  scattered  Jews 
still  remained  the  object  of  a  worship  from  which  noth- 
ing could  ever  detach  them.  In  the  money-lenders'  shops, 
as  in  the  homes  of  wealthy  tradesmen,  there  was  the  same 
love  of  country,  the  same  hopes.  The  abundance  of  offer- 
ings which  the  synagogues  collected  for  the  Temple  shows 
how  rich  in  fruits  their  faith  continued  to  be ;  but  they 
were  not  content  with  sending  this  tribute  to  the  Holy 
City :  ^  every  year  the  deputation  which  carried  it  up  to 
Jerusalem  was  accompanied  by  numbers  of  pilgrims,  every 
son  of  Israel  going  at  least  once  in  his  life  to  sacrifice  in 
the  only  spot  on  earth  where  victims  were  acceptable 
to  God. 

This  piety  of  the  Jews  manifested  itself  at  every 
opportunity.  Their  first  care  was  to  establish  a  church  in 
the  cities  where  they  were  settled.  If  they  lacked  means 
to  build  a  sanctuary,  they  set  aside  at  least  some  meeting- 
place,  some  enclosure  near  a  fountain,  or  on  the  heights, 
where  they  could  go  through  with  their  ablutions  and 
pray  undisturbed.  In  the  wealthy  cities,  in  Alexandria 
and  in  Antioch,  it  was  regarded  as  a  point  of  honour  that 
their  synagogues  should  rival  the  Pagans'  temples  in  the 
point  of  richness.  ^  Their  zeal  was  no  less  striking  in 
the  fidelity  with  which  they  observed  such  legal  prescrip- 
tions as  appeared  compatible  with  exile.  A  life  in  which 
religion  was  so  predominant  resulted  in  giving  the  Jews 
a  great  ascendency  over  the  Pagans.  The  loftiness  of  their 
dogmas,  their  pure  system  of  morality,  their  brotherly 
helpfulness  and  austere  worship, —  all  these  were  powerful 
attractions  to  souls  wearied  of  Paganism,  and  hungering 
for  some  new  thing.     Probably  Josephus  has  not  over- 

1  These  contributions  were  looked  upon  as  sacred  by  the  magistrates 
of  the  Empire ;  accordingly,  the  robber  who,  after  stealing  any  sum  be- 
longing thereto,  sought  refuge  in  the  temples,  could  be  seized  as  a  sacrile- 
gious offender  and  handed  over  to  the  Jews  (Josephus,  Antiquitates, 
xvi.  6,  4). 

2  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  ii.  528. 

4 


50  SAINT  PETER, 

drawn  the  picture  he  has  left  us  of  the  influence  of 
Judaism :  "  For  now  a  long  time  it  has  been  the  fashion, 
even  among  the  people,  to  imitate  our  piety.  There  is  no 
town,  whether  Greek  or  Barbarian,  nor  any  nation,  whither 
the  custom  of  keeping  the  Sabbath  has  not  penetrated,  — 
not  one  where  our  fasts,  our  lighted  torches,  our  absti- 
nence from  forbidden  meats,  is  not  a  received  custom. 
Others  strive  to  imitate  our  unitedness  of  soul,  our  gen- 
erosity, our  activity  in  the  arts,  our  courage  in  suffering 
everything  for  the  Law.  What  is  most  admirable  is  that, 
with  no  intrinsic  charm  of  its  own,  the  Law  has  been  so 
powerful,  has  been  spread  abroad  among  all  men,  even  as 
is  God  in  the  world."  ^ 

The  only  point  in  which  Josephus  exaggerates  is  in 
denying  any  attractions  to  the  Law.  For  the  senses,  cer- 
tainly it  offers  little  that  is  seductive;  but  to  number- 
less souls  despairing  of  light  from  Paganism,  it  was  the 
morning  sun  dispelling  the  gloomy  night.  The  One  and 
Only  God,  terrible  in  His  Majesty,^  but  overflowing 
with  loving-kindnesses,^  "His  word,  sweet  as  honey 
to  the  lips,"  ^  "  the  Law  without  spot,"  ^  mirror  of  His 
eternal  justice,  the  ceremonies  as  holy  as  they  were 
imposing,  —  everything  in  Israel's  Faith  astonished  and 
attracted  them.  The  sanctuaries  of  the  Jews  of  the 
Dispersion  impressed  the  idea  of  an  altogether  spiritual 
religion ;  for  here  there  was  no  altar  to  be  seen  as  in 
Jerusalem,  no  bloody  sacrifices,  but  only  a  Book  treated 
as  worthy  of  all  homage  and  piously  interpreted  to  the 
people,  only  prayers  with  the  sweet,  touching  music  of 
their  Psalms.  The  Mosaic  worship  showed  itself  in  its 
most  favorable  light,  freed  from  the  coarse  shell  which 
Jesus  Christ  had  disowned.  Even  more  than  the  majestic 
austerity  of  their  worship,  more  than  their  dogmas  and 
their  virtues,  their  certitude  that  they  possessed  the  Truth 
gave  the  Jews  an  irresistible  sway.     The  hardier  minds 

1  Josephus,  Contra  Apionem,  ii.  39. 

2  Deut.  X.  17 ;  Ps.  xlvi.  3;  xxviii.  3,  etc. 

3  Num.  xiv.  18;  Ps.  Ixxxv.  5,  15,  etc.         *  Ps.  xviii.  11  ;  cxviii.  103. 
^  Ps.  xviii.  8. 


THE  JEWS   OF  THE  DISPERSION.  51 

of  Paganism  might  jeer  at  their  credulity,  if  they  pleased ; 
but  in  misfortune,  or  at  the  approach  of  danger,  all  eyes 
turned  towards  the  synagogue ;  many  hastened  to  its 
doors,  and  once  entering,  left  it  no  more. 

Jewish  society,  gloomy  as  it  appeared  outwardly,  capti- 
vated the  Pagans  by  the  peculiar  charm  of  its  life  and  its 
incessant  novelty.  Israelitish  gatherings  were  to  the  out- 
sider, scenes  of  vivid  interest ;  nowhere  else  was  the  latest 
news  known  so  soon,  and  nowhere  were  ideas  and  pas- 
sionate dreams  as  ardent  and  effective  as  here.  It  was  a 
rare  thing  not  to  meet  some  foreign  guest  on  his  journeys, 
the  magnates  of  finance  going  from  one  city  to  another, 
missionaries  whom  zeal  for  the  Law  impelled  "  to  traverse 
lands  and  seas."  ^  On  being  invited  to  speak  before 
them,  the  new-comers  would  recount  what  they  had  seen 
by  the  way,  and  rehearse  the  doctrine  of  celebrated  mas- 
ters. Still  oftener,  the  head  man  of  the  community  would 
appear  in  the  chair  to  publish  some  message  from  the 
great  Sanhedrin  or  from  neighboring  colonies  of  Jews. 
By  these  daily  communications,  each  *' ghetto"  kept  in 
contact  with  the  whole  world ;  for  as  Judaism  extended 
like  roots  from  one  stem,  the  slightest  movement  was 
transmitted  through  the  entire  body,  from  India  to  the 
Atlantic  coasts,  from  Africa  to  the  regions  of  the  North. 

Another  attraction  of  the  synagogue  lay  in  the  fact 
that  its  members  still  enjoyed  a  certain  independence,  a 
life  of  their  own.  While  all  through  the  Empire,  prying 
laws  determined  upon  just  what  conditions  a  society  should 
be  tolerated,  —  the  number  of  its  members,  the  frequency 
of  its  meetings,  and  the  largest  sum  to  be  allowed  in  its 
treasury,  —  Jewish  associations  were  made  an  exception  ; 
regarded  as  purely  religious  assemblies,  they  were  formed 
and  governed  openly,  with  perfect  freedom  from  these 
restraints.  ^ 

Such  privileges  as  these,  added  to  the  superiority  of 
the  Law,  explain  the  favor  with  which  Mosaic  law  was 
regarded.     In  the  large  cities  there  were  as  many  friends 

1  Matt,  xxiii.  15.  ^  philo,  Legat.  ad  Caium,  M.  592. 


52  SAINT  PETER. 

of  the  Jews  as  the  Jews  themselves.  The  women  espe- 
cially were  attracted  by  the  mystery  of  the  synagogue, 
its  peaceful  atmosphere,  and  the  kindly  brotherliness  they 
found  there,  as  well  as  by  the  songs  which  fell  so  grate- 
fully upon  their  ears.  There  was  no  trouble  about 
obtaining  some  knowledge  of  Jehovah's  Law  from  the 
daughters  of  Israel ;  and  finding  that  woman's  condition 
was  freer  and  more  honorable  under  its  dispensations, 
they  embraced  the  new  faith  in  great  numbers.  At 
Damascus,  almost  all  the  women  were  proselytes ;  ^  and 
in  Thyatira  and  Thessalonica,^  Saint  Paul,  on  entering  the 
Jews'  place  of  prayer,  found  women  to  be  in  the  majority  ; 
in  Rome  the  number  of  converts  among  the  patrician 
ladies  was  so  well  known  that  Ovid  advises  his  readers, 
if  they  wish  to  see  the  renowned  beauties  of  the  capital, 
to  stand  guard  at  the  doors  of  the  synagogues.^ 

The  masters  of  Israel  encouraged  this  movement 
among  the  Pagan  ladies  ;  for  the  conversions  of  women, 
always  sincere,  and  exciting  no  great  attention  from 
outsiders,  gave  rise  to  no  embarrassing  or  troublesome 
consequences.  But  among  the  men  they  had  learned 
by  experience  to  expect  self-interested  motives :  some 
came  to  Judaism  with  the  view  of  gaining  the  privileges 
we  have  been  speaking  of,  —  exemption  from  taxes,  public 
duties,  and  military  service ;  others  in  the  hope  of  mak- 
ing rich  marriages.^  There  were  "  the  Proselytes  of  the 
Royal  Table,"  who  became  Jews  the  better  to  pay  court 
to  the  princes  of  Israel ;  ^  "  the  Lions'  Proselytes,"  whom 
reverse  of  fortune  or  some  affliction  had  impelled  to  seek 
Jehovah,  like  those  Assyrian  colonists  who  had  been 
converted  in  order  to  escape  the  lions  of  Samaria ;  ^  "  Pro- 
selytes of  Fear,"  as,  for  instance,  the  tribune  Metilius, 
who  followed  the  Mosaic  system  in  order  to  save  his  life.'^ 

These  nicknames  which  the  Rabbis  were  ever  invent- 


^  Josephus,  Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  20,  2. 

^  Acts  xvi.  14 ;  xvii.  4.  ^  Ovid,  Ars  Amat.,  i.  76. 

^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xvi.  7,  6  ;  xx.  7,  2,  3. 

5  Kiddouschin,  iv.  1.  ^4  Kings  xvii.  26. 

■^  Josephus,  Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  17,  25. 


THE  JEWS   OF  THE  DISPERSION.  53 

ing  for  them,  show  with  what  distrust  they  welcomed 
Pagan  men.  In  their  thinking  it  was  not  enough  to  be 
attracted  by  the  pure  doctrine  of  one  only  God, —  for  many 
sects  taught  .the  same  dogma,  and  might  win  away  the 
new  converts.  Such  were  the  schools  of  Alexandria,  which 
were  filled  with  deserters.  From  the  annoyance  caused 
them  by  these  apostasies,  the  Eabbis  of  Palestine  came 
to  detest  the  proselytes ;  they  called  them  the  leprosy  of 
Israel,^  accused  them  of  delaying  the  appearance  of  the 
Messiah,^  and  affirmed  that  their  descendants  were  to  be 
regarded  with  suspicion  down  to  the  fortieth  generation.^ 
Even  in  Jerusalem,  however,  these  prejudices  did  not 
blind  the  minds  of  all.  Hillel  and  Gamaliel,  on  the  con- 
trary, displayed  great  zeal  in  the  matter  of  conversions, 
and  Simon,  Gamaliel's  son,  was  fond  of  repeating :  "  If  a 
Pagan  come  forward  to  enter  the  Covenant,  give  him  your 
hand  and  draw  him  under  the  wings  of  the  Divinity."* 
In  the  Dispersion,  far  from  repulsing  the  Proselytes, 
very  many  Rabbis  were  only  seeking  how  to  smooth  the 
way  for  them ;  with  this  view,  they  declared  that  cir- 
cumcision and  the  observance  of  all  the  legal  precepts  ^ 
were  not  indispensable  conditions  for  participating  in 
the  salvation  of  Israel.     Many  went  so  far  as  to  dissuade 

1  Jebam,  47,  4;  Ki'ddouschin,  70,  6. 

2  Lightfoot,  Horce  Hebraicce,  in  Matt,  xxiii.  5. 

3  Ja/kufh  Ruth,  f.  163,  a. 

4  Jost,  Judenthum,  i.  447. 

^  The  extent  of  the  obligations  imposed  on  proselytes  varied  with  the 
times.  According  to  the  Law,  a  foreigner  might  be  admitted  to  fellow- 
ship with  Israelites  if  he  promised  to  keep  the  Sabbath  (Exod.  xx.  10), 
never  to  blaspheme  the  Name  of  Jehovah,  and  not  to  partake  of  blood  or 
of  a  suffocated  beast  (Lev.  xxvii.  12;  xxiv.  16).  After  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  the  Rabbis  taught  that  the  Law  obliged  Jews  alone.  God 
had  revealed  to  Noe  the  only  commandments  which  could  be  made  binding 
on  all  nations.  This  special  code  for  the  Gentiles  comprised  seven  interdic- 
tions, —  against  blasphemy,  idolatry,  homicides,  sins  against  nature,  blood 
taken  as  food,  robbery,  and  sedition.  In  the  epoch  of  the  Apostles  there  is 
good  reason  to  believe  that  the  proselytes'  obligations  were  limited  to  the 
precepts  determined  by  the  assembly  of  Jerusalem :  "  It  hath  seemed  good 
to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  us  to  lay  no  further  burden  upon  you  than  these 
things  which  are  necessary,  to  wit,  that  you  abstain  from  things  sacrificed 
to  idols,  from  blood,  from  strangled  creatures,  and  from  fornication  " 
(Acts  XV.  28-29). 


54  SAINT  PETER. 

them  from  undergoing  the  bloody  incision ;  ^  the  only 
important  thing,  in  their  eyes,  was  to  acknowledge  Jeho- 
vah as  the  only  true  God,  to  worship  Him,  and  meditate 
upon  His  Law,  without  adopting  Jewish  rites :  this  was 
what  was  meant  by  a  person's  remaining  "  a  Proselyte  of 
the  Gate."  2  Those  who  were  urged  by  the  more  rigid 
and  zealous  doctors  to  undergo  circumcision,  to  take  part 
in  the  numerous  ablutions  and  in  the  offering  of  sacrifices, 
became  "  Proselytes  of  Justice,"  ^  and  were  in  no  way  dis- 
tinguishable from  pure  Israelites. 

Whatever  part  these  newly  initiated  may  have  taken 
in  the  Observances,  they  were  all  deeply  affected  by  the 
religion  and  morality  of  the  Mosaic  law ;  for  it  was  this 
loftiest  side  of  Revelation  which  the  dispersed  Jews  were 
most  eager  to  spread  abroad.  As  skilful  in  their  preach- 
ing as  in  their  commercial  dealings,  they  adapted  their 
teaching  to  the  dispositions  of  the  Pagans  about  them, 
and  painted  the  Jewish  doctrine  so  happily  as  to  make 
it  acceptable  and  quite  natural  to  very  opposite  minds. 

The  progress  of  this  movement  is  most  easily  followed 
at  Alexandria.  There  the  Jews  had  recognized  the  fact 
that,  in  order  to  convince  minds,  it  was  not  enough  to 
speak  the  same  language  as  those  they  were  addressing ; 
for  three  centuries  their  Sacred  Books,  translated  into 
Greek,  had  been  accessible  to  all,  but  without  results : 
the  holy  text,  though  known  to  a  few  of  the  learned,  was 
still  a  dead  letter  to  average  men  of  all  ranks.  The 
masters  of  Israel  were  clever  enough  to  conceive  that  they 
could  reach  this  multitude  by  calling  the  authority  of 
Greek  genius  in  support  of  Revelation,  and  confirmed  their 
dogmas  by  explaining  them  in  the  words  of  Pagan  poets 
and  philosophers.  Thus,  by  the  use  of  supposititious 
works,  Linus,  Pythagoras,  Hesiod,  Homer,  and  Plato  were 
made  to  preach  faith  in  the  supreme  God,  and  a  Messiah 
who  should  bring  glory  and  happiness  to  the  world. 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xx.  2,  5. 

2  This  name  was  in  allusion  to  that  verse  of  Exodus  (xx.  10) :  "  The 
seventh  day  thou  shalt  do  no  work,  neither  thou  nor  thy  son  .  .  .  nor  the 
stranger  that  is  within  thy  gates." 

^  They  were  also  known  by  the  name  of  "  Sons  of  the  Covenant." 


THE  JEWS   OF  THE  DISPERSION.  55 

It  was  through  a  preference  which  was  due  at  once  to 
the  mistiness  of  his  history  and  his  marvellous  deeds 
that  Orpheus  became,  so  to  say,  the  principal  patron  of 
this  kind  of  preaching.  A  collection  of  sentences  had 
circulated  for  some  time  in  the  Schools,  under  the  name 
of  "  Orphic  Wisdom,"  furnishing  many  a  text  for  the  ora- 
tors ;  from  it  they  extracted  their  lofty  thoughts  concern- 
ing Jupiter,  —  who  embraces  all  power  in  his  person,  — 
and  on  the  perpetuity  and  recompenses  of  the  future  life. 
An  hundred  and  sixty  years  before  Jesus  Christ,  the  Jewish 
Aristobulus,  philosopher  and  courtier  under  the  Ptole- 
mies, inserted  among  these  poems  a  few  lines  in  praise 
of  Moses'  Law,  and  retouched  the  ancient  verses  with 
phrases  of  Jewish  coloring.  Thereupon,  pursuing  his  plan, 
he  made  shift  to  show  that  the  Old  Testament  was  the 
single  source  whence  the  poets  and  sages  of  Paganism 
had  drawn  their  inspiration.  A  fragment  of  these  Orphic 
Songs  which  has  come  down  to  us,  gives  us  an  oppor- 
tunity of  studying  this  forger  of  antiquities  at  work. 

"  God  in  Himself  1  know  not,  for  a  cloud  envelopeth  Him ; 
But  His  Ten  Commandments  declare  Him  to  Men ; 
Mortal  man  hath  never  beheld  Him ; 
One  alone  hath  been  so  favored,  —  he  who  was  born  of  the 

waters  [Moses], 
He  hath  received  from  Heaven  its  knowledge  on  a  twofold 
Table.'^\ 

But  Orpheus  himself  was  to  yield  place  to  the  ancient 
Sibyl.  Throughout  the  entire  world,  at  Babylon,  in 
Libya,  at  Delphi,  Samos,  Troy,  and  in  Italy,  2  this  voice 
which  laid  bare  future  things,  was  listened  to  religiously. 
The  Jews  were  not  slow  to  make  use  of  prophecies  so 
revered ;  they  constrained  even  these  to  testify  in  their 
favor.  In  the  Third  Book  of  the  Sibylline  Oracles  we 
find  traces  of  this  work,  done  by  a  Jew  of  Egypt  in  the 

1  Eusebius,  Prceparatio  Evangelica,  xiii.  12 ;  cf.  S.  Justin,  De  Monar- 
ckia,  2  ;   Cokwtatio  ad  Grcecos,  15. 

2  Plato  knew  of  but  one  Sibyl  (Pkcedrus,  p.  244).  Others  name  two, 
others  four,  and  others  ten,  —  those  of  Babylon,  Libya,  Delphi,  Cimme- 
rium,  Erythrse,  Samos,  Cumae,  Troy,  Phrygia,  and  Tibur  (Pauly^  Real 
Encyclopddie :  Sibylla). 


56  SAINT  PETEK 

reign  of  Ptolemy  Philometor  (about  the  year  150  before 
Christ).  The  Sibyl  here  makes  Noe's  daughter-in-law  re- 
late the  whole  history  of  the  world  after  the  Tower  of 
Babel.  Stories  from  the  Old  Testament  are  jumbled 
with  Pagan  theogonies  ;  the  sons  of  Abraham  mingle 
with  the  Titans  and  the  gods  of  Hesiod ;  the  predictions 
of  Pagan  oracles  are  put  side  by  side  with  those  of  the 
Seers  of  Judea.  All  these  prophecies  agree  in  foretelling 
misfortunes  nigh  at  hand,  whose  sole  cause  is  the 
idolatry  of  the  people;  no  other  hope  is  held  out  to 
humanity  save  in  a  return  to  the  true  God,  to  the  God 
of  the  Hebrews.^ 

If  we  read  through  the  Jewish  literature  of  Alexandria, 
which  was  so  rich  at  this  epoch  and  in  the  following 
period,  we  find  the  same  method,  —  the  same  eagerness  to 
show  that  all  truth  springs  from  Israel,  the  same  address 
in  making  the  different  aspects  of  their  respective  doc- 
trines either  stand  out  in  bolder  relief,  or  sink  out  of 
sight,  according  as  their  purpose  demanded.  "  Since  our 
laws,"  says  Josephus,  "  embody  the  perfectest  justice,  we 
ought,  thanks  to  them,  to  become  friends  of  all  men  and 
well-wishers  towards  all."  ^ 

This  influence,  which  was  so  active  at  Alexandria, 
made  itself  felt,  under  various  forms,  in  every  place  where 
Judaism  flourished.  Everywhere  a  throng  of  proselytes 
crowded  the  "ghetto,"  frequented  the  synagogue,  and 
thus  insensibly  drinking  in  the  faith  of  Israel,  partook  of 
the  pure  truth.  In  the  ranks  of  these  new  believers  the 
Gospel  received  the  warmest  welcome.  Like  the  sons  of 
Abraham,  they  too  awaited  the  Messiah,  and  with  Him 
salvation ;  but  they  were  not  obstinate  in  the  belief  that 
His  Kingdom  must  be  at  Jerusalem,  nor  did  they  dream 
night  and  day  of  a  restoration  of  the  throne  of  David  and 
the  Maccabees.  They  accepted  the  universal  predomi- 
nance of  the  Jewish  race  as  foretold  by  the  Eabbis,  but 
without  longing  for  the  realization  of  these  prophecies. 
When  from  synagogue  to  synagogue  the  rumor  spread 

1  Oracula  Sihyllina,  iii.  97-807.         ^  Josephiis,  Antiquitates,  xvi.  6,  8. 


THE  JEWS  OF  THE  DISPERSION.  57 

that  the  Christ  had  appeared,  telling  men  of  God  in  terms 
higher  than  those  of  the  Law,  calling  Him  Father,  and 
claiming,  for  Him  and  in  His  Name,  a  worship  of  spirit 
and  of  truth,  —  when  it  was  known  that  He  rejected  the 
fleshly  wrappings  of  Mosaic  teaching,  thus  retaining 
nought  but  its  pure  morality, —  the  proselytes  thronged  to 
embrace  the  New  Faith  as  one  man.  Josephus  alludes 
to  this  fact  with  considerable  sorrow:  "Many  Greeks 
have  embraced  our  Law ;  some  have  remained  faithful, 
others  have  been  unable  to  bear  its  austerities,  and  have 
fallen  away."  ^  And  so,  all  over  the  earth,  the  Jewish 
communities  were  as  vast  fields  open  to  the  workmen  of 
the  Gospel ;  according  to  the  Master's  words,  "  the  har- 
vest was  already  white,"  ^  only  waiting  for  the  Lord's  ser- 
vants to  gather  it  into  the  heavenly  storehouses. 

1  Josephus,  Contra  Apionem,  ii.  10.  2  John  iv.  35. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

SAINT    STEPHEN. 

To  prepare  the  way  for  Christianity  was  the  mission  of 
the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  all  over  the  Pagan  world.  In 
Jerusalem,  too,  they  had  quite  as  important  a  part  to 
play.  Known  in  the  Holy  City  by  the  name  of  Hellen- 
ists, and  marked  off  from  the  Hebrews  by  their  different 
language,  it  was  natural  that  they  should  wish  to  have 
synagogues  of  their  own.  Many  of  them  had  believed 
in  the  Gospel  from  the  very  first ;  ^  every  Passover,  pil- 
grims coming  "  from  the  Dispersion,"  listened  to  the 
Apostles'  preaching  and  entered  the  fold  of  Jesus.  These 
Jews,  half  Greek  in  character,  equalled  and  even  sur- 
passed in  numbers  the  Galileans  and  Hebraists,  among 
the  first  generation  of  Christians. 

Love  for  the  Saviour  kept  these  members  united  in  one 
body,  however  divided  from  other  points  of  view,  and, 
according  to  the  expression  in  the  Acts,  there  was  only 
one  heart,  one  soul,  in  the  Church.^  But  though  Grace 
was  then  so  mighty,  it  did  not  destroy  those  preposses- 
sions which  sway  the  wisest  among  us.  Now,  none  of 
these  prejudices  was  more  firmly  rooted  in  Israel  than 
the  mutual  distrust  which  separated  the  Hebrew  Jews 
from  the  Hellenists.  The  latter,  as  we  have  seen,  al- 
though invincibly  attached  to  their  dogmas,  had  lost  their 
scruples  about  observing  the  Pharisaic  laws,  owing  to  their 
intercourse  with  Pagans ;  they  cultivated  the  profane 
arts,3  and  strove  to  reconcile  the  austerity  of  the  Law 

1  Acts  ii.  5,  9,  10,  11,  41.  2  Acts  iv.  32. 

3  Especially  at  Alexandria  the  Jews  applied  themselves  thus  to  Greek 
literature.  There  we  see  Hellenists  composing  tragedies  on  the  life  of 
Moses  and  the  abduction  of  Dinah ;  another  writes  an  epic  poem  on  Jeru- 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  59 

with  the  more  amiable  manners  of  Greece.  Indeed,  there 
were  some  few  exceptions  to  the  general  body  which  was 
so  faithful ;  these  went  so  far  as  to  appear  to  have  apos- 
tatized, leading  a  Pagan  life  and  trying  to  efface  the  sign 
of  the  Covenant  imprinted  on  their  flesh.  These  fallings- 
of!"  aroused  the  liveliest  resentment  among  their  brethren 
of  Palestine,  and  kept  alive  an  antipathy  for  them  which 
broke  forth  on  more  than  one  occasion.  Even  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Church,  this  feeling  of  opposition,  long  re- 
strained by  Christian  charity,  finally  made  itself  mani- 
fest. "  The  number  of  the  disciples  increasing,  there 
arose  a  murmuring  of  the  Greeks  against  the  Hebrews, 
for  that  their  widows  were  neglected  in  the  distribution 
of  what  was  given  out  each  day."  ^ 

The  Law  had  not  left  the  widows  uncared  for;  one 
portion  was  set  aside  for  them  out  of  every  harvest 
reaped,  from  the  tithes  collected  every  three  years,  out  of 
the  feast-day  banquets  and  the  spoils  taken  from  the 
enemy.2  After  the  Captivity,  the  Sanhedrin  pushed  these 
charitable  practices  still  farther,  and  consecrated  a  share 
in  the  treasures  of  the  Temple  to  the  succor  and  support 
of  widows  :  each  family  and  every  community  had  its  own 
to  sustain.  The  Church  followed  the  same  usage  ;  but  it 
came  about  that  the  head  men,  who  were  all  Palestine 
Hebrews,  found  it  much  easier  to  discover  poor  people 
dwelling  in  their  own  parts  and  speaking  the  same  tongue 
as  themselves ;  hence  they  appeared  to  be  less  assiduous 
in  their  care  for  foreign  women.  The  neglect  was  only 
apparent,  but  it  was  keenly  felt,  and  complaints  were  soon 
heard  from  the  converted  Greeks. 

On  learning  it,  the  Twelve  resolved  to  pacify  their  minds 
by  proving  their  own  disinterestedness.  To  this  end  they 
gathered  the  disciples  together. 

"  It  is  not  fitting,"  they  said,  "  that  we  should  abandon 

salem ;  Demetrius  and  Eupolemos  are  authors  of  profane  histories.  The 
most  illustrious  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  prolific  of  all  was  the 
Alexandrian  Philo. 

1  Acts  vi.  1. 

^  Deut.  xxiv.  19-21  ;  xiv.  '29;  xxvi.  11,  12;  xvi.  11,  14:  2  Mac.  viii, 
28-30. 


60  SAINT  PETER. 

the  word  of  God  to  serve  tables.^  Therefore,  brethren, 
choose  from  your  number  seven  men  of  well-known  up- 
rightness, full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  of  wisdom,  to  whom 
we  may  commit  this  ministry.  For  our  part,  we  will 
give  ourselves  wholly  to  prayer  and  the  ministry  of  the 
word."  2 

The  congregation  was  pleased  with  this  discourse,  and 
Stephen,  a  man  full  of  faith,  was  forthwith  elected,  and 
with  him  six  others,  — Philip,  Prochorus,  Nicanor,  Timon, 
Parmenas,  and  Nicholas,  a  proselyte  of  Antioch.  As  they 
are  Greeks  by  name,  these  faithful  men  were  apparently 
all  Hellenists  ;  that  they  were  chosen  to  the  exclusion  of 
Hebrews,  not  only  goes  to  show  how  the  number  of  Jews 
of  the  Dispersion  had  multiplied  in  the  Church,  it  also  tes- 
tifies to  the  charity  of  their  brethren  of  Judea,  who  made 
no  demands  for  their  share  in  this  new  office.  Together, 
they  presented  the  newly  elect  to  the  Apostles,  and  the 
latter  laid  their  hands  upon  them  in  prayer. 

The  development  of  the  Hierarchy,  which  we  shall  see 
gradually  growing  in  the  Church,  was  begun  by  this 
sacramental  act.  Hitherto  the  Apostles,  in  common  and 
without  distinction,  had  exercised  the  various  orders 
which  they  had  received  from  him  in  whom  resides  the 
fulness  of  the  Priesthood.  Now,  obliged  to  share  their 
powers,  they  took  good  heed  that  no  innovations  should 
arise  which  might  wound  the  converted  Hebrews ;  and 
this  is  the  reason  why,  while  they  remained  united  at  the 
head  of  the  community,  like  the  elders  of  the  synagogues, 
they  instituted  below  them  seven  Deacons,  whose  title 
recalls  the  servers  at  Jewish  gatherings.     The  charge  of 

1  As  TpaTre(a  meant  not  only  tables  for  eating,  but  those  also  on  which 
the  money-changers  set  out  their  coin,  SianoveTv  rpatre^ais,  may  signify  "  to 
administer  the  property  of  the  community  ;  "  but  it  is  more  probable  that 
this  expression  is  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  "  to  serve  at  the  tables  where 
the  faithful  sat  at  meat."  Doubtless  the  Apostles  obeyed  the  Master's 
injunction  literally :  "  Whose  would  be  the  first,  let  him  be  the  servant  of 
all ;  for  the  Son  of  Man  is  not  come  to  be  served,  but  to  serve,  and  to  give 
His  life  for  the  redemption  of  many."  The  word  Kadrjfxepiv-^,  in  the  first 
verse  of  the  chapter,  seems  to  indicate  that  it  alludes  to  material  d?iily 
cares, 

2  Acts  vi.  2-4. 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  61 

the  Christian  ministers,  however,  was  far  loftier,  since 
besides  the  care  of  the  poor  and  the  temporal  affairs  of 
the  Church,  other  altogether  spiritual  functions  were  in- 
trusted to  them.  This  was  the  season  of  first  fervor, 
when  believers  partook  of  their  daily  bread  and  of  the 
Body  of  Jesus  at  the  very  same  table.  The  first  Deacons, 
consequently,  were  the  dispensers  of  the  Eucharist ;  with 
this  office  they  had  also  that  of  preaching,  for  we  shall 
see  shortly  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  their  number, 
Stephen,  a  martyr  of  the  holy  word,  and  another,  Philip, 
evangelizing  Samaria. 

The  seven,  though  subordinate  to  the  Apostles  so  far 
as  their  powers  were  concerned,  showed  not  a  whit  less 
zeal  in  publishing  far  and  wide  the  new  Eeign  of  Jesus. 
"  Thus  the  word  of  the  Lord  spread  farther  and  farther, 
and  the  number  of  disciples  was  greatly  increased  in 
Jerusalem.  There  were  many  priests  among  those  who 
obeyed  the  faith."  The  conversion  of  the  latter  is  enough 
to  give  us  a  notion  of  what  was  then  the  mighty  power 
of  Grace,  for  among  all  the  children  of  Israel  there  was 
no  class  more  attached  than  the  Levites  to  the  worship 
whence  they  drew  the  wealth  and  esteem  of  their  tribe. 
Though  the  leaders  of  the  priesthood,  and  Annas'  family 
in  particular,  were  engrossed  in  politics  more  than  in  re- 
ligion, the  great  majority  of  the  sacrificers  had  not  lost 
their  zeal  for  the  Law.  The  Christians'  fidelity  to  t\it 
Mosaical  rites,  their  steadfastness  in  visiting  the  Temple, 
the  fervor  with  which  they  prayed  thrice  a  day,  with 
faces  turned  towards  the  Sanctuary,  —  all  this  could  not 
fail  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  priests.  Furthermore, 
the  City  was  ringing  with  their  renown  ;  the  people  stood 
in  reverence  of  them ;  Gamaliel  had  taken  up  their  de- 
fence :  all  these  rays  of  truth  were  to  enlighten  the  sons  of 
Levi ;  without  longer  delay,  many  of  them  yielded  to 
Grace  and  entered  into  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.  ^ 

1  Critics  have  resorted  to  the  strangest  hypotheses  to  elude  this  testi- 
mony of  S.  Luke.  Casaubon,  with  Beza  and  Valckenaer,  proposes  the 
reading,  "  A  numerous  throng  and  certain  priests,"  iroXvs  re  oxAos  koI  tS)u 
Upktj}v  {riv\s)  viTT^Kovov,  but  nothing  supports  this  conjecture.     Heinsius, 


62  SAINT  PETER. 

The  record  of  these  conversions  marks  the  highest 
point  in  the  favor  which  the  Church  attained  in  Jerusa- 
lem. Immediately  thereafter,  the  Acts  proceed  to  show 
how  the  opinions  of  the  populace  turned  in  an  opposite 
course.  The  disciples,  regarded  hitherto  as  the  best  of 
people,  incapable  of  injuring  any  one,  are  now  become  ob- 
jects of  suspicion  ;  their  doings  and  their  words  are  spied 
upon,  until  soon  they  undergo  a  bloody  persecution.  The 
causes  of  such  a  sudden  change  are  clearly  seen  in  the 
sequel  of  the  narrative  in  the  Holy  Book.  The  peace 
which  the  Church  had  enjoyed  for  six  years  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  outwardly  nothing  distinguished  it  from 
Judaism ;  the  Apostles  were  brought  up  in  the  Law,  sub- 
mitting always  to  its  observances ;  and  accordingly  they 
preserved  it  as  the  natural  form  of  their  religion,  at  the 
same  time  imposing  its  precepts  upon  all  proselytes  whom 
they  baptized.  Such  conduct  as  this  gained  them  the 
good  will  of  the  people,  who  looked  upon  them  as  only 
new  zealots  for  the  Slosaical  system,  —  Pharisees  only  a 
degree  more  perfect  than  others.  But  their  hatred  sprang 
into  life  on  the  day  when  they  suspected  the  disciples  of 
the  Christ  of  harboring  the  intention  of  freeing  the  new 
Faith  from  the  yoke  of  the  Synagogue.  The  first  inkling 
of  this  design  did  not  come  from  any  one  of  the  Apostles  ; 
rather  we  may  say  that  at  that  time  not  one  of  them 
dreamed  of  severing  the  Church  from  the  trunk  on  which 
Jesus  had  engrafted  it.  It  was  but  natural  that  this 
idea  should  arise  first  in  the  minds  of  Hellenists,  already 
freed,  by  their  foreign  customs,  from  the  galling  shackles 
of  Pharisaic  Observances.  Living  at  a  distance  from  the 
Holy  City,  worshipping  the  God  of  Israel  without  bloody 
sacrifices,  they  were  better  prepared  than  were  the  He- 
braists for  the  teachings  of  Jesus,  which  announced  the 
separation  of  the  two  Testaments.     It  is  not  surprising 

Wolf,  Kuinoel,  and  Eisner  try  to  make  a  distinction  between  ox^^os  t&v 
Upiwv,  "  the  priests  of  the  people,  —  the  commoner  sort,"  and  the  educated 
priests ;  a  distinction  with  as  little  foundation  as  the  foregoing.  Others 
again,  relying  on  an  unfounded  lection,  found  in  a  few  manuscripts  in 
cursive  letters  and  the  Syriac  Version  of  Philoxenus,  read  lovdalwv  instead 
of  hpioiv. 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  63 

that  they  should  have  had  a  presentiment  of  that  which 
God's  Spirit  must  needs  enjoin  upon  Peter  a  little  later 
on  the  housetop  at  Joppa,  nor  that  they  should  have 
been  the  first  to  understand  certain  words  of  the  Master 
which  still  remained  veiled  to  the  Apostles,  —  how  that 
it  was  folly  to  put  a  patch  of  new  cloth  on  an  old  gar- 
ment, or  new  wine  in  old  bottles,^  and  that  destruction 
of  the  Temple,^  the  worship  of  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth,^ 
with  an  hundred  other  lessons  of  the  Gospel  which  all 
carry  the  same  moral. 

But  the  scandal  burst  forth  when  Stephen  undertook 
to  spread  these  novel  ideas.  The  hardihood  of  the  saintly 
Deacon  seems  all  the  more  remarkable  from  the  fact  that 
Peter  and  the  Twelve  kept  silence.  Who  then  gave 
Stephen  the  authority  to  speak  and  act  before  the  Apos- 
tles ?  Where  did  he  come  from  ?  Was  he  one  of  those 
Hellenists  whose  language  he  knew  so  well,  and  whose 
mind  he  represented  ?  Scripture  tells  us  nothing  of  his 
origin,  and  the  tradition  which  makes  him  one  of  the 
seventy-two  disciples  *  is  founded  upon  testimony  of  too 
recent  a  date  to  merit  our  confidence.  Nevertheless,  it 
would  seem  that  Stephen  had  seen  and  been  a  follower 
of  the  Lord,  for  he  recognized  Him  at  once  when,  as  he 
was  about  to  die,  he  beheld  "  the  glory  of  God  and  Jesus 
standing  at  the  right  hand  of  His  Father."  ^  Properly 
speaking,  the  history  of  this  Deacon  begins  with  his  elec- 
tion ;  thereafter  his  zeal  was  so  noteworthy  that  he  is 
named  at  the  head  of  the  seven  as  "  a  man  full  of  Faith 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^  The  laying  on  of  hands  so 
far  developed  this  saintliness  that  soon  the  humble  ser- 
vant of  the  Church  was  venerated  as  highly  as  were  the 
Apostles.  Like  them, "  he  worked  great  wonders  and  great 
miracles  among  the  people."  '^  Besides  these  supernatural 
gifts,  Stephen  possessed  very  advantageous  resources  for 
a  preacher  at  that  time.  As  he  was  well  versed  in  Greek 
literature,  he  could  enter  into  controversy  with  foreign 

1  Matt.  ix.  16-17.  2  Matt.  xxiv.  1-2.  ^  Jo^q  jy,  24. 

^  S.  Epiphanius,  Adversus  Hcereses,  xl.  50. 

^  Acts  vi.  55.  6  Acts  vi.  5.  '^  Acts  vi.  8. 


64  SAINT  PETER 

Jews  and  preach  before  their  meetings.  Thus  it  is  that 
the  Acts  ^  show  him  bearing  the  burden  of  the  battle  in 
the  Synagogue  belonging  to  the  Roman  freedmen,^  in 
that  of  the  Cyreneans,^  and  in  the  Alexandrians' ;  again 
we  find  him  in  the  Cilicians'  Synagogue,  which,  proba- 
bly, Saul  of  Tarsus  was  wont  to  attend ;  and  finally  in 
the  Synagogue  of  Asia,*  head-centre  for  the  turbulent 
Zealots.^ 

Religious  discussions,  though  always  ardent  at  Jerusa- 
lem, burned  most  fiercely  among  the  Jews  come  from 
Egypt,  Asia,  and  Greece,  who  were  more  accessible  to 
new  ideas  than  their  brethren  of  Palestine.  There,  as 
everywhere  else  where  Jews  and  Christians  encountered 
each  other,  the  dispute  was  continually  renewed  as  to  the 
belief  in  Jesus,  that  Object  of  the  latter's  adoration,  but 
in  whom  the  former  could  not  acknowledge  the  promised 
Saviour,  since  the  Law  declared  that  a  criminal  dying 
upon  the  gibbet  was  condemned  by  God.^  In  answer, 
Stephen  had  only  to  unroll  the  Scriptures,  contrasting 

1  "  Certain  of  the  synagogue,  which  is  called  that  of  the  Freedmen, 
and  of  the  Cyrenians,  and  of  the  Alexandrians,  and  of  them  that  were  of 
Cilicia  and  Asia,  rose  up  against  Stephen  "  (Acts  vi.  9).  This  text  leaves 
us  in  uncertainty  as  to  whether  S.  Luke  is  speaking  of  only  one  synagogue 
frequented  by  Jews  of  these  various  nations,  or  whether  each  one  had  a 
separate  meeting-place  of  its  own.  The  latter  interpretation  would  seem 
preferable  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Jerusalem  then  contained  460  or  480 
synagogues  supported  by  foreign  Jews  (Vitringa,  Synag.,  p.  2.56). 

2  Since  the  word  Ai^epriucov  is  joined  to  Kvprjualwv  and  'AKe^avSpecov, 
some  expositors  think  it  refers  to  a  city  near  Cyrene  and  Alexandria,  and 
would  have  us  understand  thereby  the  Jews  of  Libertum,  a  city  of  Pro- 
consular Africa,  which  later  on  sent  a  Bishop  to  take  part  in  the  Synod  of 
Carthage  in  411  (for,  according  to  them,  the  expression  ttjs  \eyofi4vr}s 
Ai^eprivcoy  implies  that  this  little  town  was  not  well  known) ;  but  this 
hypothesis  is  gratuitous.  Later  on  we  shall  see  that  the  Jewish  commu- 
nity of  Rome,  made  up  in  great  part  of  Freedmen,  was  usually  designated 
by  that  name. 

^  At  Cyrene  one  fourth  of  the  population  ( Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv. 
7,  2 ;  xvi.  6,  1),  and  at  Alexandria  two  fifths,  were  Jews  (Philo,  Legal,  in 
Flaccum,  8  ;  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv.  7,  2). 

*  Proconsular  Asia,  an  important  province  of  the  Empire,  comprised 
Mysia,  Lydia,  Caria,  and  Phrygia ;  it  was  spoken  of  ordinarily  as  Asia  cis 
Taurum. 

^  The  Acts  (xxi.  27)  describe  these  Jews  of  Asia  as  prone  to  sedition 
and  acts  of  violence. 

6  Deut.  xxi.  23. 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  65 

the  triumphs  of  the  long-waited-for  Messiah  with  His 
sufferings,  also  foretold  therein.  Did  not  the  Eabbis 
themselves  recognize  Jehovah's  Anointed  in  the  Man 
acquainted  with  grief  announced  before  by  Isaiah  ?  ^ 
And  not  only  was  the  death  of  the  Nazarene  pictured  in 
Scripture,  His  whole  Life  was  there  traced  out  in  advance, 
His  Ministry  along  the  banks  of  Genesareth,  the  ungrate- 
fulness of  His  fellow-citizens.  His  ignominious  death, 
and  the  glory  of  His  tomb.  It  is  true,  this  continual 
reference  to  the  Prophecies  made  the  basework  of  all  the 
Apostolic  discourses  ;  but  Stephen  did  not  limit  his  teach- 
ings to  this  point.  Setting  the  Christ  far  above  Moses, 
he  declared  that  His  doctrine  was  independent  of  the 
rites  and  prescriptions  of  the  Law  ;  thus  he  even  went  so 
far  as  to  publish  openly  that  the  Temple  would  cease  to 
be  the  sole  spot  where  Jehovah  was  willing  to  be  wor- 
shipped. ^  The  feelings  of  irritation  in  the  synagogues 
which  first  listened  to  this  preaching,  were  very  strong. 
Stephen's  Messiah  was  no  longer  the  risen  Nazarene 
Whom  the  Twelve  announced,  but  the  destroyer  of  the 
Law,  of  the  Holy  of  Holies,  of  everything  which  the  Lord 
had  done  for  Israel. 

The  language  of  the  young  Deacon  was  all  the  more 
shocking  to  them  because  he  was  not  content  to  speak  as 
the  Apostles  were  wont  to  do,  • —  simply  setting  forth  his 
doctrine  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  defended  it,  conducting  the 
discussion  according  to  rule,  and  pushing  the  attack  as 
well  as  parrying  their  blown.  In  doing  this,  he  was  the 
first  to  use  the  weapons  of  controversy  in  the  Church's  be- 
half, —  weapons  which  Paul  was  to  wield  victoriously,  — 
and  more  vigorously  than  the  ordinary  teaching  of  her 
pastors,  more  to  be  dreaded  by  the  adversaries  of  the 
Faith,  but  at  the  same  time,  more  likely  to  excite  their 
bitter  hatred.     Stephen  was  to  be  its  first  victim.     "  Cer- 

^  Wunsche's  Die  Leiden  des  Messias,  iii. 

2  Acts  vi.  13-14.  "This  man  ceaseth  not  to  utter  words  against  the 
Holy  Place  and  against  the  Law ;  we  have  heard  him  say  that  Jesus  the 
Nazarene  shall  destroy  this  place  and  shall  change  the  customs  which 
Moses  hath  taught  us." 

5 


66  SAINT  PETER. 

tain  ones  of  the  synagogue,  which  was  called  the  Syna- 
gogue of  the  Freedmen,  with  others  of  the  Cyreneans,  the 
Alexandrians,  and  those  from  Cilicia  and  Asia,  rose  up 
and  disputed  with  him,  yet  without  being  able  to  resist 
the  wisdom  and  the  Spirit  that  spoke  in  him."  ^  But 
after  all  arguments  were  ended,  the  fanatics  had  the 
power  of  crushing  this  importunate  truth  by  doing  away 
with  the  man  who  overpowered  them  with  its  puissance  ; 
this  resolution  was  the  easier  of  execution  because  the 
political  circumstances  were  all  in  favor  of  his  opponents. 
Tiberius  was  still  on  the  throne  of  the  Empire,  growing 
ever  more  implacable  as  his  years  drew  to  a  close.  Eome's 
only  knowledge  of  him  was  gathered  from  the  decrees  of 
death  and  confiscation  which  were  issued  from  his  dis- 
tant retreat.  Capri  alone  had  fleeting  glimpses  of  this 
old  man,  "his  tall  form  bent  over,  his  limbs  worn  with 
disease,  with  bald  pate  and  a  countenance  pitted  with 
ulcers,  often  almost  covered  with  plasters."  ^  But  if 
those  about  him  were  trembling  at  the  feet  of  Caesar,  the 
far-off  provinces  still  continued  to  experience  the  effects 
of  the  moderate  and  intelligent  policy  he  had  adopted  in 
governing  them.  We  have  seen  that  the  Jews  always 
obtained  speedy  justice  from  him  ;  and  at  the  time  we 
are  treating  of,  the  Samaritans  met  with  the  same  good 
fortune.  Pilate  had  just  repressed  a  religious  uprising  in 
that  nation,  showing  great  cruelty  towards  the  people ; 
hardly  had  their  leaders  made  complaint  of  these  massa- 
cres, when  Vitellius,^  the  Legate  for  Syria,  at  once  took 
their  cause  in  hand  :  the  Procurator  was  sent  to  Eome  to 
justify  himself  if  he  could,  and  the  government  of  Judea 
intrusted  to  the  Legate's  friend  Marcellus.  As  the  lat- 
ter had  only  a  provisional  ^  title  and  limited  powers,  he 
could  not  maintain  the  authority  of  Eome  with  as  much 
rigor  as  his  predecessor.  The  Sanhedrin  took  advantage 
of  this  event  to  regain  possession  of  the  rights  which  the 

1  Acts  vi.  9-10.  2  Tacitus,  Annales,  iv.  57. 

3  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  4,  2. 

*  He  was  only  curator  of  the  province :  iirtfjLeXTjTrjs  (Josephus,  Anti' 
quitates,  xviii.  4,  2). 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  67 

Procurators  had  denied  them.  Taking  this  initiative, 
the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  showed  themselves  more  fanatical 
than  ever,  more  prompt  to  cut  off  from  their  number  any 
one  who  attacked  the  Law.  Under  such  circumstances, 
these  Hellenists,  whom  Stephen  had  humiliated,  now  had 
it  in  their  power  to  prepare  a  speedy  revenge. 

They  restrained  their  ardor,  however,  during  the  so- 
journ of  Yitellius,  who  had  received  orders  to  march 
against  Aretas,  king  of  Petra,  and  consequently  made 
his  quarters  in  the  Holy  City  till  Pentecost.  On  the 
fourth  day  of  the  Feast  the  Legate  learned  that  Tiberius 
was  no  more.  Forthwith  he  sent  the  army  back  to  camp 
and  betook  himself  to  Antioch.^  Kelieved  of  his  trouble- 
some presence,  with  no  fears  of  annoyance  from  Roman 
quarters,  Stephen's  enemies  were  quick  to  see  that  at  the 
beginning  of  a  new  reign  they  might  venture  to  do  any- 
thing. Their  first  care  was  to  excite  the  multitude. 
Men  whom  they  had  suborned  went  about  Jerusalem 
telling  everywhere  how  Stephen  had  uttered  blasphemies 
against  Moses  and  against  God.  This  was  .all  that  was 
needed  to  arouse  everybody,  —  people,  scribes,  and  mag- 
istrates alike.  In  the  height  of  this  popular  agitation 
the  Hellenists  threw  themselves  upon  Stephen  and 
dragged  him  before  the  Sanhedrin,  which  had  now  re- 
sumed its  sittings  in  the  Hall  of  Gazith.  Formerly  the 
Procurators  had  interdicted  their  meetings  in  this  huge 
building,  opening  out  on  the  Holy  Place,  since  they  could 
not  station  Roman  guards  there  without  violating  the 
Porches  reserved  for  Jews  alone ;  but  in  these  days  their 
orders  were  no  longer  observed.  And  so  it  happened  that 
upon  this  spot,  facing  the  very  Holy  of  Holies,  the  first 
Martyr  was  heard  and  condemned.^ 

According  to  the  Rules,  the  witnesses  came  forward 
one  after  the  other,  took  the  oath,  and  deposed  as  follows  : 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  5,  3. 

2  The  words  of  the  witnesses  against  Stephen  make  us  infer  that  they 
had  the  Temple  before  their  eyes  :  "  This  man,"  they  say,  "  ceaseth  not  to 
speak  against  this  Holy  Place."  Koto  rod  roirov  rov  ayiov  tovtov,  is  the 
reading  authorized  by  the  manuscripts  of  the  Vatican  and  Ephrem.  In 
the  following  verse  we  find  the  same  expression  :  rhu  t'ottov  tovtov. 


68  SAINT  PETER. 

"  This  man  never  ceases  to  speak  against  this  Holy 
Place  and  the  Law;  for  we  have  heard  him  say  that 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  shall  destroy  this  place  and  shall 
change  the  traditions  which  Moses  left  us." 

In  the  trial  of  Jesus,  the  witnesses  could  not  agree,  — 
in  this  case  there  was  no  conflicting  evidence  ;  all  had 
heard  the  Deacon  reiterating  what  had  been  most  offen- 
sive to  the  Pharisees  in  the  Saviour's  preaching  :  like  his 
Master,  he  had  said  openly  that  God  must  be  worshipped 
in  spirit  and  in  truth,  that  the  time  was  coming  when 
they  should  no  longer  adore  Him  upon  this  holy  moun- 
tain, but  in  all  places,  wheresoever  the  pure  of  heart 
abide  ;  and  again,  with  even  more  freedom,  following  the 
example  of  Christ,  he  had  reproached  them  for  those 
Pharisaic  customs  which  disfigured  the  Law,  and  which, 
the  better  to  impose  them  on  the  people,  the  scribes  had 
attributed  to  Moses. 

Intrepidly  facing  his  accusers,  Stephen  had  no  thought 
of  either  denying  or  evading  these  charges ;  but  to  the 
question  of  the  High  Priest,  "  Is  this  true  ? "  he  made  no 
reply,  for  he  knew  they  only  waited  a  confession  from 
him  to  throw  themselves  upon  him.  Now,  he  wished, 
this  one  last  time,  to  make  his  judges  listen  to  the 
words  of  the  Christ.  Accordingly,  as  his  sole  defence, 
he  began  to  preach  as  he  was  wont  to  speak  in  the 
synagogues. 

This  long  discourse,  as  preserved  in  the  Acts,  aston- 
ishes the  modern  reader,  used  to  a  methodical  order,  with 
clear  and  close  arguments.  At  first  it  seems  as  if  the 
Deacon  lost  himself  in  his  many  digressions ;  he  appears 
to  talk  of  everything  except  his  own  case.  But  we  should 
not  forget  that  all  this  is  in  the  East,  in  the  land  of  in- 
terminable conversations,  where  the  principal  theme  is 
often  drowned  in  a  flood  of  contributing  circumstances, 
leaving  the  fact  to  prove  itself  from  episodes  without 
end.  Only  let  the  speaker  recall  dear  or  glorious  memo- 
ries, only  let  him  touch  the  soul  or  charm  the  ear,  and 
he  would  be  listened  to  without  impatience  as  long  as  he 
chose  to  speak.     Now  and  then  some  word,  made  more 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  69 

striking  by  voice  or  glance,  sufficed  to  show  what  the 
orator  wished  to  convey,  and  the  point  at  which  he  was 
aiming. 

Confused  as  Stephen's  discourse  appears  to  be,  this 
mass  of  historical  details,  his  quotations,  which  seem  out- 
side the  question  at  issue,  even  the  obscurity  of  his  word- 
ing, all  have  their  value ;  for  they  testify  plainly  that  no 
changes  have  been  made  in  the  Deacon's  speech.  Else- 
where in  the  Acts,  Saint  Luke  sums  up  in  a  few  words 
the  conversations  he  reports,  —  take  Saint  Peter's  case  in 
particular,  where  he  gives  only  the  substance  of  his 
preaching.  But  here  the  unusual  length  of  the  apology, 
and  the  digressions  it  is  filled  with,  make  it  impossible 
to  believe  that  the  historian  should  have  used  the  same 
liberties  with  it.  A  mind  so  methodical  as  Saint  Luke's 
was,  could  not  have  helped  making  the  matter  which 
bore  upon  the  accusation  stand  out  in  bolder  relief  than 
in  Stephen's  lengthy  exposition.  We  may  feel  sure,  there- 
fore, that  he  has  not  contributed  any  part  of  this  dis- 
course. In  every  trial  at  law,  the  secretaries  of  the 
Sanhedrin  took  down  the  words  of  the  accused  very  ex- 
actly :  everything  goes  to  show  that  it  is  their  work  we 
have  before  our  eyes.^  Thus  this  document  —  probably 
transmitted  to  Saint  Luke  by  Saul,  who  was  one  of  the 
judges  2  —  makes  the  first  page  in  our  Acts  of  the  Martyrs  ; 
and  for  the  centuries  that  follow,  we  need  only  add  to  it 

1  Perhaps  this  is  the  best  way  to  account  for  the  mistake  contained  in 
this  speech  (Acts  vii.  15,  16).  Here  Stephen  is  made  to  say  that  Abraham 
bought  from  the  sons  of  Hemor,  at  Sichem,  the  field  and  the  tomb  wherein 
Joseph  and  his  brethren  were  buried.  Now,  from  the  Books  of  the  Old 
Testament  (Gen.  1.  26  ;  Exod.  xiii.  19  ;  Josh.  xxiv.  32),  we  know  that  it  was 
Jacob  who  acquired  this  property,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  that  Abraham 
purchased  a  double  cave  at  Hebron  for  a  resting-place  for  himself  and  his 
family  after  death.  The  Secretary,  when  taking  down  this  part  of 
Stephen's  discourse,  probably  substituted,  in  a  moment  of  abstraction,  the 
name  of  Abraham  for  that  of  Jacob,  and  S.  Luke  in  copying  the  text 
reproduced  this  error.  Bede,  Raban  Maur,  and  after  them  Melchior  Cano 
{De  Loc.  TheoL,  ii.),  think  that  the  slip  is  to  be  charged  to  S.  Stephen,  who, 
all  absorbed  in  his  subject,  confounds  the  two  purchases,  and  names  Abra- 
ham instead  of  Jacob.  But  as  the  Deacon  was  speaking  before  the  most 
renowned  doctors  of  Israel,  it  is  scarcely  credible  that  such  a  blunder 
would  have  been  permitted  to  pass  without  protest. 

2  Acts  xxii.  20. 


70  SAINT  PETER. 

those  Proconsular  Acts  in  which  the  examinations  of  the 
first  Confessors  of  the  Faith  are  all  reported. 

Yet  there  was  something  the  Sanhedrin  Archives  say 
nothing  of,  but  which  the  sacred  Historian  relates,  and 
that  is  the  splendor  of  that  trial-scene,  the  wondrous 
signs  made  manifest  to  men.  Traditions  testify  that  the 
Deacon  was  then  young  and  beautiful ;  but  it  was  a 
supernatural  beauty,  for  the  Holy  Spirit  abode  in  him, 
enkindling  his  heart,  his  face,  and  his  glance.  ^  And 
so,  when  the  members  of  the  Council  turned  their  eyes 
upon  the  accused,  "his  countenance  appeared  to  them 
like  that  of  an  Angel."  The  feeling  among  the  Sadducees 
was  strong  indeed,  incredulous  as  they  were  by  nature,  and 
Stephen's  words  were  far  from  weakening  this  impression. 

"  My  brethren  and  my  fathers,"  he  began,  "  hear  !  ^  The 
God  of  glory  ^  appeared  to  our  father  Abraham  when  he 
was  in  Mesopotamia,^  before  he  dwelt  in  Charan  ;  and  He 
said  to  him,  '  Go  forth  out  of  thy  country  and  from  thy 
kindred,  and  come  into  the  land  which  I  shall  show  thee.' 
Thereupon,  going  forth  from  the  land  of  the  Chaldeans, 
he  dwelt  at  Charan.  And  after  that  his  father  was  dead, 
God  made  him  pass  over  into  this  land  where  you  abide 
to-day,  wherein  He  gave  him  no  heritage,  no,  not  so 
much  as  a  foothold ;  but  he  promised  to  give  the  posses- 
sion thereof  to  him  and  to  his  posterity  after  him,  even 
then  when  he  had  as  yet  no  child.  .  .  .  Thereupon  He 
made  the  covenant  of  the  Circumcision  with  him,  and  so 
Abraham,  when  he  had  begot  Isaac,  circumcised  him  the 

1  See  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  in  loco. 

2  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that,  in  this  speech,  Stephen  used  the 
Greek  tongue,  for  the  turn  of  the  thoughts  is  in  no  way  Hebraic,  and  all 
the  quotations  are  made  from  the  Septuagint  Version,  Greek  was  in 
common  use  at  Jerusalem,  and  easily  understood  by  the  members  of  the 
Sanhedrin.  Replying  to  the  Hellenists  who  were  liis  accusers,  it  would 
be  only  natural  for  the  Deacon  to  employ  their  language. 

3  That  is  to  say,  God,  manifesting  Himself  in  the  cloud  of  glory  which 
overshadowed  the  Tabernacle. 

4  This  appearance  of  God  in  Chaldea  is  not  mentioned  in  Genesis ;  it 
was  a  Jewish  tradition  known  to  Philo  (De  Abrah.,  15).  The  Scripture 
simply  says  that  Abraham  quitted  Ur,  in  Chaldea,  on  the  express  command 
of  the  Lord  (Gen.  xv.  7  ;  2  Esdr.  ix.  7). 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  71 

eighth  day.  Isaac  circumcised  Jacob,  and  Jacob  the 
twelve  Patriarchs."  ^ 

One  can  easily  fancy  the  surprise  of  the  Sanhedrin  as 
its  members  listened  to  this  speech.  They  were  expecting 
to  hear  Stephen  try  to  clear  himself  by  denying  the  accu- 
sations and  pleading  for  his  life,  since  it  was  now  at 
stake  ;  but  they  beheld  him  speaking  before  them  just  as 
he  was  wont  to  do  in  the  synagogues,  without  a  glance 
at  the  witnesses  who  surrounded  him.  They  listened, 
nevertheless,  for  they  were  flattered  by  this  discourse, 
which  reminded  them  of  the  God  whose  Glory  once  over- 
shadowed the  Tabernacle,  —  He  Who  had  appeared  of  old 
to  Abraham  their  father,  the  God  of  the  promises.  Libera- 
tor of  Israel  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  God  of  the  circum- 
cision. One  point  escaped  their  notice ;  howbeit  it  was 
the  only  one  whicli  the  Deacon  had  in  view,  —  to  wit, 
that  the  Lord  had  chosen  His  people  in  Chaldsea,  before 
any  such  thing  as  circumcision  was  known,  considering 
only  the  faith  of  Abraham ;  the  carnal  sign  in  which 
they  gloried  was  therefore  but  the  seal  of  their  covenant 
with  Jehovah,  not  the  source  of  their  merit  nor  of  the 
Heavenly  favor.^ 

Stephen  was  as  little  understood  when,  pursuing  the 
history  of  God's  people,  he  came  to  Joseph  and  insinuated 
that  his  judges  had  rejected  a  Saviour  far  greater  than 
this  son  of  Jacob.  As  for  Moses,  the  Deacon  exalted 
his  memory  all  the  more,  because  he  was  accused  of 
wishing  to  destroy  the  Law.  He  recalled  his  beauty, 
perfect  even  in  the  eyes  of  God.^  Adopted  child  of  a 
daughter  of  the  Pharaohs,  learned  in  all  the  science  of 
Egypt,*  powerful  in  word  and  deed,  the  savior  of  his 
people,^  what  was  wanting  to  make  him  listened  to  by 

1  Acts  vii.  2-8. 

2  It  was  all  the  more  important  to  bring  this  truth  out  so  strongly, 
because  the  Rabbis  attributed  to  Circumcision  all  the  favors  lavished  on 
Abraham,  and  the  promise  of  inheriting  the  Holy  Land. 

^  "  Beautiful  before  God  "  (Acts  vii.  20),  that  is,  "  in  the  judgment  of 
God;"  a  very  common  Hebraism  (Gen.  x.  9  ;  Winer,  Grammatik,  S.  232). 
This  expression  is  probably  borrowed  from  the  Jewish  traditions. 

*  Philo,  Vita  Mosis,  v.  84.  ^  Acts  vii.  21-22. 


72  SAINT  PETER. 

them  And  nevertheless,  this  was  the  very  man  they 
once  disowned,  saying,  "  Who  hath  appointed  thee  prince 
and  judge  over  us  ? "  ^  This  Moses  had  himself  prophesied 
that  his  Law  should  pass  away ;  he  had  said  to  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  "  A  Prophet  shall  God  raise  up  to  you  of 
your  own  brethren,  as  myself.  Him  shall  you  hear."^ 
Vain  and  useless  teachings !  For  while  Moses  was  in 
converse  with  the  Angel  of  the  Lord,  and  was  receiving 
the  words  of  Life,  that  he  might  bear  them  to  his  people, 
he  was  forsaken  by  them ;  and  this  nation,  turning  to 
Aaron,  said,  "  Make  us  gods  to  go  before  us,  for  we  know 
not  what  has  become  of  this  Moses  who  has  led  us  out  of 
the  land  of  Egypt."  ^  Faithless  to  their  Prophet,  they 
had  been  no  less  so  to  Jehovah ;  in  the  very  hour  when 
the  Levitical  sacrifices  were  instituted,  they  had  aban- 
doned them  to  sacrifice  to  the  Golden  Calf  which  Egypt 
adored,*  abasing  themselves  before  the  unclean  deities 
of  Chanaan,  before  the  Tent  of  Moloch  ^  and  the  Star  of 
Eephan.^  And  as  for  this  Temple,  the  theme  of  so  much 
pride,   were  they,    too,  ignorant   that  "  the    Most   High 

1  Acts  vii.  27,  35.  2  Acts  vii.  37.  ^  Acts  vii.  38-40. 

^  Acts  vii.  41.  The  bull  or  cow  is  one  of  the  commonest  of  Oriental 
idols.  Wilkinson  {Second  Series,  ii.  97)  thinks  that  the  Golden  Calf  of 
Israel  was  an  imitation  of  Mnevis,  the  bull  which  was  kept  in  the  temple 
of  Heliopolis  as  a  living  symbol  of  the  Sun.  Diodorus  of  Sicily,  ii.  21  ; 
Strabo,  xvii.  803. 

^  Acts  vii.  43.  That  is  to  say,  the  tent  which  enclosed  the  image  of 
that  god.  Diodorus  of  Sicily  relates  (xx.  6.5)  that  these  sacred  tabernacles 
were  to  be  seen  in  the  camp  of  the  Carthaginians.  —  Here  S.  Stephen  ap- 
peals to  a  passage  in  Amos  (v.  25)  and  quotes  it  from  the  Septuagint  trans- 
lation, where  we  read  MoAo/c  in  place  of  DD37P  :  "of  your  king,"  as  it 
stands  in  the  Hebrew.  The  statue  of  Moloch,  god  of  the  blazing  sun,  Avas 
a  brazen  bull,  hollow  withinside,  having  a  man's  arms  stretched  out  as  if 
to  receive  a  burden.  Therein  young  children  were  deposited,  and  were 
immediately  consumed  by  the  monster  heated  to  a  white  glow.  Moses 
had  interdicted  this  abominable  cult  (Lev.  xviii.  21;  xx.  2-5);  but  his 
prohibition  was  constantly  infringed  upon,  not  only  by  the  schismatic 
tribes  of  Israel  (4  Kings  xvii.  17  ;  Ezech.  xxiii.  37),  but  even  by  the  Kings 
of  Juda  (4  Kings  xvi.  3  ;  xxi.  6  ;  xxiii.  10  ;  Jer.  vii.  31 ;  xxxii.  35).  _ 

•^  Acts  vii.  43.  Rephan,  "Pai<pav  in  the  Septuagint,  Chioun,  j'O  in  the 
Hebrew.  We  are  ignorant  of  the  meaning  of  these  two  words.  Accord- 
ing to  Kircher,  '?f:(pdv  ('Prjcpdv)  is  a  Coptic  word,  which  designates  the 
planet  Saturn.  Hengstenberg  supposes  that  'Pr](pdv  is  a  mistake  of  the 
Seventy,  who  read  pi  in  the  Hebrew,  instead  of  pj. 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  73 

dwelleth  not  m  sanctuaries  made  by  hands  ? "  ^  Had  they 
not  heard  the  Prophet's  words,  "  Heaven  is  My  throne, 
and  the  earth  My  footstool  ?  What  house  will  you  build 
Me,  saith  the  Lord,  and  what  spot  can  be  My  resting- 
place  ?  Hath  not  My  hand  made  all  things  ? "  ^  Far 
from  blaspheming  God  and  Moses,  Stephen  was  but  in- 
terpreting their  words  when  he  foretold  that  the  Temple 
should  not  last  alway. 

The  Sanhedrin  judges  scarcely  comprehended  him ; 
they  listened  to  the  accused  with  disdainful  curiosity, 
while  around  him  the  crowds,  urged  on  by  the  Hellenists, 
murmured  louder  and  louder.  Saul  of  Tarsus  was  there, 
hatred  burning  in  his  heart  and  gleaming  from  his  eyes. 
To  touch  their  stubborn  minds,  Stephen  could  not  appeal 
further  to  the  annals  of  God's  people ;  for  after  Solomon's 
time  there  was  only  a  series  of  backslidings,  worshipping 
of  idols,  with  Prophets  rejected  or  massacred,  crime  after 
crime,  up  to  the  very  death  of  the  Just  One,  condemned 
by  this  same  Council,  which  was  about  to  judge  the 
speaker.     The  thought  set  his  heart  on  fire. 

"  Stubborn-minded  men  !  "  he  cried,  "  uncircumcised 
are  you  in  heart  and  ears !  always  you  resist  the  Holy 
Ghost.  As  your  fathers  did,  so  do  you  also.  Which  of 
the  Prophets  have  they  not  persecuted  ?  They  have 
slain  them  who  foretold  the  coming  of  the  Just  Whom 
you  have  but  now  betrayed  and  put  to  death,  you  who 
have  received  the  Law  by  the  ministry  of  Angels,^  and 
you  have  not  kept  it."* 

At  these  words  a  yell  of  fury  rose  up  in  the  Sanhe- 
drin. They  were  no  longer  judges  that  Stephen  saw 
before  him,  but  a  raging  throng  of  fanatics,  grinding 
their  teeth  and  screaming.^  Stephen  knew  full  well  that 
he  was  about  to  die.     The  Holy  Ghost  filled  his  heart  to 

1  Acts  vii.  48  ;  Amos  v.  25. 

2  Acts  vii.  49,  50;  Is.  Ixvi.  1-2. 

^  All  through  the  Old  Testament  Jehovah  appears  in  the  form  of  some 
mysterious  Being,  —  the  Angel  of  the  Lord,  or  His  Word,  as  we  have  ex- 
plained in  The  Christ,  the  Son  of  God  (vol.  i.  p.  369).  This  is  the  Angel 
referred  to  here. 

^  Acts  vii.  51-53.  &  Acts  vii.  54. 


74  SAINT  PETER. 

overflowing ;  he  lifted  his  eyes  Heavenward,  there  he 
beheld  the  Glory  of  God  and  Jesus  at  the  right  hand  of 
the  Father,  rising  up  to  receive  him.^  Ravished  in  his 
ecstasy,  he  cried  with  a  very  loud  voice,  "  Behold,  I  see 
the  heavens  opened,  and  the  Son  of  Man  standing  at  the 
right  hand  of  God  ! " 

They  were  the  very  words  whereby  Jesus  had  fore- 
warned these  same  judges  of  His  coming  triumph  ^ ;  but 
they  looked  upon  them  as  only  another  blasphemy. 
Uttering  loud  cries  and  stopping  their  ears,  they  fell  upon 
Stephen  and  dragged  him  outside  the  town  to  stone  him.^ 

The  traditions,  though  not  precise  as  to  the  scene  of 
his  martyrdom,  lead  us  to  infer  that  Stephen  traversed 
the  Way  of  Sorrows,  and  went  out  by  one  of  the  gates 
which  were  open  in  the  northern  part  of  the  town.* 
There  he  died,  say  some ;  while  others  tell  that  he  was 
carried  to  Kedron  Valley,  below  the  Golden  Gate,  and 
facing  Gethsemani,  where  Jesus  strove  in  His  Agony. 

The  trial,  though  regular  at  the  outset,  had  ended  in 
an  execution  by  the  mob ;  the   witnesses,  however,  re- 

1  S.  John  Chrysostom,  in  Cramer's  Catena  on  the  Acts. 

2  "  You  shall  see  the  Son  of  Man  standing  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
power  of  God  and  coming  on  the  clouds  of  heaven"  (Matt.  xxvi.  64). 

3  Acts  vii.  57  ;  Lev.  xxiv.  14 ;  3  Kings  xxi.  13. 

*  The  first  document  in  which  there  is  a  mention  of  the  spot  where 
S.  Stephen  died,  is  an  account  of  the  Finding  of  the  Deacon's  body,  a 
document  composed  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century.  The  Priest 
Lucian,  author  of  this  description,  declares  that  the  Holy  Deacon  was 
stoned  "foris  portam  quae  est  ad  aquilonem,  quae  ducit  ad  Cedar"  (aS'.  Au- 
gustine's Works,  ed.  Gaume,  t.  vii.,  Appendix,  p.  1127).  By  this  northern 
gate  we  are  to  understand  the  Damascus  Gate,  according  to  Robinson 
(Biblical  Researches,  i.  321),  Herod's  Gate,  if  we  follow  Schulz  {Jerusalem 
(1845),  p.  51).  The  basilica  erected  by  the  Empress  Eudoxia  in  the  year 
.450  marks  the  traditional  site  of  his  martyrdom  with  more  precision.  This 
sanctuary,  destroyed  in  the  time  of  the  Crusades,  had  completely  disap- 
peared; but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Dominican  Fathers  of  Jeru- 
salem have  discovered  it  in  a  piece  of  land  lately  bought  by  them,  hard  by 
Jeremy's  Cave.  (See  the  articles  by  Father  Germer  Durand  in  Le  Cosmos, 
for  March,  1888,  and  by  the  Baron  de  Vaux  in  the  Revue  Archeologique,  June, 
1886;  April,  1888.)  Another  tradition  asserts  that  it  took  place  to  the 
east  of  the  town,  in  Kedron  Valley,  under  the  gate  which  nowadays  bears 
the  name  of  S.  Stephen ;  but  we  cannot  accord  this  the  same  credence  due 
to  Lucian's  testimony,  for  we  can  find  no  traces  of  this  second  tradition 
earlier  than  the  fourteenth  century.  Tobler,  Topoyraphie  von  Jerusalem, 
t.  ii.  p.  188. 


SAINT  STEPHEN.  75 

mained  faithful  to  the  Law,  which  bade  them  cast  the 
first  stones.  1  "They  laid  down  their  garments  at  the 
feet  of  a  young  man  named  Saul,"  ^  and  then  the  scene 
of  torture  began.  Stephen  fell  shattered  and  bleeding ; 
but,  rapt  with  the  heavenly  Vision  opening  before  him, 
he  cried  upon  Jesus  and  said,  — 

"  Lord  Jesus,  receive  my  spirit ! " 

When  dying,  the  Master  had  forgiven  His  execution- 
ers ;  Stephen  remembered  this,  and  drawing  himself  upon 
his  knees,  he  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Lord,  lay  not  this 
sin  to  their  charge  ! " 

It  was  the  Martyr's  dying  breath.  He  fell  back  and 
slept  ^  in  the  Lord.  One  of  those  for  whom  the  Deacon 
had  prayed  was  Saul  of  Tarsus,  "  who  had  consented  to 
his  death."*  The  prayer  of  Stephen  was  heard;  and  to 
that  prayer  we  owe  the  conversion  of  Saint  Paul.^ 

According  to  an  account  which  in  ancient  times  was 
regarded  as  authentic,  his  body,  left  exposed  to  the  beasts, 
remained  a  whole  day  on  the  spot  where  he  was  stoned. 
But  on  the  morrow  Gamaliel,  touched  by  Stephen's  vir- 
tue, encouraged  the  Christians  to  gather  up  his  remains 
in  the  night,  in  order  to  carry  them  secretly  to  a  piece 
of  ground  which  he  owned,  about  eight  leagues  from  Jeru- 
salem, at  a  place  called  Kaphar  Gamala  (the  Village  of 
Gamaliel).^     There,  "certain  men  who  feared  God  took 

1  Deut.  xvii.  5-7.  ^  ^cts  vii.  58. 

3  'EKoifiriOr)  (Acts  vii.  60).  Sleep  is  a  metaphor  often  used  to  signify 
death  in  Greek  and  Latin  literature.  Every  one  knows  that  beautiful  epi- 
gram in  the  Anthology :  'Uphu  viruov  KoiixuTaC  durjo-Kciv  /xr]  \ey€  rovs  aya- 
0OVS.  But  what  with  the  Pagans  was  but  a  figure  of  speech,  had  come  to 
be  the  expression  of  a  dogma  to  the  Christians  :  "  In  Christianis  mors  non 
est  mors,  sed  dormitio,  et  somnus  appellatur  "  (S.  Jerome,  Epist.  xxix.). 

4  Acts  xxii.  20. 

5  "Si  Stephanus  non  orasset,  Ecclesia  Paulum  non  habuisset"  (S.  Au- 
gustine, Serm.  315). 

6  Epistola  Luciani  de  Revelatione  corporis  Stephani  martyris  primi.  The 
Benedictine  Fathers,  who  give  this  letter  as  an  Appendix  to  the  City  of 
God  (S.  Augustine's  Works,  t.  vii.),  think  that  that  Father  alludes  to  it  in 
the  text  where  he  speaks  of  the  Finding  of  S.  Stephen's  body.  Tillemont 
does  not  hesitate  to  assert  that  the  account  given  by  Lucian,  a  man  justly 
celebrated  in  the  Church,  has  always  been  regarded  as  a  very  faithful  and 
trustworthy  relation.  The  Finding  of  the  body  of  S.  Stephen  was  a  nota- 
ble event  in  the  fifth  century,  and  caused  great  excitement ;  it  is  recorded 


76  SAINT  PETER. 

care  to  bury  the  Deacon,  and  performed  the  funeral  rites 
with  great  mourning."  ^  The  Apostles  were  of  their 
number,  as  Saint  Jerome  recounts ;  ^  in  this  secluded 
spot,  free  from  their  persecutors,  they  all,  beating  their 
breasts,  and  with  mournful  cries,^  bewailed  the  first 
Martyr  of  the  Church. 

Stephen  once  done  away  with,  the  work  which  he 
preached,  and  which  cost  him  his  life,  ceased  for  a  time 
to  be  the  ruling  thought  among  the  Christians.  The 
converted  Hellenists,  who,  with  the  sainted  Deacon,  had 
foreseen  the  progress  of  the  Church,  had  not  however 
received  any  mission  to  hasten  its  coming  ;  and  they 
kept  silence  now.  As  for  the  great  number  of  believers, 
dispersed  by  the  ensuing  persecutions,  it  was  enough  if 
they  could  manage  to  survive  their  sufferings.  The 
necessity  for  breaking  with  the  synagogue  was  not  to 
occupy  their  minds  again  until  the  day  when  Peter  him- 
self, enlightened  by  the  Vision  at  Joppa,  should  tear 
away  the  veil. 

in  the  most  ancient  Marty rologies,  and  celebrated  in  the  Roman  Church 
by  a  special  feast  on  the  third  of  August.  For  some  curious  details  con- 
cerning the  discovery,  see  Memoires  pour  servir  a  I'Histoire  Ecclesiastique, 
t.  ii,  p.  10-24. 

1  Acts  viii.  2.  2  g.  Jerome,  Epist.  cix.  3. 

^  'Eirolr}(rau  Koirerhv  fi4yav.     Acts  viii.  2. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   MISSIONS   OF   THE   DEACON   PHILIP. 

I.  —  Simon  the  Magician. 

The  death  of  Stephen  showed  the  Jews  how  far  they 
could  go  now  under  the  Roman  rule.  Such  license  added 
fuel  to  their  audacity,  and  impelled  the  leaders  of  the 
people,  rejoicing  at  being  once  more  sovereign  arbiters  in 
matters  of  doctrine,  to  let  loose  all  their  terrors  upon  the 
associates  of  the  Martyr.  "  A  great  persecution  was  raised 
against  the  Church  of  Jerusalem,  and  all  the  faithful  were 
scattered  through  various  regions  of  Judea  and  Samaria, 
except  the  Apostles."  ^  They  alone  remained  in  the 
Holy  City,  in  order  to  strengthen  the  courage  of  their 
flock.  Perhaps,  too,  they  were  obeying  the  Master's  or- 
ders, for,  according  to  certain  ancient  traditions,  Jesus 
had  commanded  them  to  stay  in  Jerusalem  for  twelve 
years,2  and  so  make  it  the  centre  of  their  preaching.^ 
This  resolution  to  face  every  danger  exposed  the  Twelve 
to  the  first  blows  of  their  enemies ;  but  whether  it  was 
that  their  renown  for  virtue  overawed  the  persecutors, 
or  whether  their  quiet  life  excited  less  attention,  they 
underwent  no  serious  injury  during  this  tempest  which 
racked  the  Church. 

1  Acts  viii.  1. 

2  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stromata,  vi.  5  ;  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesias- 
tica,y.  18. 

3  It  is  in  this  wide  sense  that  we  must  construe  the  tradition  alluded 
to  here,  for  we  shall  soon  see  SS.  Peter  and  John  journeying  through 
Samaria,  the  coast  towns,  Lydda,  Joppa,  and  the  whole  plain  of  Sharon. 
They  visited  these  Christian  communities  to  confirm  them  in  the  faith, 
but  always  returned  to  Jerusalem,  the  only  seat  of  the  Episcopate. 


78  SATNT  PETER. 

The  storm-winds  of  trial  swept  over  them  only  that  it 
might  thereby  scatter  afar  the  good  seed.  Into  every 
place  which  offered  a  refuge  to  the  believers  hunted  from 
Jerusalem,  they  carried  with  them  the  word  of  God,  gained 
other  hearts  for  Jesus,  and  left  behind  them  new  brethren, 
bound  together  by  the  most  ardent  charity.  We  shall 
soon  meet  with  these  Christian  communities  springing 
up  all  through  the  land  of  Juda.  But  nowhere  did  the 
.  I  preaching  of  the  Gospel  bear  more  splendid  fruits  than 
f  in  Samaria.  Of  all  the  Pagan  nations,  this  was  the  only 
one  which  had  received  Jehovah's  Law,  and  shared  in 
Israel's  faith  in  the  Messiah ;  it  was  likewise  the  only 
one  in  which  Jesus  had  published  the  Glad  Tidings. 
Had  the  grain  falling  from  the  Master's  hand  taken  root 
outside  Sichem,  and  was  the  great  multitude  of  Samari- 
tans still  in  expectation  of  the  hour  "  when  true  wor- 
shippers should  worship  the  Father  in  spirit  and  in 
truth  ? "  1  We  are  apt  to  believe  as  much,  seeing  the 
eagerness  with  which  they  welcomed  the  Deacon  Philip. 

Everything  goes  to  indicate  that  it  was  not  Sichem,  the 
ancient  city  of  Ephraim,  whither  the  messenger  of  Jesus 
carried  the  Gospel,  but  Samaria,^  once  the  Capital  of  the 
kings  of  Israel.  And  though  this  portion  of  the  text 
of  the  Acts  is  variously  understood,  Samaria  seems  to  be 
very  plainly  designated ;  furthermore,  everything  must 
have  attracted  the  preachers  of  the  Good  News  to  that 
city.  Ear  superior  to  Sichem,  owing  to  the  beauty  of  its 
site,  and  now  crowned  with  temples  and  palaces,  it  quite 
effaced  its  rival,  and  had  but  recently  received  new  and 
magnificent  embellishments  at  the  hands  of  Herod.     Not 

1  John  iv.  23, 

2  Some  commentators  translate  ets  iroAiu  t^?  1afxapua<i  by  "a  city  of 
Samaria,"  and  suppose  that  by  this  S.  Luke  refers  to  Sichem ;  but  the 
better  founded  opinion  is  that  ^afxapua  signifies,  not  the  land  of  Samaria, 
but  a  town  of  that  name.  Indeed,  the  article  may  be  dropped  before 
Tt6xiv,  without  giving  it  the  indefinite  meaning  "of  a  city"  (Winer, 
Grammatik,  §  19,  1).  Furthermore,  in  the  fourteenth  verse,  the  word 
Samaria,  :S,afj.apeia,  is  repeated,  and  in  this  place  it  certainly  means  the 
city  of  that  name,  for  all  the  incidents  related  in  the  fifth  and  fourteenth 
verses  occurred  not  simply  in  the  province,  but  in  the  city  mentioned  in 
the  first  of  these  verses  :  e<s  iroKiv  ttjs  2o/xapetoy. 


THE  MISSIONS  OF  THE  DEACON  PHILIP.        79 

content  with  rechristening  it  Sebaste  (the  City  of  Augus- 
tus), in  memory  of  his  protector,  the  Idumean  prince  had 
first  restored  it,  then  ornamented  it  with  theatres,  gal- 
leries, and  sumptuous  works  of  art,  while  over  all  rose 
the  temple  of  the  all-powerful  Caesar.  But,  more  than 
such  splendid  buildings,  there  was  one  precious  monu- 
ment in  particular  which  drew  the  hearts  of  the  disciples 
of  Jesus  towards  Samaria,  —  the  tomb  of  John  the  Bap- 
tist. From  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea,  where  he  met  his 
death,  his  disciples  bore  the  relics  of  the  Forerunner  to 
these  regions,  that  they  might  lie  beside  those  of  Eliseus, 
so  that  the  same  sepulchre  should  hold  the  two  Prophets 
who  had  inherited  the  spirit  of  Elias.^  The  crypt  which 
enclosed  these  venerable  remains  is  still  to  be  seen  be- 
neath the  ruins  of  a  Gothic  church. ^  As  for  Herod's 
city,  nought  remains  but  the  bases  of  the  colonnade 
which  once  stretched  across  the  whole  town,  as  majestic 
in  size  as  the  Porticos  of  Gerasa  and  Damascus.  These 
ruins  attest  the  important  position  of  Sebaste  at  a  time 
when  Herod  summoned  thither  six  thousand  veterans 


1  The  Gospel  merely  informs  us  that  the  disciples  of  John  "carried 
away  the  body  for  burial  "  (Mark  vi.  29  ;  Matt.  xiv.  12).  They  fled  from 
the  territory  subject  to  their  master's  murderer ;  and  tradition  asserts  that 
they  stopped  at  Sebaste,  attracted  thither,  doubtless,  by  the  tomb  of 
Eliseus  ;  for  this  monument,  "  whence  the  corpse  of  the  Seer  had  prophe- 
sied "  (Eccli.  xlviii.  14),  was  celebrated  throughout  Israel.  The  Book  of 
the  Kings  records  the  prodigy.  Certain  robber  bands,  come  up  from 
Moab,  were  scouring  the  country  that  year.  Some  of  the  citizens  of 
Samaria  who  had  followed  a  funeral  train  outside  the  city  suddenly  per- 
ceived their  foes.  Terrified,  and  not  knowing  where  to  seek  safety,  they 
cast  their  burden  into  the  Sepulchre  of  Eliseus.  Hardly  had  the  dead 
man  touched  the  remains  of  the  Saint  than  he  came  to  life  and  stood  on 
his  feet  (4  Kings  xiii.  20-21).  To  be  laid  to  rest  beside  a  man  so  mighty 
even  in  the  grave  was  an  envied  privilege,  which  the  disciples  of  the 
Baptist  claimed  for  their  master. 

■^  "  This  crypt  .  .  .  contains  a  sepulchral  chamber  divided  into  three 
arched  and  connecting  vaults.  According  to  a  very  old  tradition,  one  of 
these  compartments  formerly  held  the  body  of  S.  John  the  Baptist,  and  the 
two  others  those  of  the  Prophets  Abdias  and  Eliseus.  When  telling  us  of 
the  pilgrimages  of  S.  Paula,  S.  Jerome  informs  us  that  this  pious  Koman 
lady  visited  Sebaste,  '  where,'  he  says,  '  are  interred  the  Prophets  Eliseus 
and  Abdias,  as  well  as  S.  John  the  Baptist,  the  greatest  of  the  children  of 
men '"  (S.  Jerome,  Pafro/ogi'a  Latina,  t.  xxii.  p.  889).  —  Gmr'm,  Descrip- 
tion de  la  Samarie,  t.  ii.  p.  189. 


80  SAINT  PETER. 

of  the  Roman  legions,  and  when  these  colonists  united 
with  the  former  inhabitants  of  Samaria  in  restoring  the 
capital  of  their  country.^ 

So,  then,  the  town  to  which  the  Holy  Spirit  conducted 
Philip  was  a  flourishing  one,  peopled  by  Romans,  Samari- 
tans, and  Orientals.  In  this  picturesque  throng,  where 
so  many  different  religions  contended  for  the  mastery, 
there  were  many  minds  wearied  of  doubtful  teachings, 
and  many  seekers  after  truth  who  would  lend  an  atten- 
tive ear  to  any  one  promising  them  relief ;  thus  the  magi- 
cians played  upon  many  credulous  minds  to  their  own 
profit.  We  know  how,  in  this  period,  false  prophets  were 
multiplying  throughout  the  Roman  world,  imposing  on 
the  great  as  well  as  the  common  people ;  even  those  who 
banished  and  suppressed  them  often  had  recourse  to  their 
arts.  Pompey,  Crassus,  Csesar,  gladly  received  assurance 
of  prosperous  fortunes  from  their  lips.  Before  declaring 
himself  Emperor,  Augustus  consulted  the  physician 
Theogenes,^  and  Tiberius,  who  caused  such  impostors 
to  be  thrown  from  the  Tarpeian  Rock,  or  ordered  them  to 
be  whipped  and  beheaded  "  according  to  ancient  usage,"  ^ 
—  even  Tiberius  kept  soothsayers  at  his  court.^ 

But  though  this  race  of  men,  "  dreaded  by  the  pow- 
erful, and  deceiving  all  who  put  any  trust  in  them,"^ 
were  numerous  enough  in  Rome,  it  was  after  all  in  the 
Eastern  countries  that  they  multiplied  most  rapidly. 
The  valley  of  the  Euphrates  was  filled  with  schools  of 
astrologers,  and  was  really  their  birthplace ;  from  this 
point  they  spread  first  to  the  neighboring  cities,  finally 
invading  the  whole  Empire.  Samaria,  which  always 
remained  an  Oriental  town  despite  its  Roman  colonists, 
afforded  them  many  opportunities  of  gain,  with  all  the 
encouragement  proffered  by  a  more  than  ordinary  credu- 
lity. However,  the  coarser  sort  of  witchcraft  would  not 
have  been  enough  to  establish  their  fame  if  these  swind- 
lers had  not  been  sharp  enough  to  see  that  in  the  very 

^  Josephus,  Antiquif.ateSy  xv.  7,  3  ;  8,  5. 

2  Suetonius,  Augustus,  xciv.  ^  Tacitus,  Annates,  ii.  32. 

^  Suetonius,  Tiberius,  Ixix.  ^  Tacitus,  Historlce,  i.  22. 


THE  MISSIONS  OF  THE  DEACON  PHILIP.        81 

bent  of  this  people's  character  there  was  a  longing  for  the 
supernatural.  Samaritans  both  by  breeding  and  in  belief, 
they  hoped  to  obtain  by  Theurgy,  not  signs  and  wonders 
only,  but  also  the  fulfilment  of  those  promises  so  dear  to 
the  whole  race,  —  the  Kingdom  of  the  Messiah,  with  its 
joys  and  glories. 

At  this  date  the  most  noted  magician  was  a  dreamer,  f 
with  high  aspirations,  who  re-inforced  his  chimerical 
teachings  by  means  of  clever  artifices.  His  name  was 
Simon,  and  he  came  from  Gitta  ^  (to-day  called  Jit),  a  vil- 
lage in  the  neighborhood  of  Sichem  and  Samaria.  Con- 
cerning his  earlier  career,  we  possess  only  the  suspicious 
narratives  of  the  pseudo-Clementine  Homilies ;  ^  the 
only  detail  therein  which  seems  worthy  of  belief  is  that 
Simon  had  studied  at  Alexandria,  and  belonged  to  the  com- 
pany  of  a  Samaritan  impostor  named  Dositheus.^  Both 
apparently  had  been  attracted  by  the  preaching  of  John 
the  Baptist.^  Dositheus'  mind  was  stirred  at  sight  of  the 
wonders  which  were  then  so  frequent  along  the  Jordan's 
banks,  and  he  longed  to  pass  himself  off  as  the  expected 

1  S.  Justin,  Apologia,  i.  26 ;  Recognitiones,  ii.  7  ;  Clementince  Homilke, 
ii.  22. 

2  This  is  the  term  used  to  designate  the  legendary  stories  which  give 
an  account  of  the  first  years  spent  by  S.  Clement  in  Home,  his  conversion, 
whereby  he  became  the  disciple  and  companion  of  S.  Peter,  and  finally  of 
the  warfare  which  the  Apostle  waged  against  Simon  the  Magician  while 
he  journeyed  through  the  borders  of  Syria.  These  writings  have  come 
down  to  us  under  a  threefold  form  :  1st,  the  Recognitions,  so  called  because 
they  relate  how  the  scattered  members  of  Clement's  family  met  and  recog- 
nized one  another  in  Syria ;  2d,  the  Homilies,  which  is  nothing  more  than 
the  foregoing  work,  rearranged,  augmented,  and  divided  into  short  frag- 
ments, whence  the  title  Homilies ;  3d,  the  Epitome,  an  abridgment  of  the 
Homilies.  The  pseudo-Clementine  writings  are  the  work  of  Essenian 
Ebionites.  The  most  ancient  of  these  collections,  the  Recognitions,  quoted 
by  Origen  (230),  existed  before  this  Father's  day,  for  we  find  therein  a 
passage  from  the  Dialogues  of  Bardesanes,  who,  according  to  Eusebius, 
wrote  in  173.  However,  as  we  find  from  the  Syriac  translation  of  these 
Dialogues  that  they  were  written  not  by  Bardesanes,  but  by  his  disciple 
Philip,  we  must  put  down  the  date  of  the  composition  of  the  Recognitions 
at  about  the  year  200.  The  Homilies  are  later,  and  the  Epitome  of  a  still 
later  date. 

^  Clementince  Homilice,  ii.  220 ;  Epitome,  xxv. ;  Constitutiones  Apostolicce, 
vi.  8. 

^   Clementince  Homilice,  ii.  23,  24  ;  Recognitiones,  ii.  8  ;  Epitome,  xxv. 

6 


82  SAINT  PETER. 

Messiah.  Seeing  that  his  pretensions  were  repelled  in 
Jiidea,  he  renewed  them  among  the  Samaritans,  and  ap- 
peared before  them  surrounded  by  thirty  disciples,  among 
whom  there  was  a  woman  called  Helen  {Selene,  the 
Moon.)^  What  was  the  significance  of  this  name,  and 
the  number  of  his  disciples,  corresponding  to  the  thirty 
days  of  the  lunar  month  ?  Did  Dositheus,  "  the  Stable, 
the  Immutable  One,"  as  he  called  himself,^  pretend  to  be 
the  first  cause  and  principle  of  the  days,  the  months,  the 
moon,  the  heavens,  and  the  universe  ?  The  supposition 
is  plausible,  at  least;  for  we  know  to  what  extremes 
the  sectary  went  in  the  delirium  of  pride,  how  he  even 
altered  the  books  of  the  Law  to  make  them  accord  with 
his  visions.^  The  Samaritans'  High  Priest  took  alarm 
at  these  liberties,  and  adopted  such  vigorous  measures 
against  the  innovator  that  the  latter  was  forced  to  flee 
to  the  mountains,  where  he  perished  miserably.* 

The  pseudo-Clementine  writings  recount  that,  towards 
the  end  of  his  life,  Dositheus,  annoyed  by  the  haughty 
airs  of  Simon,  went  so  far  as  to  strike  him,  but  that  by 
a  miracle  his  staff  passed  through  the  disciple's  body  like 
a  wreath  of  smoke.^  This  fable  is  evidently  meant  to 
represent  the  ambitious  strife  waged  by  the  Magician 
against  his  master,  and  the  adroit  subterfuges  by  means 
of  which  he  supplanted  him.  So  complete  was  Simon's 
victory  that  the  Acts  speak  of  him  as  dominating  over 
the  whole  people.  '*'  He  had  seduced  the  multitude,  giving 
out  that  he  was  some  great  thing,  in  such  wise  that  every 


1  Recognitiones,  ii.  8.         ^  i(j.^  ii.  11.         3  Philosophumena,  vi.  9. 

*  The  pseudo-Clementine  books  are  not  the  only  ones  which  speak  of 
Dositheus.  Hippolytus,  in  the  shorter  of  his  two  works  on  heresies,  the 
'^vi'Tayixa  (Photius,  Bibllotheca,  121),  made  some  mention  of  this  sectary. 
The  treatise  is  lost,  but  we  have  still  other  accounts  of  the  heresiarch  by 
S.  Epiphanius  {Adversus  Hcereses,  xxi.),  Tertullian  {De  Anima,  34)  and 
Origen  [Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xi.  p.  1307;  t.  xiii.  pp.  1643,  1865;  t,  xiv. 
p.  446).  Beside  the  details  given  by  these  Fathers,  the  reader  may  refer 
to  the  two  Arabian  chronicles  of  the  Samaritans,  the  Book  of  Joshua,  and 
the  Chronicle  of  Aboulfatah.  After  comparing  and  rectifying  these  various 
bits  of  evidence,  it  is  quite  possible  to  obtain  a  fair  idea  of  Dositheus  and 
his  teaching. 

°  Recognitiones,  ii.  11;  Clementince  Homilice,  ii.  24. 


THE  MISSIONS   OF   THE  DEACON  PHILIP.        83 

one,  from  the  very  aged  down  to  the  littlest  children, 
followed  him,  saying,  'This  one  is  the  Great  Power  of 
God.'i  What  induced  them  to  follow  him  was  that 
for  a  long  time  he  had  undermined  their  wits  with  his 
enchantments."  2 

Thus  in  Samaria  everybody  was  yielding  to  these  wiles 
when  Philip  reached  there,  escaping  from  his  persecutors 
at  Jerusalem.  In  those  days  of  fervor,  when  Grace,  like 
youthful  blood,  warmed  their  hearts,  the  thought  of 
Jesus,  and  talking  of  Him,  made  the  very  life  of  His 
disciples ;  accordingly,  as  soon  as  he  arrived,  Philip  be- 
gan to  preach  without  delay.  The  custom  among  East- 
ern nations  of  living  out  of  doors  —  working  and  chatting 
in  the  doorways  of  their  houses,  in  the  streets  and  public 
squares,  and  at  the  gates  of  the  town  —  furnished  the 
Deacon  with  willing  and  eager  hearers.  The  moment  a 
stranger  appeared  in  search  of  opportunities  for  trade, 
their  first  thought  was  to  inquire  whence  he  came,  what 
was  his  object  in  leaving  his  native  land,  and  what  news 
he  had  to  tell. 

To  such  questionings  Philip  had  but  one  answer, — 
Christ.  And  as  he  spoke  so  warmly  of  his  Faith  in  the 
Messiah,  he  was  listened  to  by  a  mingled  company  of 
Pagans  and  Schismatics,  who  were  less  hostile  to  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  than  the  native  Samaritans.^  "  All  were 
attentive  to  what  he  was  saying,"  and  very  soon  a  goodly 
throng  surrounded  him.  Noticing  the  many  possessed 
folk,  paralytics,  and  cripples  among  them,  the  Deacon 
called  these  to  him.  Forthwith  the  unclean  Spirits, 
uttering  loud  cries,  went  out  of  their  demonished  bod- 
ies, paralytics  and  cripples  were  healed,  and  the  whole 
city  filled  with  such  joy  that  they  believed  what  this 

1  By  this  title  the  Samaritans  probably  understood  the  chief  of  the 
celestial  spirits,  he  who  in  their  theology  was  called  the  Great  Angel 
(Chron.  Samaritan.  10),  for  they  gave  Angels  the  title  of  **The  Powers  of 
God"  (Gesenius,  Theologia  Samaritano,  21). 

2  Acts  viii.  9-11. 

^  We  have  explained  in  several  passages  of  The  Christ,  the  Son  of  God, 
and  especially  in  Appendix  vi.  of  vol.  i.,  in  what  relations  the  Jews  and 
Samaritans  stood  to  one  another. 


84  SAINT  PETER. 

Jew  told  tliem  of  the  Kingdom  of  God.  "Men  and 
women  received  baptism  in  the  Name  of  Jesus  Christ."  ^ 

Now,  it  so  happened  that  Simon  was  a  witness  of  these 
wondrous  doings,  and  comprehended  how  wretched  were 
his  arts  in  the  presence  of  such  powers  as  these;  he 
seemed  touched,  confessed  his  belief  in  the  Saviour,  and 
was  baptized.  Thereafter  he  joined  company  with  Philip  ; 
but  his  faith,  though  strong  in  appearance,  sprang  from 
selfish  motives :  what  had  attracted  the  Magician  was 
not  so  much  the  saintly  life  of  the  Deacon  as  the  mira- 
cles worked  by  him ;  they  filled  him  with  envious  ad- 
miration. Other  signs  still  more  astonishing  soon  gave 
him  an  opportunity  to  reveal  his  real  feelings. 

The  Apostles  while  in  residence  at  Jerusalem  learned 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Samaria  had  received  the  word  of 
God ;  they  recalled  the  Lord's  promise,  "  You  shall  bear 
witness  unto  Me  at  Jerusalem,  through  all  Judea,  and  in 
Samaria,"  2  and  in  order  to  fortify  the  converts  in  their 
faith,  the  Twelve  deputed  Peter  and  John  ^  to  go  to  them. 
The  latter,  although  mentioned  equally  with  the  Prince 
of  the  Apostles,  really  took  only  a  secondary  part,  for  in 
this  mission  to  Samaria,  just  as  at  the  Beautiful  Gate  and 
before  the  Sanhedrin,  the  Acts  represent  Peter  as  leader 
both  in  word  and  action.  The  Keys  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven  had  been  intrusted  to  him ;  to  him  it  belonged 
to  open  its  doors,  —  for  the  Jews  first,  as  he  had  done 
heretofore ;  for  the  Samaritans  now ;  and  very  soon  for 
the  whole  Gentile  world. 

Philip  had  baptized  the  neophytes  in  the  Name  of  the 

1  Acts  viii.  12.  We  should  be  glad  to  discover  some  of  the  pools 
wherein  a  whole  people  were  plunged  and  born  anew  as  Christians,  but 
no  traces  of  any  are  to  be  found  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  devastated 
slopes  of  Sebaste.  More  fortunate  than  we  in  his  investigations,  Benjamin 
de  Tudele,  in  the  twelfth  century,  saw  huge  reservoirs  and  many  streams 
still  watering  the  orchards  and  gardens  (Benjamin  de  Tudele,  vol.  i. 
p.  65). 

2  Acts  i.  8. 

s  Here  the  Beloved  Disciple  figures  in  the  Acts  for  the  last  time. 
Until  the  death  of  S.  Peter  he  is  seen  no  more  in  the  holy  books,  and  is 
only  once  named,  as  being  present  at  Jerusalem  when  S.  l*aul  went  thither 
with  Titus  and  Barnabas  (Gal.  ii.  9). 


THE  MISSIONS   OF  THE  DEACON  PHILIP.         85 

Saviour ;  but  Faith  and  Baptism  are  not  enough  to  com- 
plete the  Christian's  character:  to  perfect  the  likeness 
of  Jesus  in  their  souls  there  must  be  the  Holy  Spirit  also 
descending  upon  them,  and  confirming  them  in  God's 
light  and  holiness.  From  that  day  this  administering  of 
the  sacrament  of  Confirmation  was  established  in  the 
Church ;  and  then,  as  now,  the  power  of  communicating 
this  fulness  of  the  Christian  life  was  reserved  to  the  su- 
preme shepherds  of  the  flock.  Accordingly,  the  Apostles 
prayed  for  the  new  believers ;  whereupon  they  laid  their 
hands  upon  them,^  and  the  Holy  Ghost  filled  their  souls. 

The  supernatural  gifts  which,  in  the  first  years  of  the 
Church,  were  wont  to  accompany  the  descent  of  the  Para- 
clete, here  in  Samaria  were  of  such  splendor  that  Simon 
was  dazzled  thereby.  Greedy  of  this  power,  which  sur- 
passed all  his  magic,  he  approached  the  Apostles,  holding 
his  money  in  his  hand,  and  said,  — 

"  Grant  me  too  this  power,  that  those  on  whom  I  shall 
lay  my  hands  may  receive  the  Holy  Ghost." 

To  Peter  this  offer  was  nothing  short  of  revolting :  to 
debase  his  Master's  grace  so  far  as  to  traffic  with  it  was 
so  sacrilegious  a  notion  that  the  fervor  of  the  first  Chris- 
tians felt  the  very  mention  of  it  insupportable.  The 
Apostle  answered  him  with  the  words  which  have  con- 
demned every  simoniacal  undertaking  forevermore. 


1  Acts  viii.  15-17.  In  these  earliest  days  was  the  outward  sign  of  the 
Sacrament  only  this  laying  on  of  hands  spoken  of  in  the  sacred  text,  or 
was  holy  oil  used  even  then  to  consecrate  the  baptized  as  priests  and  kings 
of  the  New  Law  ?  We  can  draw  no  conclusions  from  the  silence  of  the 
Acts,  since  the  historian  does  not  go  into  the  details  of  the  facts  he  is 
relating ,  but  as  there  is  no  mention  of  holy  chrism  until  the  time  when 
the  Spirit  ceased  to  declare  its  advent  by  miraculous  effects,  it  may  be 
that  the  Apostles  waited  till  then  to  give  to  the  matter  of  Confirmation 
its  twofold  sensible  sign.  For  the  wonders  which  no  longer  attested  the 
coming  of  the  Comforter,  they  substituted  the  oil  mixed  with  balm  for  a 
symbol  of  sweetness  and  light,  and  to  figure  forth  the  Paraclete  shed  down 
upon  the  soul  like  an  odor  from  Heaven  !  "  Alii  melius  respondent  Chris- 
tum, cum  hoc  sacramentum  instituit,  in  Apostolorum  et  Ecclesias  potestate 
reliquisse  pro  materia,  prout  res  postulare  videretur,  adhibere  vel  solam 
manuum  impositionem,  vel  unctionem,  vel  utramque  simul.  Ita  inter 
alios  Estius  et  Concilium  Moguntinum,  anno  1549,  cap.  xviii."  (Lieber- 
mann,  Institutiones  Theologicce,  t.  ii   p  453). 


86  SAINT  PETER. 

"  Thy  money  perish  with  thee,  because  thou  hast 
thought  of  buying  the  gift  of  God  with  money.  Thou 
hast  neither  part  nor  heritage  in  all  this,  for  thy  heart  is 
not  right  before  God.  Eepent,  then,  of  this  wickedness, 
and  pray  God  that,  if  it  be  possible,  the  thought  of  thy 
heart  may  be  forgiven  thee,  for  I  see  thou  art  in  the  gall 
of  bitterness  and  in  the  bonds  of  iniquity." 

This  reprobation  caused  such  terror  in  Simon's  soul 
that  he  conjured  the  Apostles  to  spare  him. 

"  Pray  the  Lord  for  me,"  he  besought  them,  "  that 
none  of  these  things  which  you  have  spoken  may  come 
upon  me." 

Without  taking  him  with  their  company,  however, 
Peter  and  John  continued  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  many 
parts  of  this  land,  and  did  not  return  to  Jerusalem  until 
after  having  given  testimony  to  the  Saviour  and  pub- 
lished forth  His  words.^ 

The  Acts  do  not  tell  what  became  of  Simon  after  the 
Apostles'  departure ;  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
neither  fear  nor  faith  restrained  him  very  long,  for  some 
years  later  we  meet  him  again,  still  noted  for  his  trick- 
eries. A  book  entitled  "  The  Great  Revelation  "  ^  is  at- 
tributed to  his  pen,  and  in  it  we  find,  along  with  many 
things  borrowed  from  Platonism,  the  germs  of  the  Gnos- 
tics' dreams.  He  became,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Church,  at 
least,  the  father  and  leader  of  all  heresy ;  his  renown, 
extending  beyond  the  Orient,  reached  Rome  itself.  The 
wonders  he  worked  gave  him  such  celebrity  that  a 
legend  has  grown  up  about  his  name,  while  in  the 
apochryphal  stories  of  the  third  century  his  historical 
deeds  are  quite  disfigured  by  the  popular  imagination. 
It  is  easy  to  convince  oneself  of  this  by  glancing  over  the 
documents  of  that  period  attributed  by  mistake  to  Saint 
Clement ;  in  them  Simon  is  made  to  teach  the  strangest 
doctrines,  and  we  are  told  a  number  of  his  adventures 
as  ridiculous  as  they  are  manifestly  false.  But  putting 
aside  these  fables,  we  can  find  more  reliable  testimony 

1  Acts  viii.  18-25,  ^  Philosophumena,  vi.  11. 


THE  MISSIONS   OF  THE  DEACON  PHILIP.         87 

anent  the  man  in  the  writings  of  the  first  Fathers 
of  the  Church.i  Saint  Justin,  Saint  Irenseus,  the  author 
of  the  "  Philosophumena,"  ^  have  all  mentioned  Simon, 
only  giving  a  few  incidents  of  his  life,  it  is  true,  but 
going  into  his  teaching  more  in  detail.  As  they  are  so 
reliable  in  their  accounts  of  the  other  sects,  these  worthy 
writers  cannot  well  be  accused  of  error  when  they  treat 
of  the  Magician.  Thanks  to  them,  therefore,  we  can 
study  the  workings  of  the  first  heresy  which  afflicted  the 
Church ;  the  only  difficuTEy  rises  when  we  try  to  distin- 
guish between  the  theories  peculiar  to  Simon  and  the 
additions  to  them  made  by  his  disciples. 

At  the  bottom  of  this  system,  too,  we  find  the  central 
dogma  of  the  Jews,  —  one  only  God,  changeless,  ruling 
over  an  undulating  and  fugitive  creation.  In  "  The  Great 
Eevelation  "  this  primordial  principle  retains  the  sublime 
Name  given  to  God  in  the  Scriptures :  it  is  the  Eternal 
Being,  Jehovah,  the  Jahveh  of  the  Samaritans,  "  He 
Who  is,  Who  hath  been,  and  Who  shall  be."^  Simon, 
like  his  fellow-countrymen,  recognized  no  books  but  the 
Pentateuch  as  sacred,  and  hence  in  treating  of  the 
supreme  God  he  could  not  appeal  to  the  traditions  of 
the  Jews,  their  Prophets,  and  other  inspired  testimony. 
When  he  studied  the  Books  of  Moses  to  discover  the 
inmost  nature  of  that  Infinite  Being,  he  read  that  no  man 
can  behold  Him  face  to  face  and  live.'^  Here  he  learned 
that  "  The  Lord  thy  God  is  a  devouring  Fire."  ^  Simon 
had  been  taught  by  his  Alexandrian  masters  that  he 
must  look  to  Greek  philosophy  for  an  interpretation  of 
any  obscure  passages  in  the  Bible.  So,  remembering  that 
in  the  system  of  Heraclitus  ^  and  the  School  of  the 
Porches,  God  is  an  Intelligent  Flame,  he  imagined  the 

1  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  none  of  these  Fathers  borrowed  from  the 
pseudo-Clementine  books,  which  were  never  regarded  as  of  great  authority. 

2  S  Justin,  Apologia,  i.  26,  56;  ii.  15;  Dialog,  cum  Tryphone,  120; 
S.  Irenseus,  Adversus  Haereses,  i.  33,  2-5;  xxvii.  4  ;  II.  Praef  ;  III.  Praef . ; 
Philosophumena,  iv.  7  ;  vi.  1 ;  x.  4. 

^  Philosophumena,  vi.  18.  ^  Exod.  xxiii.  20.  ^  Deut.  iv.  24. 

^  "  He  was  not  satisfied  with  having  falsely  interpreted  the  Law  of 
Moses,  he  even  compiled  that  obscure  Heraclitus"  {Philosophumena,  vi.  9). 


88  SAINT  PETER. 

Divinity  as  a  centre  of  infinite  light,  which  manifests 
itself  outwardly  through  a  concept  emanating  from  God, 
—  the  Ennoia,  "  the  Great  Thought."  ^  This  Divine  idea, 
the  invisible  power  of  an  invisible  Being,  is  creator  and 
mother  of  all  things ;  out  of  the  void  it  has  brought  forth 
the  hosts  of  spirits,  angels,  and  archangels,  which  in  turn 
produce  matter  and  direct  its  action. 

The  opinion  Simon  formed  of  this  government,  and 
his  manner  of  explaining  the  part  played  by  vice  and 
injustice,  are  the  most  original  features  of  his  doctrine. 
The  angels,  charged  with  the  rule  of  the  universe,  become 
jealous  of  the  superiority  of  Ennoia ;  they  lay  violent 
hands  upon  it,  and  immure  it  in  a  human  body.  Thus 
cut  off  from  the  upper  world,  bereft  of  the  holy  influence 
which  permeated  it,  the  lower  world  is  left  at  the  mercy 
of  sin  and  suffering.  But  the  Supreme  Being  cannot  be- 
hold His  Great  Thought  so  debased  without  sending  some 
one  to  be  its  liberator.  Simon  has  been  chosen  by  God 
for  this  work  of  redemption.  Angel  of  Jahveh,  and  a 
power  emanating  from  Him,  after  the  same  manner  as 
the  Ennoia,  his  coming  had  been  foretold  by  those  words 
in  Deuteronomy,  "  The  Lord  shall  raise  up  a  Prophet  like 
unto  me  from  your  nation  and  from  among  your  breth- 
ren;  Him  you  shall  hear."^  Hence  he  took  the  name 
of  Hestos,  "  the  one  raised  up  "  ^  for  the  salvation  of  the 
Divine  Thought. 

Such  must  liave  been  the  earliest  doctrine  of  Simon, 
and  the  one  he  was  preaching  when  Philip  appeared  in 
Samaria;*  for  even  at  this  date  the  Acts  tell  how  all 
men  were  running  after  him  and  crying,  "  This  is  the 
great  Power  of  God."  After  the  Apostles  went  away, 
Simon  regarded  the  religion  of  the  Christ  as  only  another 
means  of  imposing  on  simple  souls,  and  for  corroborating 
his  own  pretensions.  Far  from  denying  the  coming  of 
a   Messiah,  he    declared  that   the  Christ    and  he    were 

1  S.  Irenaeus  speaks  only  of  this  one  Emanation. 

2  Deut.  xviii.  15.  ^  'O  'Eardos. 

4  Thereafter,  indeed,  the  Acts  describe  the  people  as  running  after  him 
and  crying  out,  "This  is  the  Great  Power  of  God."     Acts  viii.  10. 


THE  MISSIONS   OF   THE  DEACON  PHILIP.        89 

one  and  the  same  person.  Simon  was  He  Who  had  ap- 
peared to  the  Samaritans  as  Father,  to  the  Jews  as  Son 
in  the  crucified  Jesus,  and  to  the  Gentiles  in  the  Holy 
Ghost  descending  upon  them.^ 

According  to  all  appearances,  these  fables  were  not 
credited  for  any  great  length  of  time  in  Samaria;  for 
Simon  left  that  country  to  begin  his  wanderings  over  the 
world.  At  Tyre  he  became  compromised  in  an  adventure 
not  very  creditable  to  a  divine  personage.  Meeting  with 
a  courtesan  named  Helen,^  he  fell  into  her  toils,  pur- 
chased her,  and  made  her  his  companion.  The  scandal 
caused  by  this  union  was  so  great  that  the  impostor 
had  all  he  could  do  to  maintain  his  authority  over  his 
mortified  disciples.  That  he  succeeded  was  due  to  his 
impudence  in  asserting  that  his  weaknesses  were  really 
the  fulfilment  of  a  mission  from  on  High.  According  to 
him,  Helen  was  none  other  than  the  Great  Thought  of 
Jahveh,  Unnoia,  —  banished  by  the  angels  and  by  them 
cast  into  a  place  of  ignominy.  In  delivering  her,  Simon 
manifested  himself  as  the  Supreme  Might  and  "  The 
GreatPower  of  God."3 

We  are  not  of  the  opinion  that  this  incident  ought  to 
be  relegated  to  the  rank  of  those  legends  which,  in  the 
sequel,  have  distorted  the  history  of  Simon ;  for  all  the 
Fathers  who  speak  of  the  Magician  relate  this  fact. 
The  book  of  the  "  Philosophumena  "  *  makes  mention  of 

^  S.  Ireneeus,  i.  23,3;  Philosophumena,  vi.  19.  Simon  could  not  have 
added  this  feature  to  his  teaching  till  after  his  departure  from  Samaria, 
when  he  travelled  through  the  Gentile  world. 

2  Helen  is  perhaps  the  woman  of  that  name  whom  Dositheus  counted 
among  his  adepts.     Chap.  v.  p.  82. 

^  Philosophumena,  vi.  19. 

^  Id.  vi.  19.  I  put  this  work  first,  because  the  rationalist  school  sets 
so  high  store  by  it  as  an  authority  (see  Renan,  Les  Apotres,  p.  267,  note  3  ; 
p.  275,  note  2),  without  seeing  for  myself,  however,  why  the  unknown 
author  of  this  book  should  be  considered  as  more  trustworthy  than  SS. 
Irenseus  and  Justin,  especially  since,  as  a  general  thing,  his  testimony 
agrees  with  that  of  these  holy  Doctors.  It  is  true  that  in  the  Philosophu- 
mena long  quotations  are  given  from  a  work  attributed  to  Simon,  entitled 
"  The  Great  Revelation,"  while  SS.  Irenaeus  and  Justin  only  give  us  an 
abridgment  of  its  doctrine  ;  but  this  fact  by  itself  is  not  enough  to  weaken 
the  testimony  of  the  two  Fathers. 


90  SAINT  PETER. 

them,  as  also  do  Saints  Irenseus  and  Justin ;  ^  and,  fur- 
thermore, it  is  very  difficult,  if  we  reject  this  last  episode, 
to  explain  the  important  place  Helen  occupies  in  Simon's 
teaching.  Later  on  we  shall  encounter  this  heretic  again, 
and  shall  have  to  sift  truth  from  fable  in  the  accounts 
of  his  famous  strifes  with  Saint  Peter,  his  sojourn  at 
Rome,  and  his  death,  which  is  so  diversely  recounted. 
Here  our  lirst  duty  was  to  restore  to  his  place  in  History 
a  personage  who  is  ranked  in  the  number  of  myths  by 
some  writers,^  to  set  forth  the  mixture  of  mysticism  and 
immorality  in  the  man,  so  common  among  Gnostics,  and 
thereby  demonstrate  that  his  doctrine  contains  the  germ 
of  certain  fancies  of  the  last-named  sectaries.  Simon  is 
the  first  man  who  appears  as  an  enemy  in  the  field  of 
the  Father  of  the  household ;  as  we  shall  see,  the  cockle 
has  been  sown,  and  it  will  grow  secretly  until  the  day 
when,  mixed  with  the  ripened  harvest,  it  will  threaten 
the  ruin  of  the  good  grain. 


11.   Saint  Philip  and  the  Eunuch  from  Ethiopia. 

More  and  more  in  those  days  did  the  Holy  Spirit  of 
God  blow  where  it  listed.  From  Samaria,  that  land  ab- 
horred by  the  Jews,  it  wafted  the  Good  News  to  the  heart 
of  Africa,  by  winning  over  to  Jesus  a  powerful  prince  of 
those  parts.  Ethiopia,  which  had  so  often  turned  the  bal- 
ance in  the  fortunes  of  the  Pharaohs,  lay  on  the  equa- 
torial frontier  of  the  known  world.  To  reach  this  far-off 
country,  the  road  passed  through  tropical  regions  to  the 
south  of  Egypt  and  Syene.  Here,  hemmed  in  by  moun- 
tains, the  Nile  is  no  longer  the  peaceful  stream  which 
fertilizes  the  Delta.  Five  times  the  granite  crags  run 
athwart  its  bed  and  precipitate  its  waters  in  mighty  cata- 
racts ;  between  the  third  and  fourth  falls,  the  river  de- 
scribes a  huge  circle,  and  encloses  the  ruined  temples  of 

1  S.  Irenaeus,  i.  23,  2 ;  S.  Justin,  ApoL  i.  26. 

2  Baur,  Gnosis,  S.  310;  Hilgenfeld,  Die  Clement.  Recognitionen,  S.  317. 


THE  MISSIONS  OF  THE  DEACON  PHILIP.        91 

Napata,  the  ancient  capital  of  Ethiopia.  Lower  down, 
the  great  Nile  and  its  two  tributaries,  the  Blue  Nile  and 
the  Atbara,  make  a  long  peninsula  to  the  east,  where 
Meroe^  once  rose,  becoming  the  principal  city  of  the 
kingdom  after  the  destruction  of  Napata  by  the  Eoman 
Petronius2  (23  or  24  B.  a). 

In  the  time  of  Jesus  the  supreme  power  there  was 
wielded  by  women,  who  bore  the  title  of  Candace,  just 
as  the  sovereigns  of  Egypt  adopted  that  of  Pharaoh,  and 
afterwards  that  of  Ptolemy.  The  pyramids  of  Meroe  still 
show  the  figures  of  these  queens,  their  diadems  orna- 
mented with  plumes,  and  bearing  the  uroeus ;  ^  over  their 
breasts  falls  a  necklace  of  large  beads,  a  long  robe  envel- 
ops them,  and  the  royal  mantle  rests  on  their  shoulders. 
Like  the  many  Eameses  of  Ipsamboul  and  Thebes,  some- 
times seated  on  a  throne  with  lions'  heads,  they  receive 
offerings  of  incense ;  sometimes,  standing,  they  brandish 
their  lance  and  slay  the  prisoners  chained  at  their  feet. 
It  is  one  of  these  heroines  who  is  referred  to  in  the  Acts, 
as  having  a  Treasurer  who  had  gone  up  to  Jerusalem  to 
worship  the  Lord. 

Though  the  kingdom  of  the  Candaces  was  so  distant 
from  Palestine,  the  Jews  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
regions  of  the  upper  Nile.  Isaiah  pictures  their  papyrus 
boats  dotting  the  stream,  swift  as  a  flight  of  birds,  shak- 
ing out  their  sails  with  a  noise  like  great  wings.^     The 

*  M.  Cailliaud  has  discovered  the  ruins  of  this  city  round  about  the 
village  of  Assour ;  a  considerable  number  of  pyramids  are  still  standing 
in  the  midst  of  crumbling  and  ruined  sanctuaries.  Napata  lay  further 
north,  at  the  foot  of  Djebel-Barkal.  There  six  temples  have  been  discov- 
ered, and  two  of  the  number  are  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation.  To  the 
west  of  Mount  Barkal  thirteen  pyramids  rise  above  the  surface  of  the 
desert. 

^  Strabo,  Geographica,  xvii.  1,  54;  Pliny,  vi.  35,  8.  In  face  of  such 
formal  evidence  it  is  hard  to  understand  why  M.  Renan  {Les  Apotres, 
p.  158)  would  make  Napata,  at  the  period  we  are  studying,  the  capital  of 
Ethiopia. 

^  The  serpent  so  named  is  none  other  than  the  asp.  "  Its  habit  of 
starting  up  almost  erect  at  the  approach  of  man  gave  rise  to  the  belief 
among  the  Egyptians  that  it  guarded  the  fields,  and  therefore  they  adopted 
it  as  the  emblem  of  authority  "  (C.  Vienot,  Les  Bords  du  Nil,  p.  105). 

*  Is.  xviii.  1,  2.  These  barks,  as  they  are  so  very  light,  are  invaluable 
on  a  stream  whose  course  is  broken  up  by  rapids ;  they  can  easily  be  car- 


92  SAINT  PETER. 

Israelites  trafficked  with  "this  nation  of  lofty  stature, 
savage  eyes,  and  barbarous  tongue."^  They  got  ebony 
from  them,  with  ivory,  gold,  incense,  and  precious  stones.^ 
Though  always  dreading  this  people  —  "  from  the  first  mo- 
ment of  its  existence  and  forevermore,  terrible  to  man, 
this  people  which  tramples  everything  under  its  feet,"  ^  — 
nevertheless  the  Jews  were  not  slow  to  tell  the  rich  mer- 
chants of  Napata  and  Meroe  of  the  hour  predicted  by 
Isaiah,  when  Ethiopia  should  come  to  Jerusalem  and  there, 
falling  down,  say,  "  There  is  no  God  save  among  you,  and 
there  is  no  other  God  but  yours.  Thou  art  of  a  truth  the 
Hidden  God,  0  God  of  Israel  —  Thou  art  the  Saviour ! "  * 
Are  these  promises,  rehearsed  so  many  a  time  during 
the  centuries,  sufficient  to  explain  the  Ethiopians'  inclina- 
tion towards  the  worship  of  Jehovah  ?  or  is  it  not  likely 
that,  since  the  Jews  did  business  here,  as  everywhere 
else,  their  synagogues  may  have  become  centres  for 
preaching  the  word  of  God  ?  The  latter  hypothesis 
strikes  us  as  all  the  more  plausible  from  the  fact  that  no 
country  shows  a  deeper  impress  of  Judaic  thought. 
Even  to-day,  upon  the  tablelands  of  Abyssinia,  whither 
the  descendants  of  the  Ethiopians  have  found  their  way, 
a  whole  people,  —  the  Faldshas,  —  practise  the  religious 
rites  of  Israel,  call  themselves  by  Hebrew  names,  and 
claim  to  be  originally  from  Palestine.^  As  for  the  other 
Abyssinians,  though  of  a  Christian  sect,  their  beliefs  and 
practices  present  a  curious  blending  of  the  Mosaic  rites. 
Circumcision,  the  Sabbath,  distinctions  between  clean  and 
unclean  meats,  and  the  law  of  the  Levirate  continue  to  be 
observed  by  this  folk. 

ried  around  the  cataracts  on  men's  backs,  and  replaced  in  the  v/ater  when 
the  smoother  current  permits. 

1  Is.  xviii.  l,-2. 

2  Herodotus,  iii.  97,  114;  Job  xxviii.  19;  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  viii. 
6,  5. 

3  Is.  xviii.  2-7.  *  Is.  xlv.  14-15. 

5  The  claim  is  doubtful,  for  the  peculiar  dialect  of  these  Jews  is  not 
derived,  like  the  ancient  tongue  of  the  Ethiopians  (the  Ghez),  from  the 
Semitic  languages,  and  their  version  of  the  Bible  has  been  made  from  the 
text  of  the  Septuagint  (Vater,  Mithridates,  t.  iii. ;  Renan,  Histoire  des 
langues  semitiques,  pp.  326-333). 


THE  MISSIONS   OF   THE  DEACON  PHILIP.         93 

In  the  time  of  Jesus,  the  Ethiopian  Jews  and  their 
proselytes  were  so  powerful  that  one  of  their  number 
held  a  prominent  position  at  the  court  of  the  Candace. 
He  had  the  overseeing  of  the  treasuries,  —  an  important 
duty  in  those  days  when  Meroe,  a  free  and  flourishing  town, 
served  as  storehouse  for  the  caravans  of  Africa,  and  dis- 
tributed through  the  Eoman  world  the  rich  products  of 
its  gold,  iron,  and  copper  mines.  Following  a  custom 
common  in  all  Eastern  courts,  and  of  still  stricter  obliga- 
tion in  the  case  of  female  royalty,  the  officials  about  the 
Candace  were  eunuchs ;  but  in  the  maimed  body  of  this 
man  the  soul  was  still  as  virile  as  ever,  eager  and  athirst 
for  righteousness  and  truth.  This  noble  Ethiopian,  not 
content  with  following  the  Law  of  Moses,  wished  to  wor- 
ship in  that  one  spot  on  earth  where  Jehovah  made  His 
Presence  to  be  felt  more  nearly ;  and  with  this  design  he 
went  up  to  Jerusalem,  following  the  route  taken  every 
year  by  the  pilgrims  from  Abyssinia,  —  first  the  course  of 
the  Nile,  then  the  sea-shore  from  Egypt  as  far  as  Gaza. 

After  leaving  this  town  most  travellers  cross  the  Plain 
of  the  Philistines  obliquely,  thus  reaching  Eamleh  and 
Jerusalem.  However,  there  are  two  other  roads  con- 
necting Gaza  with  the  Holy  City :  one,  shorter  but  very 
toilsome  and  rugged,  passes  by  Beit-Djibrin  (the  ancient 
Eleutheropolis) ;  the  other  ascends  in  a  westerly  direc- 
tion as  far  as  Hebron,  and  from  there  turns  to  the  north. 
This  route,  which  still  preserves  some  vestiges  of  its  old 
pavement,  had  been  flagged  over  in  the  time  of  Solomon, 
so  that  the  King's  chariots  might  pass  more  easily  from 
Hebron  to  the  Capital.  Though  much  preferable  to  the 
other  roads  for  carriages,  it  was  not  much  frequented  by 
the  inhabitants  of  those  countries,  who  at  all  times  have 
been  wont  to  make  their  journeys  in  the  saddle,  —  this  is 
why  Saint  Luke  calls  it  a  deserted  way.^     And  it  was 

^  Ai/rrj  €(rr\v  eprj/xos.  Acts  viii.  26.  The  epithet  eprjfios  cannot  refer  to 
Gaza,  for  though  that  city  had  been  destroyed  by  tlie  Jewish  King  Alex- 
ander Janneus  (96  b.  c.  ;  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiii.  13,  3),  it  was  rebuilt 
by  the  Roman  General  Gabinius  (Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv.  5,  3),  and,  in 
Claudius'  time,  Pomponius  Mela  speaks  of  it  as  a  great  and  strong  city ; 
"Ingens  urbs  et  munita  admodum"  {De  Situ  Orbis,  lib.  i.  cap.  xi.). 


94  SAINT  PETER. 

on  this  road  that  the  grace  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ 
awaited  the  otiicer  of  the  Ethiopian  Candace. 

Mighty  man  though  he  was,  the  Ethiopian  was  an 
eunuch,  and  for  that  reason  not  allowed  to  enter  the  great 
gatherings  of  Israel.^  But  albeit  the  severity  of  the  old 
laws  obliged  him  to  withdraw  in  the  hours  for  common 
prayers,-  he  might  go  alone  into  the  Temple  and  there 
offer  his  sacrifice  ;  while,  to  comfort  him  in  his  loneliness, 
he  had  those  words  of  Isaiah,  "  Let  not  the  eunuch  say, 
*  Lo,  I  am  but  a  withered  trunk ! '  for  hearken  to  what 
Jehovah  saith  unto  the  eunuchs  :  '  To  them  that  keep  my 
Sabbaths,  performing  what  is  pleasing  in  My  sight  and 
remaining  steadfast  in  My  Covenant,  to  them  I  will  give 
a  name  in  My  house  and  upon  My  walls,  better  than  that 
of  sons  or  daughters,  —  an  eternal  name  will  I  give  unto 
them,  a  name  which  shall  never  perish.  ...  I  will  make 
them  come  up  into  Mine  holy  Mountain,  and  in  My 
house  of  Prayer  will  I  fill  them  with  great  joy ;  their 
holocausts  and  burnt  offerings  shall  be  acceptable  upon 
Mine  altar,  for  My  house  shall  be  called  a  House  of 
Prayer  unto  all  peoples.'  "  ^ 

No  other  religion  held  forth  such  promises  ;  and  hence 
the  Ethiopian  went  away  from  Jerusalem  more  than  ever 
attached  to  the  Law  of  Jehovah.  Thereupon  the  Angel 
of  the  Lord  appeared  to  Philip  and  spoke  to  him. 

"  Arise,"  he  said,  "  and  go  towards  the  south,  to  the  de- 
serted road  which  descends  from  Jerusalem  to  Gaza." 

The  Deacon  obeyed.  On  his  way  he  caught  sight  of  the 
eunuch  seated  in  his  chariot,  reading  that  very  Prophet 
from  whom  he  had  gathered  so  much  consolation  and 
hope. 

"  Go  nigher,"  the  Spirit  prompted  Philip,  "  and  approach 
this  chariot." 

He  hastened  his  steps,  walked  along  beside  the  pil- 
grim ;  and  because  the  latter  read  aloud,  as  was  customary 

1  Deut.  xxiii.  1. 

2  We  are  not  told  whether  the  exclusion  prescribed  in  Deuteronomy 
was  still  observed. 

3  Is.  Ivi.  3-7. 


THE  MISSIONS   OF   THE  DEACON  PHILIP.         95 

among  the  ancients,  Philip  overheard  the  passage  from 
Isaiah  on  which  he  was  meditating. 

"Do  you  believe,"  he  asked  him, ''that  you  under- 
stand what  you  are  reading  ?  " 

"  How  should  I,"  replied  the  Treasurer,  "  unless  some 
man  enlighten  me  ? "  whereupon  he  begged  Philip  to 
get  up  and  seat  himself  by  his  side. 

Now,  the  passage  of  Scripture  was  this :  — 

"  He  was  led  as  a  sheep  to  the  slaughter ;  like  a  lamb 
dumb  before  his  shearers,  He  opened  not  His  mouth. 
In  His  lowliness  they  have  wrested  His  condemnation ; 
yet  of  all  them  that  surrounded  Him,^  who  will  be  able 
to  tell  wherefore  His  life  was  cut  off  from  earth  ?  "  ^ 

Then  the  eunuch  said  to  Philip  :  "  I  pray  you  explain  to 
me  of  whom  does  the  Prophet  mean  to  speak  ?  Of  himself, 
or  of  some  other  man  ? " 

Line  for  line,  the  Passion  of  Jesus  is  forecast  in  this 
Prophecy ;  it  was  easy  for  the  Deacon  to  begin  with  these 
lines  of  Scripture  and  preach  Jesus.^  "The  Man  of 
Sorrows,  contemned  as  a  leper,  .  .  .  afflicted  of  God,  beaten 
for  our  iniquities,"  *  was  not  this  the  Nazarene  whom  Jeru- 
salem had  beheld  in  His  hour  of  torture,  so  meek,  so  pa- 
tient, "  not  so  much  as  opening  His  mouth  ?  "  "  The 
Lord  was  pleased  to  crush  Him  beneath  the  winepress ; 
like  a  Lamb,  they  have  led  Him  to  the  slaughter."  ^ 

But  the  disciples  of  the  Crucified  had  forgotten  neither 
His  miracles  nor  the  Glad  Tidings  He  had  brought  to  the 

1  T^j/  8e  y^veau  avTov  (Acts.  viii.  33)  is  to  be  construed  as  an  accusative 
absolute  :  "  As  for  his  contemporaries,  —  those  of  his  own  generation."  .  .  . 

"  Acts  viii.  32-33.  This  passage  of  Scripture  has  been  variously  inter- 
preted. The  Acts  quote  it  from  the  text  of  the  Septuagint,  the  only  one 
in  use  among  the  Jews  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia.  In  the  Vulgate,  S.  Jerome 
gives  a  rather  obscure  translation  of  it :  "  In  humilitate  judicium  ejus  sub- 
latum  est.  Generationem  ejus  quis  enarrabit  ?  Quoniam  toUetur  de  terra 
vita  ejus."  The  interpretation  we  have  adopted  is  the  one  proposed  by 
Mgr.  IJeelen,  and  approaches  more  nearly  to  the  meaning  commonly  given 
the  Hebrew  text  by  modern  scholars:  "By  violence  and  by  an  iniqui- 
tous judgment  He  hath  been  reft  away.  Howbeit,  what  man  of  his  gen- 
eration will  believe  that  He  hath  been  cut  off  from  the  land  of  the  living 
because  of  the  sins  of  My  people ;  yea,  that  He  hath  been  smitten  for 
them  'i  " 

3  Acts  viii.  35.  *  Is.  liii.  3-4.  ^  jg.  \{\\_  7    10. 


96  SAINT  PETER. 

world ;  growing  every  day  more  numerous,  the  faithful 
were  filling  Jerusalem  and  the  Holy  Land,  —  even  Samaria 
had  but  now  hearkened  to  the  words  of  salvation.  Surely 
this  too  was  what  Isaiah  had  foretold.  "  To  Him  will  I 
give  many  peoples  to  be  His  heritage ;  He  shall  divide 
the  spoils  of  the  mighty,  because  He  hath  delivered  up 
His  Soul  to  death,  because  He  hath  let  Himself  be  num- 
bered among  the  wicked,  bearing  the  sins  of  many,  and 
making  intercession  for  the  sinful."  ^  For  how  long  a 
time  had  not  Israel  awaited  this  Victim  of  unblemished 
devotion  ?  Consequently,  what  must  have  been  the 
eunuch's  emotion  when  Philip  showed  him  how  every 
line  in  the  Prophecy  had  been  fulfilled  in  Jesus,  how 
baptism  in  His  Name  washes  away  all  stains  of  sin,  mak- 
ing man  to  be  born  again  into  the  fulness  of  life. 

Beside  the  road  the  great  official  spied  a  fountain. 

"  See,  here  is  water,"  he  said  :  "  can  I  not  be  baptized  ?  " 

"  You  can,"  replied  Philip,  "  if  you  believe  with  your 
whole  heart  ? " 

"I  believe,"  he  answered,  "that  Jesus  is  the  Son  of 
God,"  2  and  instantly  he  bade  them  stop  his  chariot. 
Both  men  stepped  down  into  the  water,  and  Philip, 
immersing  the  eunuch,  baptized  him. 

The  stream  where  this  ablution  was  performed  still 
runs  along  the  road  from  Hebron  to  Jerusalem,  at  the  foot 
of  a  hill  covered  with  the  ruins  of  Bethsour.^  A  reservoir 
built  of  evenly  hewn  blocks  receives  its  waters ;  a  terrace 
just  below  it  is  strewn  with  the  ruins  of  a  Christian  ba- 
silica. This  is  the  spot  where  Eusebius  and  Saint  Jerome 
venerated  the  fountain  hallowed  by  the  baptism  of  the 
Ethiopian.*     Hardly  were  the  two  men  come  up  out  of 

1  Is.  liii.  12. 

2  Verse  37  is  wanting  in  the  manuscripts  of  Sinai,  the  Vatican,  Ephrem, 
and  Alexandria,  also  in  the  Coptic,  Sahidic,  and  Ethiopian  versions,  and 
in  the  copy  commented  by  S.  John  Chrysostom  ;  consequently  it  has 
seemed  of  doubtful  authenticity  to  many  critics.  It  is  retained  here,  nev- 
ertheless, because  we  find  it  in  two  important  versions,  the  Italic  and  the 
Vulgate,  in  the  Codex  Laudianus,  and  the  oldest  Fathers,  SS  Irenaeus, 
Cyprian,  and  Pacian. 

3  The  modern  name  is  A'in  ed-Diroueh. 

*  S.  Jerome,  Liber  de  Situ  et  Nominibus :  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxiii.  p.  882. 


THE  MISSIONS  OF  THE  DEACON  PHILIP.        97 

the  water  when  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  caught  away  Philip, 
and  the  eunuch  saw  him  no  more,  but  proceeded  on  his 
way  filled  with  great  joy. 

With  him  Faith  in  Christ  was  carried  into  the  farthest 
parts  of  Africa,  even  in  these  earliest  days.  Did  some 
one  of  the  Apostles  come,  later  on,  to  propagate  the 
seeds  brought  thither  by  the  Candace's  Treasurer "  ?  ^ 
We  do  not  think  it  likely,  for  in  the  fourth  century, 
when  Frumentius  and  ^desius  founded  the  Church  of 
Abyssinia,  they  discovered  there,  it  is  said,  some  lingering 
vestiges  of  Christianity ,2  but  without  a  Hierarchy  or  any 
constituted  Church.  This  is,  indeed,  a  proof  that  the 
Apostles  never  evangelized  these  regions,  for  everywhere, 
in  fact,  they  were  most  careful  to  insure  a  lasting  fruitful- 
ness  to  their  work  by  establishing  the  Episcopate.  With- 
out mission  or  authority,  the  eunuch  could  do  no  more 
than  preach  his  new  creed ;  after  he  was  gone,  the  good 
seed  withered  under  the  tempests  of  trial,  only  to  revive 
some  three  centuries  later. 

"  As  for  Philip,  he  was  found  in  Azotus,  and  he  pro- 
claimed the  Gospel  everywhere  he  went,  till  he  came  to 
Csesarea."^  The  land  of  the  Philistines  and  the  rich 
fields  of  Sharon,  which  the  Deacon  traversed,  were  then 
the  busiest  parts  of  Judea.  Azotus,  so  powerful  in  the 
times  of  Psammeticus  that  it  required  a  siege  of  twenty- 
nine  years  to  subdue  it,^  —  Azotus,  more  than  a  century 

Eplstola,  cviii.,  Epltaphium  Paula.  Arguing  from  these  evidences  and  that 
of  the  Pilgrim  of  Bordeaux  (333),  M.  Guerin  has  proved  that  the  modern 
traditions  are  at  fault  in  locating  the  spot  where  the  Eunuch  was  baptized 
at  Ai'n  el-Hanieh,  near  Am  Karim.  See  his  Description  de  la  Judee,  t.  iii. 
p.  291. 

1  The  author  of  the  Life  of  the  Apostles  gives  S.  Andrew  (S.  Jerome, 
Patrolorjte  latine,  t.  xxiii.  p.  722),  Rufinus  and  Socrates  designate  S.  Mat- 
thew (Socrates,  Historia  Ecclesiastira,  i.  19  ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  Ixvii. 
p.  125  ;  Rufinus,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  i.  9 ;  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxi.  p.  478), 
as  the  preacher  who  evangelized  this  far-away  region.  But  their  testimony 
does  not  settle  the  question,  for  in  these  writers  Ethiopia  means  not  merely 
the  banks  of  the  Upper  Nile,  but  Arabia,  and  even  the  Indies,  as  well. 

^  The  Codex  Auxumensis  says  that  these  two  young  Tyrians  were  aston- 
ished to  see  the  sign  of  the  Cross  in  use  among  a  people  which  had  never 
been  evangelized  by  the  Apostles. 

3  Acts  viii.  40.  ^  Herodotus,  ii.  157. 

7 


98  SAINT  PETER. 

before  Philip's  day,  had  rebuilt  her  ruins  and  recovered 
her  olden  splendors,  under  the  rule  of  Herod  the  Great. 
Willed  by  this  prince  to  Salome,^  one  of  his  sisters,  it 
was  afterwards  made  part  of  the  imperial  domain,  and  by 
this  means  was  divorced  from  the  Sanhedrin's  rule  and 
governed  by  Koman  agents.  In  this  half-Pagan  city 
Philip  could  find  as  many  facilities  for  preaching  the 
Saviour's  message  as  in  Samaria.  Later  on,  passing  from 
town  to  town,  he  evangelized  the  whole  country-side  as 
far  as  Csesarea ;  and  hearing  his  voice,  Lydda  and  Joppa 
forthwith  are  filled  with  communities  of  such  fervid  faith 
that  Peter  will  shortly  leave  Jerusalem  to  visit  them.^ 

But  though  Philip  spread  abroad  the  Good  News 
through  all  Sharon  ^  after  this  manner,  still,  Csesarea  was 
to  become  the  spot  where  he  preferred  to  dwell,  and  the 
centre  of  his  Apostolate.  Some  fifty  years  earlier,  in 
this  very  region  where  the  Deacon  found  a  flouiishing  city, 
eager  for  new  light  and  every  sort  of  novelty,  there  had 
stood  only  a  hamlet  of  Greek  fishermen,  called  the  Tower 
of  Strato.*  Ten  years  were  all  Herod  needed  to  make 
it  the  principal  port  of  Palestine;  immense  blocks  of 
stone  were  plunged  into  the  sea  at  the  depth  of  an  hun- 
dred feet,  forming  a  gigantic  dike  around  a  basin  larger 
than  that  of  the  Piraeus.  This  haven  was  exposed  to 
the  north  wind  alone,  —  the  mildest  breeze  that  blows  in 
the  Syrian  sea  ;  there  were  moles  to  protect  it  against  the 
west  and  south  winds,  whose  gusts  heretofore  had  made 
its  shores  inaccessible.^  To  offer  ships  a  shelter  on  this 
dangerous  coast  was  enough  to  attract  thither  the  com- 
merce of  the  Mediterranean.  In  a  short  time,  Csesarea 
assumed  such  importance  that  there  the  Eoman  governors 
set  up  the  seat  of  their  administration,  and  made  it  the 
second  capital  of  Judea. 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xvii.  8,  11 ;  11,  5  ;  xviii.  2,  2. 

^  Acts  ix.  32-43. 

^  This  Hebrew  name,  meaning  "  a  plain,"  is  used  to  designate  especially 
the  rich  pasture  lands  which  stretch  along  the  shores  of  the  sea,  between 
Carmel  and  Jaffa. 

*  Pliny,  Histona  Naturalis,  v.  14. 

^  Josephus,  Bellum  Jiidaicum,  i.  21,  5-7  ;  Antiquitates,  xv.  9,  6. 


THE  MISSIONS   OF   THE  DEACON  PHILIP.         99 

So  flourishing  a  town,  more  Greek  than  Jewish,^  where 
travellers  of  every  race  were  to  be  met,  was  quite  attrac- 
tive enough  to  determine  Philip's  choice.  He  settled  at 
Csesarea  with  "  his  four  daughters,  virgins  and  prophet- 
esses," 2  and  lived  there  for  many  long  years,  wandering 
about  the  harbor-docks,  and  mingling  with  the  foreign- 
ers in  order  to  publish  the  New  Faith  far  and  wide. 
Also  his  hospitable  home  became  one  of  the  centres  of 
Christianity  ;  ^  therein  were  gathered  together,  besides  the 
disciples  of  the  city,  such  Jews  as  had  come  from  distant 
lands  to  go  up  to  the  Festivals  at  Jerusalem,  as  well  as 
those  who  were  returning  thence,  their  minds  filled  with 
the  words  they  had  heard  from  the  Apostles.  The  burn- 
ing breath  of  Philip's  speech  kindled  the  flame  anew, 
and  they  quitted  Csesarea  all  the  more  eager  to  spread 
abroad  the  Name  and  the  love  of  Jesus.  These  never- 
ceasing  pilgrimages  account  for  the  astonishing  swiftness 
with  which  the  Faith  was  borne  into  Greece  and  Kome, 
along  the  coasts  of  Asia,  —  everywhere  where  their  passion 
for  trade  carried  the  sons  of  Israel. 

1  Only  Greek  was  spoken  there,  and  in  the  services  at  the  Synagogue 
the  Israelites  read  the  text  of  the  Septuagint  [Sola,  21  b). 
'^  Acts  xxi.  9.  3  Acts.  xxi.  8. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SAUL    OF    TARSUS. 

While  these  first  rays  of  truth  were  glimmering  over 
the  Gentile  world,  God  was  raising  up  an  Apostle  who 
was  to  bring  them  the  fulness  of  light.  In  the  year  37/ 
by  heavenly  Grace,  the  persecutor  of  Saint  Stephen  fell 
at  the  feet  of  Christ,  and  rose  up  a  defender  of  the  New 
Faith. 

Saul  was  born,  at  the  opening  of  the  Christian  era,^  at 
Tarsus,  in  Cilicia.  Although  residing  in  a  Pagan  land, 
his  parents  were  Jews,  and  had  not  tainted  the  pure 
blood  of  their  lineage  by  any  unhallowed  unions.  "A 
Hebrew,  born  of  Hebrew  parents,  circumcised  the  eighth 
day,  and  a  descendant  of  Benjamin,"  ^  doubtless  it  was 
due  to  this  fact  that  he  got  the  name  of  Saul,  given 
him  in  memory  of  the  first  king  of  Israel,  —  one  of  the 
chiefest  glories   of  that   Tribe.     But   more   truly  than 

1  As  to  this  date,  see  Appendix  I. 

2  Neither  in  the  New  Testament  nor  in  the  first  Fathers  do  we  find  any 
references  which  help  us  to  exactly  determine  the  date  of  his  birth. 
S.  Luke  says  that  at  the  time  of  Stephen's  martyrdom  (37),  S.  Paul  was 
still  young  :  v^avlov  (Acts  vii.  58).  In  his  epistle  to  Philemon  (9),  written 
about  the  year  63,  the  Apostle  speaks  of  himself  as  an  old  man ;  but  in 
the  Greek  language  the  two  terms,  veavlas  and  irpea^uT-qs,  have  the  vaguest 
sort  of  meaning.  Youth  embraces  the  period  between  adolescence  and 
maturity  ;  accordingly  every  man  is  young  between  the  ages  of  twenty 
and  forty  years.  Old  age  begins  about  sixty,  and  extends  to  the  end  of 
life.  Terms  so  indefinite  as  these  cannot  serve  to  fix  the  date  we  wish  to 
ascertain.  One  tradition  alone,  unfortunately  too  late  to  be  decisive,  uses 
more  precise  terms.  In  a  sermon  erroneously  attributed  to  S.  John  Chry- 
sostom  we  read  that  S.  Paul  was  martyred  when  in  his  sixty-eighth  year. 
In  default  of  more  certain  documents,  we  take  this  to  be  an  indication  of 
the  common  opinion  in  ancient  times.  Now  as  S.  Paul,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter,  died  in  67,  his  birth  is  coincident  with  that  of  the  Christian  era. 

^  Philip,  iii.  5. 


6 


SAUL  OF  TARSUS.  101 

that  monarch,  this  Jew  of  Tarsus  was  to  make  his  race 
illustrious  among  the  nations  by  fulfilling  the  prophecy 
of  Jacob  :  "  Benjamin  is  a  prowling  wolf  ;  in  the  morning 
he  devours  the  prey,  in  the  evening  he  shares  his  booty."  ^ 
The  pillager  of  the  Church  in  the  first  years  of  his  life, 
Saul  was  to  become  one  of  her  most  glorious  pastors. 

We  do  not  know  for  what  reasons  a  family  so  closely 
knit  to  Judaic  traditions  became  resigned  to  leaving  the 
mountains  of  Benjamin  and  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Holy  City.  Saint  Jerome  tells  us  that  they  first  settled 
in  Galilee,  at  Giskala,^  but  afterwards  were  driven  from 
that  village  by  an  invasion  of  the  Romans,  and  emigrated 
to  Cilicia.  The  tradition  which  the  holy  Doctor  refers 
to  here,  supposes  that  Saul  first  saw  the  light  in  Giskala ; 
but  on  this  last  point  it  is  certainly  mistaken,  for  on  two 
occasions  the  Apostle  declares  that  he  is  a  native  of 
Tarsus.^ 

The  child's  parents  followed  the  custom  of  the  Hel- 
lenist Jews,  and  gave  him  a  double  name,  —  one  in  the 
Hebrew,  Saul ;  the  other  a  Greek  one,  Paul.  He  did  not 
make  use  of  the  latter,  which  he  is  always  known  by,  until 
the  period  when  he  began  to  evangelize  the  Gentiles.* 
From  his  forefathers,  Paul  possessed  likewise  the  privi- 
leges of  a  Roman  citizen.^  Had  some  one  of  them  acquired 
this  rank  in  recompense  for  services  rendered  the  govern- 

1  Gen.  xlix.  27. 

2  S.  Jerome,  De  Viris  Tlhistribus,  5  :  "  De  tribu  Benjamin  et  oppido 
Judseee  Giscalis  fnit,  quo  a  Romanis  capto,  cum  parentibus  suis  Tarsum 
Ciliciae  commigravit."  Giskala,  called  nowadays  El  Jish,  two  hours'  walk 
to  the  north  of  Safed,  is  the  last  town  in  Galilee  which  resisted  the  Romans 
(in  the  year  67  of  our  era).  S.  Jerome  is  not  speaking  of  that  invasion, 
but  of  another  wh'ch  preceded  it,  whereof  history  makes  no  mention. 
After  Pompey  (63  n.  c.)  the  Romans  were  masters  of  Palestine;  but 
more  than  once  they  were  obliged  to  rivet  the  yoke  laid  upon  these  cities 
of  Galilee,  always  prone  to  sedition.     Luke  xiii.  1. 

3  Acts  xxi.  39  ;  xxii.  3.  ^  Id.  xiii.  9. 

^  Id.  xxii.  28.  It  was  not  as  a  native-born  citizen  of  Tarsus  that  he 
possessed  this  title,  for  that  town  had  no  claim  to  this  privilege,  being 
neither  a  municipium  nor  a  colony  (Pauly,  Real  Enci/clopddie:  Colonia, 
MuNiCEPs).  Antony  only  saw  fit  to  declare  it  a  free  town  (Pliny,  Historia 
NatnraUs,  v.  22),  that  is  to  say,  exempt  from  certain  charges,  notably  the 
expense  of  supporting  a  Roman  garrison;  it  was  governed  by  its  own 
magistrates. 


102  SAINT  PETER. 

ment;  or,  again,  may  it  not  have  been  the  result  of 
emancipation  from  slavery  ?  We  know  what  misfortunes 
befell  Tarsus  in  the  struggles  occasioned  by  the  death  of 
CiBsar.  To  punish  the  people  for  having  taken  Antony's 
part,  Cassius  laid  so  heavy  a  tribute  upon  them  that  the 
only  way  they  could  raise  the  requisite  sum  was  by  selling 
a  certain  number  of  the  inhabitants. ^  In  this  urgent 
necessity,  the  Jews  living  in  these  Pagan  cities  were  the 
first  victims.  It  is  quite  possible  that  Paul's  parents,  after 
being  reduced  to  slavery  in  this  way,  may  have  received 
that  solemn  enfranchisement  ^  from  their  master,  whereby 
the  rights  of  Eoman  citizenship  were  conferred.^ 

Whatever  the  origin  of  this  title,  it  was  in  their  posses- 
sion at  Paul's  birth,  and  was  the  most  effectual  guarantee 
of  safety  to  the  family,  though  not  so  necessary  to  them, 
at  this  time,  it  is  true,  as  in  the  years  which  were  to  fol- 
low ;  for  Tarsus,  after  its  long  season  of  troubles,  enjoyed 
at  last  a  period  of  assured  peace  and  prosperity.  They 
had  to  thank  one  of  their  fellow-citizens,  Athenodorus 
the  Stoic,*  for  these  days  of  rest.  The  tutor  of  Augustus, 
over  whom  he  retained  a  happy  influence  for  a  long  time, 
this  philosopher  was  not  content  with  having  obtained 
many  privileges  for  his  fatherland  ;  he  returned  thither  to 
settle  down,  and  by  his  prudent  firmness  calmed  the 
rival  factions  into  which  it  was  split.  ^     With  peace  re-es- 

1  Appius,  Bell.  Civ.,  iv.  64. 

2  Lex  Valeria  de  Lihertate  Vindicii.  Livy,  Historice,  ii.  5,  2 ;  Pauly,  Real 
Encyclopddie :  Libertini,  Manumissio. 

^  It  is  hardly  likely  that  S.  Paul's  parents  should  have  bought  this 
title,  since  the  first  Emperors  only  granted  it  under  exceptional  circum- 
stances.    Dion,  Ivi.  33  ;  Snetonms,  Octaviua,  40  ;   Caligula,  38. 

4  Athenodorus  was  not  born  at  Tarsus  itself,  but  at  Cana,  a  hamlet  in 
the  neighborhood  of  that  city.  For  an  account  of  this  Philosopher,  see 
the  Abbe'  Sevin's  learned  essay  in  the  twelfth  volume  of  the  Memoires  de 
l'Acad€mie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belle s-Lettres,  first  series. 

^  Tarsus  was  governed  by  a  sovereign  Assembly  representing  the  various 
classes  of  citizens  (Pauly,  Real  Enci/clopddie:  Tarsus).  A  wretched  poet, 
named  Boethus,  had  obtained  a  political  power  which  he  disgraced  by  his 
infamous  acts  (Strabo,  xiv.  5).  In  order  to  rescue  his  country  from  the 
grasp  of  this  demagogue,  Athenodorus,  although  sustained  by  his  powerful 
pupil,  had  to  engage  in  a  long  and  laborious  struggle.  His  fellow-citizens 
evinced  their  great  gratitude  to  him,  for,  after  his  death,  they  erected 
altars  to  him  and  honored  him  as  a  hero.     Lucian,  Longcevi,  21. 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS.  103 

tablished,  the  town  found  means  to  reap  the  advantages 
of  its  unique  situation.  Standing  in  a  vast  plain  of 
Asia  Minor,  Tarsus  is  not  more  than  four  hours'  journey 
from  the  Mediterranean,  and  about  the  same  distance 
from  the  peaks  of  Taurus.  To  the  north,  crossing  these 
mountains,  there  was  a  pass  called  the  Cilician  Gates, 
open  to  caravans  coming  to  traffic  with  the  Eoman 
world ;  to  the  east  were  wide  roads  connecting  them  with 
the  markets  of  Syria,  while  a  navigable  river,  the  Cydnus, 
carried  the  wood,  felled  in  the  Taurus,  down  to  the  sea, 
together  with  the  wealth  of  the  East,  now  accumulating 
in  the  store-houses  of  the  city.^ 

But  Tarsus  was  no  less  noted  for  its  schools  than  for 
its  commerce.  In  learning,  it  had  only  two  rivals, — 
Athens  and  Alexandria ;  and  according  to  Strabo's  testi- 
mony, it  excelled  both  of  them.  It  is  astonishing  to 
scan  the  list  of  distinguished  masters  then  in  the  town,^ 
almost  all  of  them  natives  of  the  city,  and  with  such  a 
reputation  abroad  that  the  emperors  and  noble  families 
of  Eome  summoned  them  to  instruct  their  high-born  sons.^ 
In  this  city  of  great  tradesmen  and  great  scholars  alike, 
the  philosophers,  professors,  and  grammarians  were  more 
noisily  active  than  the  traffickers.  Philostratus  tells  us 
liow  they  used  to  sit  in  bands  along  the  docks  of  the 
Cydnus,  chattering  like  a  flock  of  magpies.*  Disrespectful 
as  the  moralist's  comparison  may  appear,  it  must  be  a 
truthful  picture,  for  the  grave  Strabo  agrees  with  him 
in  decrying  these  Ehetoricians. 

Very  vile  passions  disgraced  their  learning ;  caring 
little  enough  for  morality,  egoists,  scoffers,  and  always 
ready  with  an  insult,  they  revelled  in  coarseness ;  ^  from 

1  Strabo,  xiv.  5,  10.  ^  Pauly,  Real  Encyclopddie  :  Tarsus. 

3  Strabo,  xiv.  5,  14,  15.  Besides  being  the  tutor  of  Augustus,  Atheno- 
dorus  had  charge  of  Claudius'  education  (Suetonius,  Claudius,  iv.),  Nestor 
the  Academician  was  the  preceptor  of  Marcellus,  Augustus'  nephew 
(Strabo,  xiv.  5).  Another  professor  from  Tarsus,  Nestor  the  Stoic,  was 
appointed  to  instruct  Tiberius  { J Axc'mn,  Long cevi,  21). 

*  Philostratus,  Vita  Apolonii,  i.  7. 

^  Witness  the  lines  which  Boethus  launched  at  the  head  of  Athenodorus, 
and  which  he  ordered  to  be  graven  on  tlie  walls  :  — 

'Epya  v4(jov,  l3ov\al  5e  /x^auiy,  iropdal  Se  ycpovruv. 


104  SAINT  PETER. 

words  they  passed  to  acts,  going  so  far  as  to  befoul 
the  doorways  of  their  opponents ;  ^  sometimes  they 
would  even  engage  in  pitched  battle  under  arms,  and 
ended  their  wordy  wars  in  blood.  How  often  the  young 
lad  whom  we  think  of  as  Saint  Paul,  coming  out  of  the 
"  ghetto  "  at  Tarsus,  must  have  drawn  near  one  of  these 
knots  of  philosophers,  and  marvelled  at  their  trivial  dis- 
cussions, —  that  wisdom  of  the  world  which  one  day  he 
would  brand  as  foolishness  in  God's  sight.^ 

But  even  more  than  the  emptiness  of  human  learn- 
ing, the  corrupt  life,  which  Saul  saw  all  about  him,  dis- 
gusted his  youthful  soul.  Even  in  Cilicia,  a  country 
noted  as  one  of  the  most  dissolute  in  the  world,^  Tarsus 
was  famous  for  its  unbridled  license  in  the  conduct  of 
life;*  its  tutelary  god  was  the  infamous  Sardanapalus, 
whom  the  legends  confound  with  Hercules  of  Lydia, 
Baal  of  the  Phoenicians,  the  Asiatic  Sando ;  and,  like  all 
these,  honored  by  voluptuous  orgies  under  their  sacred 
tents.^  By  the  gates  of  Tarsus,  at  Anchialus,  Paul  be- 
held the  idol  of  this  shameless  religion.  There  a  marble 
statue  represented  Sardanapalus  as  a  woman  clad  in  the 
robe  of  a  Lydian  girl,  with  arms  outstretched,  and  snap- 
ping his  fingers  with  all  a  reveller's  abandonment  to 
debauchery.  Underneath,  an  inscription  in  the  Assyrian 
tongue  expressed  the  whole  moral  of  this  cult,  — 
"  Drink,  eat,  and  enjoy  ;  all  else  is  nought."  ^ 
When,  sixty  years  later.  Saint  Paul  branded  the 
shameful  crimes  of  Paganism,  Corinth  was  the  city  he 
had  before  his  eyes,  doubtless ;  but  Tarsus  too  was  in 
his  mind,  —  Tarsus,  stained  with  the  foulness  which  had 
made  his  soul  revolt  even  in  childhood.     "  God  hath  de- 

For  his  sole  response,  the  Stoic  inscribed  this  menacing  variation  of  the 
last  three  words,  just  below  the  original :  Bpovral  8e  yepourcjv.  The  reader 
must  pardon  me  for  not  attempting  to  translate  such  a  play  on  words. 

1  Strabo,  xiv.  5,  14.  2  i  Cor.  iii.  19. 

3  Crete  and  Cappadocia  shared  with  Cilicia  the  unenviable  reputation 
of  surpassing  all  other  peoples  in  corruption.  Whence  the  Greek  proverb : 
Tpia  Kdinra  KaKicrra.     See  !fetienne's  Thesaurus  Grcecce  Liw/uce :  K. 

■*  Dion  Chrysostomus,  Orationes,  i.  et  ii. ;  Philostratus,  vi.  34. 

^  Pauly,  Real  Encydopddie  :  Sardanapalus. 

^  Strabo,  xiv.  5,  9  ;  Arrianus,  Expeditio  Alexandri,  ii.  5. 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS.  105 

livered  them  over  to  shameful  passions.  .  .  .  They  wished 
not  to  know  God ;  therefore  hath  God  given  them  over 
to  a  depraved  sense."  ^ 

The  Israelites  could  have  no  intercourse  with  such 
schools.  In  Tarsus  more  than  elsewhere  they  lived  a 
life  apart,  shielding  their  children  from  contact  with 
the  teachers  of  perdition.  Each  father  instructed  his 
own  son,  and  taught  him,  so  soon  as  he  could  stammer 
its  words,  that  most  Jewish  of  all  prayers,  the  Shema ; 
"  Hearken,  0  Israel,  the  Lord  our  God  is  one  !  Thou  shalt 
love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  thy  whole  heart,  with  all 
thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  strength."  With  even-fall, 
in  the  family  circle,  the  child  heard  his  kinsfolk  sing 
the  beautiful  psalms  of  the  Hallel,  and  little  by  little 
learned  to  mingle  his  voice  in  those  songs,  from  which 
our  daily  prayers  are  taken  still.  At  the  age  of 
six  he  was  ushered  into  what  the  Kabbis  called  the 
*'  Sacred  Grove,"  ^  "  the  Vineyard  ;  "  ^  that  is  to  say,  the 
school  so  highly  esteemed  by  the  Jews  that  without  it 
they  believed  a  city  destined  to  destruction.  "The 
world,"  they  said,  "  cannot  be  saved  but  by  the  breath  of 
children  gathered  in  their  studious  retreats."  ^ 

There  Saul  passed  his  earlier  years,^  reading  the  sacred 
texts  from  parchment  scrolls,  hearing  from  his  master's 
lips  the  interpretation  and  the  traditions  which,  from 
being  a  commentary  on  the  Law,  had  come  to  be  a  repe- 
tition of  it  (the  Mischna).  Besides  this  study,  each 
Jewish  child  learned  some  manual  art,  whatever  his  rank 
or  fortune  might  be.  Thereby  the  Jews  sought  to  en- 
noble labor,^  and  at  the  same  time  provide   a  resource 

1  Rom.  i.  26-31.  "Nam  foeminae  eorum  immutaverunt  naturalem 
usum  in  eum  usum  qui  est  contra  naturam.  Similiter  et  masculi,  relicto 
naturali  usu  foeminae,  exarseruut  in  desideriis  suis  in  invicem,  masculi  in 
masculos  turpitudinem  operantes,  et  mercedem,  quam  opportuit,  erroris 
sui  in  semetipsis  recipientes," 

2  Midrash  Coheleth,  91.        ^  RasM  Yebamoth,  42  b.       *  Sabbath,  119,  6. 
^  Tarsus  was  too  important  a  town  not  to  have  a  school  of  its  own. 

The  Jews  Avere  accustomed  to  maintain  one  master  for  every  twenty-five 
children  ;  when  a  community  of  Israelites  had  forty  children,  the  professor 
was  allowed  an  assistant.     Babha  Bathra,  21  a. 
^  Nedarim,  49  b. 


106  SAINT  PETER. 

against  the  evil  days.  Saul  chose  a  branch  of  industry- 
very  common  in  Tarsus  :  he  applied  himself  to  braiding 
goats'  wool,  obtained  from  the  flocks  of  Taurus  ;  thereafter 
plaiting  it  into  the  coarse  coverings  used  for  tents.  ^ 
When  he  allowed  his  son  to  take  up  with  this  apprentice- 
ship, how  could  the  Apostle's  father  foresee  that,  for  thirty 
toilsome  years,  the  boy  he  was  bringing  up  to  noble 
studies  would  earn  his  daily  bread  from  this  low  trade  ? 

As  his  family  had  decided  that  he  was  to  be  a  Eabbi, 
Saul  could  not  obtain  at  Tarsus  the  course  of  study  re- 
quired for  an  interpreter  of  the  sacred  books,  an  admin- 
istrator of  justice,  and  a  pleader  before  the  courts  of 
Israel.  When  he  reached  his  twelfth  year,^  the  age  at 
which  a  child  became  a  "  son  of  the  Law,"  or,  in  other 
words,  was  initiated  into  the  numberless  traditions  of  his 
ancestors,^  he  was  sent  up  to  Jerusalem  to  attend  the 
higher  schools  of  Jewry.  One  of  Paul's  sisters  was  mar- 
ried, and  lived  in  the  Holy  City ;  probably  he  went  to 
live  with  her,  —  at  any  rate,  he  won  the  strongest  affec- 
tions of  one  of  his  nephews,  for  we  shall  soon  see  this 
young  man  putting  himself  in  very  great  danger,  to  save 
his  uncle's  life.^  Whether  guided  by  family  counsels 
or  consulting  his  own  tastes,  he  betook  himself  to  Gama- 
liel's company  to  pursue  his  studies.  This  master,  one 
of  the  seven  whom  the  Jews  honored  with  the  title  of 
Eabban,^  stood  at  the  head  of  a  school  noted  at  this 
time  for  the  high  character  of  its  doctrines.     But  it  was 

1  SKTjvoTTOioj,  Acts  xviii.  3.  These  coarse  stuffs  were  called  "cilicium" 
(whence  the  modern  word  "cilicious"),  and  they  were  then  as  now  in 
common  use  for  tents.  Vegetius,  T7istit.  Rei  Mil.,  iv.  6.  They  were  also 
made  into  mats,  cloaks,  sacks,  and  rugs.  See  Forcellini,  Lexicon:  Cili- 
ciUM.  "  Capra  pilos  ministrat  ad  usum  nauticum  et  ad  bellica  tormenta 
et  fabrilia  vasa.  Sed  quod  primum  ea  tonsura  (caprarum)  in  Cilicia  sit 
instituta,  nomen  ad  Cilicas  adjecisse  dicunt"  (Varro,  Res  Rastica,  ii.  11). 

^  Later  on,  he  declared  before  Agrippa  that  he  went  to  Jerusalem  in 
his  early  youth.    Acts  xxvi.  4. 

3  Ahoth,  i.  1.  4  Acts  xxiii.  16. 

^  This  name,  which  comes  from  331  (to  multiply,  grow  great,  distin- 
guished ),  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  signifies  a  man  remarkable  on  account  of 
his  position  or  ability.  Job  xxxii.  9;  Dan.  i.  3;  Prov.  xxvi.  10.  With 
the  pronominal  suffix  of  the  first  person  plural,  it  takes  the  form  |3"^  ; 
"  Rabban,"  "  our  master."    This  was  the  superlative  title  of  honor. 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS.  107 

just  this  lofty  tone  which  repelled  the  Pontiffs  and  great 
personages.  The  majority,  Sadducean  for  the  most  part, 
disdained  the  speculations  of  this  Doctor,  and  looked 
to  Schammai,  his  rival,  to  provide  them  with  a  more  eas- 
ily acquired  system  and  a  stricter  interpretation  of  the 
Law,  which  was  all  they  asked  for  in  the  management  of 
the  political  and  religious  affairs  of  Judea.  The  Phari- 
sees, whose  opinions  were  shared  by  Paul's  family,  held 
the  teaching  of  Gamaliel  in  juster  esteem.  They  recog- 
nized the  fact  that  his  zeal  for  the  religion  of  their  fathers 
was  as  pure  as  it  was  earnest,  and  in  consideration  of 
his  lively  faith  they  were  not  so  much  piqued  at  this 
master's  innovations.  Indeed,  Gamaliel  had  separated 
himself  rather  boldly  from  the  common  run  of  doctors. 
Setting  aside  their  subtle  discussions  concerning  the  Ob- 
servances, he  never  treated  these  matters  save  in  the 
hope  of  lightening  the  burden  laid  upon  the  people. 
Worthy  son  of  Hillel,  his  only  thought,  even  as  his  an- 
cestor's had  been,  was  "  to  reconcile  mankind  unto  the 
Law ; "  ^  he  brought  them  to  love  it  by  making  the 
Sacred  Text  the  theme,  not  of  fruitless  disputes,  but  of 
an  eloquent  exhortation.  His  most  cherished  study  was 
to  explain  the  Songs  of  Israel  and  the  Oracles  of  the 
Prophets. 

To  young  Jews  coming  thither  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  and  grieving  over  the  yoke  Jerusalem  was  under, 
he  recalled  the  future  glories  foretold  for  their  race,  and 
the  unfailing  theme  of  their  hopes.  If  at  this  time  it  be- 
hoved them  to  repeat  Jeremy's  Lamentations,  was  it  not 
also  fitting  that  by  word  and  deed  they  should  hasten 
that  great  renewal  of  spirit  concerning  which  Isaiah, 
Ezekiel,  and  all  the  Seers  had  forewarned  them  ?  Kow 
that  Judea  was  permanently  united  to  the  Eoman  Em- 
pire, what  was  the  use  of  keeping  up  that  bristling  hedge 
which  hemmed  in  the  Holy  Nation  ?  To  make  their 
triumph  certain,  they  had  but  to  extend  the  spiritual 
kingdom   of   Jehovah   over   all   the   earth.      With   this 

1  Aboth,\.  11. 


108  SAINT  PETER. 

thought  Gamaliel  introduced  those  humane  rules  of  his, 
—  that  every  poor  man,  the  Pagan  as  well  as  the  Jew, 
had  a  right  to  glean  his  little  portion  from  the  fi,elds ; 
that  when  sick,  the  Gentiles  were  entitled  to  aid  ;  that 
they  ought  to  be  greeted  with  the  salutation  of  peace, 
and  in  death  were  entitled  to  the  funeral  rites.^  Hence, 
too,  his  tolerance  for  the  first  Christians,  and  that  hardi- 
hood with  which  we  have  seen  him  defending  the  Apos- 
tles, thereby  rescuing  them  from  the  hatred  of  the 
Sanhedrin.2  In  fine,  this  is  the  reason  of  Gamaliel's 
aversion  for  the  Eabbinical  Schools,  the  earnestness  he 
showed  in  the  study  of  Greek  philosophy,^  his  longing  to 
find,  what  Jesus  had  already  given  the  world,  —  an  infalli- 
ble Authority,  which  should  cut  short  all  profitless  dis- 
putes.* Far  superior  to  the  rest,  from  the  loftiness  of  his 
views  and  the  generosity  of  his  feelings,  charitable,  con- 
ciliating, so  meet  for  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  that  the  tradi- 
tions will  have  it  that  he  was  a  Christian,  this  master  of 
Israel  was  worthy  to  form  the  mind  of  Saul.  According 
to  the  custom  of  Jewish  scholars,  the  future  Apostle 
came  thither  to  seat  himself  on  the  ground  beside  the 
platform  of  Gamaliel,  and  so,  during  many  a  long  year, 
"  stationed  in  the  dust  at  the  feet  of  the  wise  man,  he 
drank  eagerly  of  his  word."  ^ 

This  teaching  left  an  impression  upon  the  disciple 
which  we  shall  notice  in  after  days  ;  but  it  did  not  change 
the  character  he  had  inherited  from  nature,  or  from  the 
prejudices  of  childhood  and  blood.  Saul,  as  we  have  said, 
came  up  from  Tarsus  penetrated  with  the  spirit  of  pure 
Judaism,  "  a  Pharisee's  son,  and  a  Pharisee  himself,"  ^  — 
as  scrupulous  as  any  one  for  the  legal  Observances.  Al- 
though brought  up  among  Greeks,  he  did  not  know  their 
language  well ;  what  he  learned  of  it  was  gained  at  the 
School  of  Gamaliel.     Five  hundred  of  the  scholars  there, 

1   Gittin,  696,  61.  2  Acts  v.  34-39. 

3  Babha  Kama,  83,  1. 

^  "  Get  for  thyself  some  authority,  that  thus  thou  mayest  be  relieved 
from  doubt."     Aboth,  i.  15. 
s  Pirke  Aboth,  i.  4. 
6  Gal.  i.  14;  Acts  xxiii.  6 ;  Philip,  iii.  5. 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS,  109 

it  is  said,  were  studying  the  Law,  another  five  hundred 
Greek  learning.^  Saul  was  not  of  the  latter  number. 
He  continued  to  speak  the  Aramsean  tongue,  to  which  his 
babyhood  and  boyhood  had  been  wonted  at  home,  and 
which  was  used  generally  by  the  Jews ;  he  spoke  it  in 
Jerusalem,  along  the  road  to  Damascus,  and  during  his 
whole  life  continued  to  use  it  as  the  natural  vehicle  for 
his  thoughts.  Accordingly,  when,  even  after  he  had  be- 
come the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  he  talked,  preached,  or 
wrote  in  their  language,  his  Greek  was  never  anything 
but  a  borrowed  dialect.  As  for  his  Epistles,  with  so  little 
that  is  Hellenic  in  their  form,  incorrect  in  their  style, 
obscure  even  to  his  contemporaries,  a  speech  "which 
betrays  the  foreigner,"  ^  oftentimes  the  surest  way  of  get- 
ting at  his  meaning  is  by  going  back  to  the  Aramaean 
term  which  he  is  translating. 

Nor  had  Greek  literature  any  attractions  for  him ;  he 
had  taken  no  interest  in  it  when  at  school  in  Tarsus,  and 
at  Jerusalem  he  disdained  to  study  it.  In  his  writings 
we  find  no  reminiscences  of  its  orators,  historians,  and 
poets ;  there  are  only  three  ^  quoted  in  as  many  various 
places,  merely  going  to  show  that  he  was  not  ignorant  of 
those  masterpieces  of  human  genius. 

His  principal  study,  therefore,  was  the  Law  of  Jeho- 
vah. "  In  Judaism,"  he  tells  us,  "  I  made  greater  progress 
than  all  my  companions  of  the  same  age,  and  I  gave 
signs  of  an  unmeasured  zeal  for  our  Traditions."* 
Gamaliel  had  so  broad  a  mind  that  he  could  adapt  him- 
self to  very  different  characters  ;  by  him  Saul "  was  in- 
structed in  the  exactest  manner  of  observing  the  Law  of 
his  fathers,"^  and  Paul  continued  for  very  long  to  be 
that  model  scribe  whose  duties  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach 
has  defined  :  "  He  who  giveth  his  soul  to  the  law  of  the 
Most  High,  searcheth  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients,  and 
meditateth  upon  the  Prophecies.     Eevolving  in  his  mind 

1  Bahha  Kama,  83, 1, 

2  Bossuet,  Panegyrique  de  Saint  Paid,  premier  point. 

3  Tit.  i.  12  ;  Acts  xvii.  28 ;  1  Cor.  xv.  33. 

4  Gal.  i.  14.  ^  Acts  xxii.  3. 


110  SAINT  PETER 

the  words  of  noted  men,  he  delveth  into  the  winding  paths 
of  allegories,  scrutinizeth  the  meaning  hidden  in  prov- 
erbs, and  meditateth  upon  the  enigmas  of  parables."  ^ 
The  Judaic  education  was  like  a  mould  from  which  the 
Apostle's  thought  received  from  the  outset  that  form 
which  it  kept  ever  after,  and  is  especially  to  be  noted  in 
his  Epistles.  It  would  be  vain  to  look  to  them  for  the 
clever  arts  of  the  Ehetoricians,  or  for  the  Peripaticians'  de- 
ductions, with  their  orderly  reasonings,  which  illumine 
one's  path  from  beginning  to  end  of  the  way.  The  light 
Paul  gives  us  is  like  that  of  the  thunderbolt.  Little  he 
cares  whether  his  style  be  rude,  his  transitions  abrupt,  his 
figures  incoherent,  or  his  periods  broken;  all  his  thought 
is  how  to  make  his  idea  stand  out,  impressing  and  engrav- 
ing itself  upon  the  soul.  So,  too,  David,  Solomon,  and  all 
the  Seers  and  Prophets  of  Israel  had  spoken.  His  method 
is  the  same  which  the  Talmud  has  preserved  for  us,  — 
the  method  of  Jewish  Schools,  where  the  lesson  consisted 
in  a  long  conversation  between  the  master  and  his  dis- 
ciples. The  interrogative  and  colloquial  forms,  so  fre- 
quent in  the  Apostle's  letters,  his  persevering  endeavors 
to  base  his  argument  upon  the  Jewish  Traditions  or  the 
mystical  meaning  of  Scripture,  —  what  is  all  this  but 
the  vestiges  of  an  earlier  education,  a  reminiscence  of 
Gamaliel  ? 

In  fact  this  Doctor  had  collected  and  commented  on  the 
Seven  Eules  of  Interpretation^  compiled  by  his  grand- 
father, Hillel.  To  our  minds,  trained  to  a  rigorous  logic, 
nothing  could  be  stranger  than  these  Eabbinical  cavil- 
lings, from  which,  arguing  from  some  vague  similarity  in 
names  or  circumstances,  or  from  any  resemblance  more  or 
less  remote,  they  draw  their  conclusions  by  analogy,  and 
infer  something  from  the  text  which  it  does  not  contain.^ 

^  Eccli.  xxxix.  1-5. 

2  These  seven  rules  for  arguing  (the  Middoth)  can  be  found  in  the 
Introduction  to  Sifrd,  tos.  Sanhedrin,  c.  vii. ;  Rabbi  Nathan's  Ahoth, 
c.  xxxvii.     See  article  under  Hillel  in  Kitto's  Biblical  Cyclopcedia. 

^  A  passage  from  the  Talmud  of  Jerusalem  {Pesachim,  vi.  1)  shows 
how  the  Rabbis  employed  these  various  forms  of  argument :  "  Once  when 
the  14th  of  Nisan  chanced  to  fall  on  a  Saturday,  a  difficulty  arose,  whether, 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS.  Ill 

As  yet  they  had  not  gone  to  the  excesses  of  the  Talmudists, 
who  sought  for  the  meaning  hidden  in  words  and  even 
in  the  smallest  fragments  of  words,  "from  the  corners 
of  every  letter  picking  a  bushel  of  decisions."^  But  al- 
ready at  this  early  date,  if  one  could  discover  any  uncer- 
tain likeness,  some  distant  relationship  between  two  things, 
sufficient  to  admit  of  a  comparison,  that  was  quite  enough 
to  warrant  any  conclusion  drawn  from  one  to  the  other. 

The  subtility  of  such  proofs,  and  their  lack  of  solid 
foundation,  could  not  escape  the  minds  of  men  as  eminent 
as  Hillel  and  Gamaliel ;  accordingly,  they  bent  their 
efforts,  not  so  much  towards  establishing  the  existing 
forms  of  reasoning  as  to  maintaining  their  right  to  inter- 
pret the  Law  freely.  In  the  schools  frequented  by  the 
aristocracy,  there  was  but  one  way  of  determining  the 
meaning  of  a  text  known  to  the  teachers,  —  the  authority 
of  the  ancient  Doctors.  The  leaders  of  the  people  found 
it  an  easy  task  to  transform  this  learning  of  theirs  into 
an  infallible  Tradition,  to  which  they  alone  kept  the  key. 
Hillel  did  not  dispute  the  real  worth  of  this  Tradition, 
but  he  refused  to  accept  it  as  unchangeable ;  by  fostering 
among  his  followers  the  use  of  his  Seven  Eules,  he  suc- 


despite  the  Sabbath,  it  was  lawful  to  perform  the  sacrifice  of  the  Paschal 
lamb.  Hillel  was  appealed  to,  and  was  asked,  "  Hast  thou  ever  heard 
tell  whether  or  not  it  be  our  duty  to  celebrate  the  ceremony  of  the  Paschal 
lamb  when  the  14th  of  Nisan  falls  on  a  Saturday  ?  "  "  Do  we  not  hold," 
Hillel  replied,  "  tliat  this  Passover  alone  excels  the  Sabbath  in  dignity  ? 
Have  we  not  a  great  number  of  sacrificial  victims  similar  to  the  Paschal 
lamb,  which  the  Sabbath  must  give  place  to  ?  "  .  .  .  Thereupon  Hillel 
proceeded  by  basing  his  decision  upon  analogy,  upon  a  conclusion  a  for- 
tiori, and  on  the  similar  use  of  a  word.  —  From  analogy  :  The  daily  sacri- 
fice is  a  sacrifice  offered  by  the  community,  and  so  too  is  the  Passover  ;  as 
the  former  excels  the  Sabbath,  the  latter  must  excel  it  also.  —  From  an 
a  fortiori  conclusion  :  If  the  daily  sacrifice,  whose  neglect  does  not  involve 
the  penalty  of  extermination,  excels  the  Sabbath,  much  more  the  Passover, 
whose  omission  is  punished  by  extermination,  must  excel  the  Sabbath.  — 
From  the  similar  use  of  a  word :  In  the  case  of  both  these  sacrifices  the 
Law  reads  that  the  act  must  be  performed  in  its  due  time  ('IJ^IDJ) ;  as  in 
the  case  of  the  daily  sacrifice  this  term  signifies,  "  despite  the  Sabbath,"  so 
this  term  should  be  understood  to  mean  in  the  case  of  the  Paschal  lamb 
that  it  likewise  must  be  immolated  "  despite  the  Sabbath."  Quoted  by 
Derenbourg,  Histoire  de  la  Palestine,  p.  178. 
1  Menahot,  20  b. 


112  SAINT  PETER 

ceeded  in  making  a  place  for  reason  in  the  teaching  of 
the  Law,  and  managed  to  reconcile  the  letter  of  the 
Sacred  Text  with  the  necessities  of  the  times.  In  this 
way,  among  other  points  wisely  modified  by  him,  Hillel 
pointed  out  to  his  hearers  a  way  of  escaping  that  cancel- 
ling of  all  debts  which  was  one  of  the  commandments 
Israel  must  needs  fulfil  every  seventh  year.  Such  a  law 
as  this  practically  prohibited  all  commerce  with  Pagans. 
By  wise  expedients  he  made  the  Law  practicable,  in  a  way 
which  satisfied  the  people's  conscience  and  their  business 
interests  at  the  same  time. 

However  much  attention  Saul  may  have  paid  to  these 
dialectics,  he  certainly  attached  only  a  secondary  impor- 
tance to  them ;  what  kept  him  in  Gamaliel's  school  was 
the  faith  he  breathed  there, —  the  master's  ardor  in  deal- 
ing with  the  words  of  the  Prophets,  and  the  enthusiasm 
which  this  sort  of  preaching  provoked  among  the  com- 
panions of  his  age  and  studies.  In  this  centre  of  eager 
life,  the  young  scribe  developed  without  hindrance ;  from 
the  lessons  of  Gamaliel  he  gathered  what  was  most  fitting 
for  his  fiery  nature,  disdaining  the  more  temperate 
thoughts  which  the  former  interspersed  amid  his  warm- 
est exhortations.  Like  this  great  Doctor,  Saul  too  longed 
for  the  triumph  of  the  Law,  but  of  an  inflexible  Law,  un- 
forgiving as  in  its  earliest  days.  When  it  came  time  for 
the  youth  to  leave  these  classes,  where  he  heard  the 
most  tolerant  of  Jews  speaking  only  of  conciliation  and 
peace,  Saul  had  become  a  stern  zealot  of  the  Mosaic  law, 
prepared  to  assail  any  one  who  did  not  share  his  beliefs. 

The  impulse  to  undertake  extended  mission  journeys 
was  felt  very  generally  by  the  scribes  of  this  epoch ;  not 
content  with  preaching  in  Judea  alone,  they  ''ran  over 
land  and  sea  "  ^  to  gain  proselytes  for  the  coming  reign 
of  the  Messiah.  Apparently  Saul  was  of  this  number,  and 
remained  away  from  Jerusalem  during  the  few  years  of 
Jesus'  Ministry,  for  he  never  saw  the  Saviour,  and  was 
not  present  either  at  His  trial  or  upon  Mount  Calvary. 
When  he  returned  to  the  Holy  City,  the  disciples  of  the 

1  Matt,  xxiii.  15. 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS.  113 

Christ  had  come  to  be  a  notable  and  important  part  of  the 
people.  The  spirit  of  freedom  which  breathed  through 
the  Deacons'  preaching,  and  in  Stephen's  particularly,  had 
liberated  them,  little  by  little,  from  the  heaviest  yoke  of 
the  Law ;  every  day  they  broke  some  one  of  the  bonds 
which  at  first  had  kept  the  Christians  so  united  with  the 
Jews  to  all  appearances  that  it  was  hardly  possible  to 
distinguish  the  Church  from  any  one  of  the  numerous 
synagogues  of  Jerusalem.  Saul  saw  the  danger  ahead  in 
this  city  where  a  spirit  of  revolt  against  the  Law  was 
rife  in  the  people ;  the  thought  excited  him  wellnigh  to 
madness,  and,  acting  in  concert  with  the  princes  of  Israel, 
he  resolved  to  destroy  the  Christians. 

Stephen,  noted  for  the  boldness  of  his  speech,  was 
marked  out  for  their  first  victim.  We  have  seen  Saul,  sit- 
ting in  the  tribunal  before  which  the  Deacon  appeared, 
giving  in  his  vote  against  him,  following  him  to  the  place 
of  execution,  and  standing  guard  over  the  garments  of  the 
men  that  stoned  him.^  His  mind  inflamed  by  this  first 
murder,  he  fancied  himself  one  raised  up  by  God  for  the 
extermination  of  the  innovators.  "  I  conceived  the  idea," 
he  says,  "  that  there  was  nothing  which  I  ought  not  to  do 
against  the  name  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth."  ^  The  Pontiffs 
who  swayed  the  Sanhedrin  councils  were  not  slow  to  en- 
courage this  hatred,  and  gave  the  scribe  full  powers.-^ 
Thereafter  his  passion  knew  no  bounds  ;  he  hastened  from 
synagogue  to  synagogue,  forced  his  way  into  private  houses, 
compelling  the  weak  and  timorous  to  deny  their  faith  in 
Jesus'  Name.*  Every  one  who  resisted  was  thrown  into 
prison  or  constrained  to  blaspheme  the  Saviour  by  whip- 
pings, torture,  and  death.^  According  to  Paul's  expres- 
sion, his  persecution  was  "an  outburst  of  fury,"^  and 
in  this  spirit  he  ravaged  the  Church  of  Jerusalem.  But 
his  rage  redoubled  when  he  learned  that  though  the  faith- 
ful fled  into  the  neighboring  towns,  it  only  resulted  in 
spreading  their  beliefs  more  speedily ;  he  heard  that  the 
new  Faith  had  converts  farther  afield,  and  that  even  at 

1  Acts  vii.  5,  9  ;  xxii.  20;  xxvi.  10.       ^  Acts  xxvi.  9.       ^  Acts  xxvi.  10. 
*  Acts  xxvi.  11 ;  viii.  3.  ^  Acts  xxii.  4.       ^  Gal.  i.  13. 

8 


114  SAINT  PETER. 

Damascus  there  were  numbers  of  Jews  who  invoked  the 
Crucified  Christ.  "  Full  of  threats,  breathing  out  slaugh- 
ter against  the  Lord's  disciples,  he  went  in  search  of  the 
High  Priest  ^  and  asked  of  him  letters  to  the  synagogues 
of  Damascus,  so  that  in  case  he  found  there  any  persons 
of  that  sect,  men  or  women,  he  might  bring  them  back 
bound  to  Jerusalem."  ^ 

This  commission  granted  by  the  Sanhedrin,  the  deeds 
of  violence  perpetrated  with  such  impunity,  and  the  ter- 
rible bloodshed,  all  go  to  show  how  the  government  of 
Judea  had  changed  since  Caligula  began  to  reign.  To 
pull  down  everything  which  his  predecessors  had  built  up, 
seemed  the  sole  ambition  of  this  mad  Csesar.  Tiberius 
had  held  the  distant  provinces  under  his  yoke :  Caius  left 
them  unnoticed,  and  allowed  the  magistrates  of  the  coun- 
try to  administer  the  laws.  Tiberius,  continuing  the 
policy  of  Augustus,  seized  every  opportunity  to  reduce 
the  allied  powers  into  provinces :  Caius  chose  only  the 
maddest  means  of  flinging  away  these  conquests.  Not 
content  with  releasing  Herod's  grandson,  Agrippa,  whom 
his  predecessor  had  held  as  a  captive  in  order  to  put  a 
stop  to  his  intrigues  in  Judea,  this  Emperor  went  so  far 
as  to  make  him  a  present  of  a  part  of  Palestine  ;  ^  he 
granted  Commagene  to  Antiochus,  Iturea  to  Sosemus,  to 
Cotys  he  gave  Lesser  Armenia,  and  a  part  of  Thrace  to 
Ehaemetalces.^  About  the  same  time,  we  find  Damascus 
in  the  hands  of  Aretas,  king  of  Petra.  This  was  another 
piece  of  extravagance  on  Caligula's"  part,  and  one  which,  in 
the  sequel,  led  to  events  already  known  to  our  readers.^  It 
will  be  remembered  that  Herod  Antipas,  John  the  Baptist's 
murderer,  had  not  succeeded  unscathed  in  substituting 
the  adulteress  Herodias  for  his  legitimate  wife.  Aretas 
took  up  arms  to  avenge  his  outraged  daughter,  and  so 

1  This  High  Priest  was  probably  Theophilus,  sou  of  Annas,  who  exer- 
cised the  functions  of  the  office  from  the  year  37  to  42.  Josephus,  Anti- 
quitates,  xviii.  53  ;  xix.  6,  2. 

2  Acts  ix.  1-2.  3  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  6,  6-11. 

4  Suetonius,  Caius,  16;  Dion  Cassius,  lix.  8,  12;  3 o^eyAms,  Antiqui- 
tates, xviii.  5,  3  ;  6,  10. 

s  See  The  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  vol.  i.  bk.  iii.  ch.  ii. ;  bk.  iv.  ch.  vii.  2. 


SAUL   OF  TARSUS.  115 

thoroughly  defeated  the  Tetrarch  that  the  latter  was 
forced  at  last  to  appeal  for  help  to  Kome.  Tiberius,  who 
always  favored  Antipas,  ordered  Vitellius,  his  legate  for 
Syria,  to  go  to  his  aid;  and  his  legions  were  marching 
against  Petra  when  the  Emperor's  death  stopped  them  on 
the  way.^  Here  again,  as  everywhere  else  in  the  East, 
Caligula  made  haste  to  take  the  opposite  policy  to  that 
pursued  by  Tiberius  ;  he  left  a  free  field  for  the  conquer- 
ing Aretas,  who  took  possession  of  Damascus,  —  it  is  pos- 
sible that  he  received  it  as  a  gift  from  this  whimsical 
Csesar,^  for  the  lack  of  any  Damascene  coins  bearing 
Caligula's  ^  name  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  town 
never  regarded  itself  as  belonging  to  that  Emperor.  Ac- 
cordingly, from,  the  year  37,  Aretas  was  King  there,  and 
appointed  an  Ethnarch  to  administer  its  affairs. 

The  consent  of  this  Idumean  official  was  necessary  to 
allow  Saul  to  execute  his  commission.  So  then  we  should 
be  utterly  at  a  loss  to  explain  why  the  Sanhedrin  should 
have  addressed  letters  authorizing  their  delegate  to  act 
for  them,  not  to  this  governor,  but  to  the  synagogue, 
were  it  not  for  the  well-known  power  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity of  Damascus.  According  to  the  likeliest  calcula- 
tions, the  number  of  Israelites  settled  in  this  town  went 
as  high  as  fifty  thousand,*  and  their  influence  was  such 
that  they  had  attracted  almost  all  the  women  of  the  city 
to  the  worship  of  Jehovah.^  Consequently,  they  formed 
at  this  time  the  most  considerable  body  in  the  town,  one 
which  it  behoved  the  rulers  to  gain  over  if  they  wished 
to  make  them,  not  only  obedient  subjects,  but  zealous 
partisans  as  well.     Aretas  had  been  led  by  his  own  politi- 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  5,  1-3. 

2  The  latter  hypothesis  seems  all  the  more  likely  to  be  the  true  one, 
because  Aretas  would  find  a  natural  ally  in  Agrippa,  the  favorite  of  the 
new  Emperor,  and  who  shared  the  King  of  Petra's  hatred  of  Herod  An- 
tipas.    Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  7,  2. 

^  In  fact  we  possess  Roman  coins  of  Damascus  bearing  the  names  of 
Augustus,  Tiberius,  and  Nero. 

*  According  to  Josephus  they  could  muster  ten  thousand  men  capable 
of  bearing  arms,  which  supposes  a  total  population  of  about  fifty  thousand 
souls.     Josephus,  Bellum  Judaicum,  ii.  20,  2. 

^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  5,  1,  3. 


116  SAINT  PETER. 

cal  views  to  grant  the  Jews  of  Damascus  the  same  liber- 
ties which  their  brethren  enjoyed  all  over  the  Koman 
Empire.  Not  content  with  respecting  their  faith,  he 
allowed  them  a  practical  autonomy,  with  courts  of  their 
own  where  the  leaders  of  Israel  decided  religious  questions 
and  punished  offenders  by  whippings,  imprisonment,  and 
excommunication ;  he  even  allowed  the  community  at 
Damascus  the  right  of  immediate  appeal  to  Jerusalem. 
One  proof  of  this  is  the  event  we  are  occupied  with  at 
present,  —  these  letters  and  instructions  addressed  directly 
to  the  synagogues  of  the  city.  The  leaders  of  Israel  were 
too  wary  to  expose  their  authority  to  the  risk  of  a  re- 
buff. When  they  bade  Saul  bring  back  the  rebels  in 
chains,  they  knew  that  their  orders  would  be  respected, 
and  that,  if  need  be,  Aretas'  officers  would  lend  a  helping 
hand  in  their  execution. 


CHAPTEE  VII. 

THE  CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL. 

Saul  marched  straight  to  Damascus,  without  a  glance 
at  the  smaller  Christian  bodies  along  his  way.  Which- 
ever road  he  may  have  taken  on  leaving  Jerusalem/ 
before  reaching  the  city  he  had  to  traverse  Iturea,  over 
a  lava  soil  strewn  with  jagged  rocks  and  seamed  with 
deep  crevasses.  Coming  out  of  this  desert,  the  valley, 
watered  by  the  Pharpar  and  Abana,^  gleams  like  a  vision 
of  paradise.  With  the  peaks  of  Anti-Libanus  towering 
over  it  to  the  north,  and  on  the  east  the  snowy  sides  of 
Hermon,  girt  about  by  a  sea  of  sand,  this  oasis  seems  like 
an  immense  orchard.  Walnut,  fig,  and  apricot  trees  on 
every  hand  intertwine  their  branches  and  rustle  their 
foliage  together ;  here  and  there  in  the  sweet-smelling 
thickets  the  fruits  of  a  warmer  climate  are  ripening,  — 
oranges,  citrons,  and  pomegranates ;  vines  are  festooned 
from  tree  to  tree ;  everywhere  under  these  domes  of 
greenery  you  hear  the  waters  ripple  and  plash.  The 
town  lies  like  a  huge  oval  in  this  forest  of  a  thousand 
hues.     In  the  Apostles'  time  it  had  neither  cupolas  nor 

1  Three  Roman  roads  led  from  Jerusalem  to  Damascus.  One,  crossing 
the  Jordan  at  Jericho,  ascended  by  Heshbon,  Bosra,  and  Trachonitis. 
The  second  spanned  the  stream  to  the  south  of  Lake  Genesareth,  and 
reached  Damascus  by  way  of  Gadara.  The  third  and  most  travelled 
passed  by  Samaria,  Tabor,  Capharnaiim,  crossed  the  Jordan  "at  the 
Bridge  of  Jacob's  Daughters,"  and  skirted  the  southern  slopes  of  Hermon. 

2  The  Pharpar  (Nahr-el-A\vady),  flowing  to  the  south  of  the  city, 
waters  only  the  plain  of  Damascus.  It  is  the  Abana  (the  modern  Barada), 
which  falls  in  countless  brooklets  about  the  city  and  the  gardens  which 
encircle  it.  The  Greeks  called  it  the  Chrysorreas, the  River  "with  Floods 
of  Gold,"  and  with  good  reason,  for  it  was  the  very  wealth  and  life  of 
Damascus ;  rising  in  a  gorge  of  the  Anti-Libanus,  it  transformed  the 
fiery  desert  along  its  course  into  the  loveliest  valley  to  be  found  in  all 
Syria. 


118  SAINT  PETER. 

minarets ;  but  the  white  houses  glittered  in  the  sunshine 
then  as  now,  the  surrounding  plain  too  had  the  same  rich 
garb.  Then  as  now,  Damascus  was  most  like  to  what 
the  Arabs  sing  of  her  to-day,  —  a  handful  of  seed-pearls 
on  an  emerald  carpet. 

It  was  high  noon  when  Saul,  surrounded  by  his  es- 
corting band,  traversed  the  roads  which  wind  through 
the  orchards.^  A  fierce  sun  blazed  in  the  sky ;  here  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  city,  oppressed  by  the  heat  of  the 
day,  there  reigned  an  unbroken  silence.  In  the  quiet  of 
these  last  few  miles  of  the  journey  ^  Saul's  dreams  were  of 


1  The  tradition  common  among  the  Latins  locates  the  scene  of  his  con- 
version in  the  midst  of  the  Christian  cemetery,  to  the  southeast  of  the 
town,  and  not  far  from  the  ramparts. 

2  S.  Luke  gives  three  accounts  of  S.  Paul's  conversion  :  the  first  in  the 
ninth  chapter  of  the  Acts  (3-19),  where  he  himself  relates  this  event ;  the 
two  others  in  discourses  delivered  by  Paul  to  the  Jews  and  to  Agrippa 
(xxii.  5-16;  xxvi.  12-20).  The  little  pains  taken  by  an  historian  usually 
so  careful  to  eliminate  the  variations  in  these  narratives,  shows  that  he  did 
not  regard  them  as  contradictory,  but  as  different  details  going  to  com- 
plete one  and  the  same  picture.  S.  Paul  often  referred  to  that  wondrous 
apparition  which  had  turned  the  course  of  his  whole  life ;  what  could  be 
more  natural  than  that  his  mind  should  recur  now  to  one  circumstance, 
now  to  another !  We  have  gathered  together  above  the  scattered  lines 
from  the  three  accounts;  although  we  have  borrowed  from  the  speech 
before  Agrippa  only  the  words  of  Jesus,  "  Arise  and  stand  upon  thy  feet," 
and  omitted  the  instructions  which  follow :  "  I  have  appeared  unto  thee 
that  I  may  make  thee  a  Minister  and  a  Witness  of  those  things  which  thou 
hast  seen,  and  of  those  also  which  I  shall  show  thee  when  appearing  unto 
thee  anew ;  and  I  will  deliver  thee  from  this  people  and  from  the  Gentiles 
unto  whom  now  I  send  thee  to  open  their  eyes,  that  they  may  be  converted 
from  darkness  to  light,  and  from  the  power  of  Satan  to  God,  and  that  by 
the  faith  which  they  shall  have  in  Me  they  may  receive  forgiveness  of 
their  sins  and  have  part  in  the  inheritance  of  the  Saints."  That  I  have 
not  referred  these  long  instructions  to  the  day  when  Jesus  struck  down 
the  Apostle  on  the  road  Damascusward,  is  because  it  does  not  seem  to 
accord  so  well  with  the  concise  order  of  events  as  recorded  in  the  two 
other  narratives  :  "  Rise  up  and  go  into  Damascus ;  there  it  shall  be  told 
thee  what  thou  must  do ;  "  but  a  still  more  important  reason  is  that  it 
does  not  agree  with  the  two  first  reports,  which  describe  Saul  on  his  en- 
trance into  the  city  as  still  ignorant  of  God's  plans  in  his  regard.  So  then 
the  words  which  we  have  left  out  from  the  discourse  before  Agrippa  appeal 
to  our  mind  as  an  oratorical  development,  whereby  the  Apostle  sums  up  the 
Saviour's  teachings,  which  he  had  heard  at  different  times,  —  some  in  the 
residence  of  Judas,  some  during  his  long  retreat  in  Arabia,  and  some  even 
later,  when  on  his  return  to  Damascus  he  found  the  Jews  still  obstinately 
rejecting  the  Gospel;   for  those  words,  "I  will  deliver  thee  from  this 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  119 

his  glorious  mission  and  coming  triumphs,  the  town  re- 
sounding with  the  news  of  his  advent,  the  acclamations  of 
the  Jews,  the  dismay  and  destruction  of  the  Christians. 
Suddenly,  a  great  light  coming  from  heaven  enveloped 
the  travellers.  Those  who  have  experienced  the  fierce 
glare  of  noontide  in  Syria  will  appreciate  the  force  of 
those  words :  "  At  midday  I  saw  a  light  burning  in 
heaven  more  dazzling  than  the  sun."  Thunderstruck  by 
this  sudden  brightness,  all  fell  to  earth ;  ^  and  on  the  in- 
stant Saul  heard  a  voice  saying  in  the  Hebrew  tongue : 

"  Saul,  Saul,  why  persecutest  thou  Me  ? "  ^ 

"Who  art  Thou,  Lord?"  he  answered. 

And  the  Lord  said  to  him,  "  I  am  Jesus  of  Nazareth, 
Whom  thou  persecutest.  It  is  hard  for  thee  to  kick 
against  the  goad." 

Thereupon,  trembling  and  terrified,  "  Lord  !  "  he  cried, 
"  what  wouldst  thou  That  I  should  do  ? " 

"  Eise  up,"  the  Lord  made  answer,  "  and  go  into  the 
city ;  there  it  shall  be  shown  thee  what  thou  must 
needs  do." 

Now,  Saul's  companions  were  still  overcome  with  the 
first  stupor,  for  they  heard  a  voice  and  saw  no  one. 
Their  leader  arose,  stretched  out  his  arms,  and  began 
groping  his  way ;  his  eyes  were  wide  open,  but  he  could 
see  nothing.  They  took  him  by  the  hand,  led  him  along, 
and  entering  under  the  gate  of  Damascus,  came  to  the 
street  called  Straight.  This  avenue  was  one  of  the  splen- 
dors of  the  town,  traversing  it  from  east  to  west,  an 
hundred  feet  in  width,  divided  into  three  roadways  by 

people  and  from  the  Gentiles  to  whom  I  now  send  thee,"  leave  us  to 
infer  that  Saul  had  already  encountered  the  Synagogue's  hostility  to  his 
doctrine. 

1  Paul,  in  his  address  to  Agrippa,  notes  expressly  that  all  fell  to  the 
earth  (Acts  xxvi.  14).  The  account  given  by  S.  Luke  in  chapter  ix.  7, 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  some,  if  not  all,  of  Paul's  companions  had 
recovered  from  their  first  fright  before  he  did,  and  that  they  were  on  their 
feet  (the  pluperfect  ela-T^Keia-av  has  this  meaning)  when  the  voice  of  Jesus 
was  heard  by  their  leader  lying  prone  on  the  ground. 

2  In  the  three  accounts  of  the  Apparition  tlie  Hebrew  name  SaouA  is 
given  as  Jesus  pronounced  it ;  elsewhere  in  the  Acts,  S.  Luke  uses  its 
Greek  form  :  SoDAoj. 


120  SAINT  PETER. 

lines  of  Corinthian  porticos,^  and  crowned  midway  with 
an  arch  of  victory.  Here  the  whole  city  gathered  for 
pleasure,  citizens  as  well  as  strangers.  Paul  had  looked 
forward  to  his  triumphal  entrance  along  this  way,  and 
now  he  was  walking  the  street,  unable  even  to  see  the 
crowd  which  gazed  at  him  as  he  entered,  guided  by 
the  hands  of  his  men,  an  object  for  astonishment  and 
pity. 

They  conducted  him  to  the  house  of  a  Jew  named 
Judas,  and  he  stayed  there  three  days,  deprived  of  his 
sight,  without  eating  or  drinking.  The  Christians,  shud- 
dering at  the  mention  of  Saul's  name,  avoided  his  dwel- 
ling ;  the  Jews  shunned  him.  Paul  lay  there  all  alone 
in  fasting  and  in  prayer.  The  memory  of  the  faithful 
ones  he  had  tortured,  Stephen's  last  words,  his  last  heav- 
enward glance,  his  blood  spilt  on  the  earth,  were  themes 
for  poignant  remorse.  "Why  persecutest  thou  Me  ?"  he 
heard  the  voice  of  Jesus  saying,  for  indeed  it  was  Jesus 
Whom  Saul  had  heard ;  't  was  He  Whom  he  had  seen, 
not  such  as  he  had  imagined  Him,  but  with  only  tender 
reproaches  for  His  persecutor,  like  His  humble  followers 
in  whom  the  Saviour  lived  and  suffered  again.  Why  had 
this  Jesus  stricken  him  down  by  the  wayside,  and  what 
punishments  would  he  inflict  upon  his  fallen  foe  ?  In 
his  anguish,  Saul  turned  to  Heaven ;  he  prayed,  and  his 
soul,  calmed  at  last,  was  fain  to  hope  again.  At  the  end 
of  three  days  his  spirit  was  rapt  in  an  ecstacy ;  a  man 
appeared  to  him  laying  his  hands  upon  him  and  curing 
him.  This  Vision  was  the  herald  of  his  salvation,  now 
near  at  hand.  Throwing  himself  upon  God,  he  awaited 
His  good  time  in  recollectedness  and  peace. 

"  Now  there  was  a  disciple  at  Damascus,  Ananias  by 
name,  to  whom  the  Lord  said  in  a  vision  :  '  Ananias  ! ' 

1  A  modern  street  (Tarik  el-Mustekim)  follows  the  track  of  this  road; 
but,  narrow,  irregular,  and  lined  with  leprous  stalls,  it  has  nothing  about 
it  to  recall  the  ancient  Corso  ;  here  and  there,  however,  some  fragments 
of  columns  are  still  visible,  now  half  hidden  by  the  houses  or  furnisliing 
support  to  the  bazar-stalls.  Paul's  companions,  entering  the  city  from 
the  southeast,  led  him  into  this  great  street  by  the  eastern  gate,  the 
Bab-Sharki. 


THE   CONVERSION   OF  SAINT  PAUL.  121 

"And  he  answered :  'Here  am  I,  Lord.' 

"  And  the  Lord  added :  '  Else  up,  and  go  into  the 
street  which  is  called  Straight ;  seek  in  the  house  of 
Judas  for  a  man  named  Saul  of  Tarsus,  for  behold,  he 
prayeth.' 

"  '  Lord,'  Ananias  replied, '  I  have  heard  this  man  spoken 
of  many  a  time,  how  many  woes  he  hath  caused  Thy 
Saints  in  Jerusalem,  and  he  hath  power  here  from  the 
High  Priests  to  carry  back  captive  all  such  as  call  upon 
Thy  Name.' 

" '  Go  ! '  the  Lord  repeated  ;  '  for  this  man  is  an  instru- 
ment to  My  hands,  whom  I  have  chosen  to  bear  My 
Name  before  the  Gentiles,  before  Kings,  and  the  children 
of  Israel.  I  will  show  him  how  great  things  he  must 
suffer  for  My  Name's  sake.' 

"  Then  Ananias  went  his  way  and  entered  the  house 
where  Saul  dwelt ;  laying  his  hands  upon  him,  he  said : 

" '  Brother  Saul,  the  Lord  Jesus,  Who  hath  appeared  to 
thee  on  the  way  by  which  thou  camest  hither,  hath  sent 
me  that  thou  mayst  receive  thy  sight  and  be  filled  with 
the  Holy  Ghost.' 

"  Immediately  there  fell  from  his  eyes,  as  it  were,  scales, 
and  Saul  recovered  his  sight." 

His  first  glance  was  for  Ananias.  Trusting  himself 
entirely  to  the  guide  sent  him  by  the  Lord,  Saul  speedily 
learned  what  it  behoved  him  to  know,  —  that  Jesus  was 
the  Messiah  foretold  by  the  Seers  of  Israel.  This  testi- 
mony from  Prophecy  was  the  proof  most  esteemed  by 
baptized  Hebrews,  and  with  it  doubtless  ended  Ana- 
nias' instructions,  for  he  remained  a  true  son  of  Israel. 
"He  was  a  man  according  to  the  Law,"  it  says  in  the 
Acts,  1  "to  whose  virtue  all  the  Jews  of  the  city  bore 
witness." 

"  The  God  of  my  fathers,"  Ananias  said  to  him,  "  hath 
chosen  thee  aforehand,  that  thou  shouldst  know  His  will 
and  see  the  Just  One,  and  hear  the  voice  from  His 
mouth ;  for  thou  shalt  be  a  witness  unto  Him  before  all 
men  of  what  thou  hast  seen  and  heard.     And  now,  why 

1  Acts  xxii.  12. 


122  SAINT  PETER. 

dost  thou  tarry  ?  Rise  up,  be  baptized/  and  wash  away 
thy  sins,  invoking  His  Name."^ 

There  was  abundance  of  water  in  Damascus ;  every 
house  had  its  fountain,  surrounded  by  flowers  and  orange- 
trees.  Saul  arose  and  received  baptism  in  the  Saviour's 
Name.  After  he  had  eaten,  he  regained  his  strength  and 
remained  some  days  with  the  disciples  who  were  in  town. 
The  majority,  if  not  all,  had  hastened  to  find  out  the 
truth  of  this  rumor  concerning  the  circumstances  of  his 
healing,  and  they  thronged  about  the  man  so  dreaded  by 
them  a  little  before.  From  them  Saul  heard  the  Glad 
Tidings  much  as  we  get  them  from  Saint  Matthew's 
Gospel,  —  the  principal  acts  of  the  Master,  His  Miracles, 
Parables,  and  Sermons  compressed  into  short  sentences 
and  remembered  sometimes  very  confusedly.  For  the 
catechumen,  just  "  born  again  of  water  and  the  Spirit,"  ^ 
this  was  the  milk  of  his  tenderest  age,  he  was  nour- 
ished thereby ;  partaking  ever  more  eagerly  of  this  food 
divine,  his  faith  becoming  so  ardent  that  he  at  once  be- 
gan preaching  in  the  synagogues,  asserting  and  affirming 
that  Jesus  was  the  Son  of  God. 

Every  one  who  listened  was  filled  with  astonishment, 
and  the  people  said  :  "  Is  not  this  the  man  who,  in  Jerusa- 
lem, exterminated  those  who  invoked  this  Name  ?  and 
who  came  here  to  bring  all  such  back  in  chains  to  the 
Princes  of  the  Priesthood  ? " 

But  Saul  grew  stronger  every  day,  and  overwhelmed 
the  Jews  by  proving  to  them  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ. 
After  the  first  surprise,  their  anger  and  implacable 
hatred  burst  forth  ;  whereupon  Saul,  exposed  now  to  press- 
ing dangers,  heard  the  voice  of  Jesus  calling  him  into 
solitude ;  accordingly,  he  quitted  Damascus  and  with- 
drew into  Arabia. 

The  name  Arabia,  which  we  use  nowadays  only  for 
the  peninsula  which  lies  between  the  Red  Sea  and  the 
Persian  Gulf,  in  olden  times  had  a  much  wider  mean- 

1  Although  called  to  be  an  Apostle  by  Jesus  Himself,  Saul  only  became 
a  Christian  by  baptism. 

2  Acts  xxii.  14-16.  ^  John  iii.  5. 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  123 

ing,  designating  not  only  Idumea  and  the  eastern  side 
of  Jordan,^  but  Upper  Syria  as  far  as  Apamea^  also 
and  even  the  neighborhood  of  Damascus.  Many  think 
that  Saul  tarried  in  the  lands  outlying  the  city,  among 
the  rocks  of  Trachonitis,  or  in  the  fields  of  Hauran. 
Others  suppose  that  his  journey  into  Arabia  was  a  pro- 
tracted mission,  —  that  Bostra  ^  and  Petra,  Aretas'  capital, 
received  the  Good  News  at  this  time.  But  the  latter 
hypothesis  does  not  agree  very  well  with  what  the 
Apostle  wrote  later:  "When  it  pleased  God  to  reveal 
His  Son  to  me,  that  I  might  preach  to  the  nations,  forth- 
with I  conferred  with  no  man,  but  I  went  into  Arabia."* 

Another  manifestation  of  Jesus,  distinct  from  that 
which  overthrew  the  persecutor  in  the  Damascus  road, 
seems  to  be  referred  to  in  this  passage  from  the  Epistle  to 
the  Galatians.  Thereby  the  Saviour  revealed  to  Saul  his 
mission  as  Apostle  to  the  Gentiles,  showed  him  that  he 
need  not  look  to  any  man  for  help,  calling  him  into  soli- 
tude, there  to  be  his  sole  Master.  Consequently,  the  place 
to  which  the  new  Christian  retired  must  have  been  some 
secluded  spot,  and  according  to  the  likeliest  supposition, 
it  was  Sinai,  in  Arabia  Petrea.  It  is  true  that  ever  since 
the  Lord  had  appeared  to  Moses  there,  amid  the  crash  of 
lightnings  and  thunders,  the  Holy  Mountain  had  never 
ceased  to  be  an  object  of  great  terror  to  the  children  of 
Israel.  During  fifteen  centuries,  history  mentions  only 
one  pilgrim  as  having  gone  up  from  Judea  to  the  region 
where  Jehovah  once  gave  them  the  Law ;  that  pilgrim 
was  Elias,  and  he  went  thither  only  to  find  himself  face 
to  face  with  God,  the  ground  quaking  beneath  his  feet, 
and  girt  about  with  fire  and  "  with  hurricanes  so  mighty 
as  to  overthrow  the  mountains  and  shatter  the  rocks 
in  pieces."^  But  if  such  memories  made  Sinai  awful 
ground,  they  also  marked  it  out  as  the  scene  for  great 

1  Eusebius,  Onomasticon,  'lop5oj/7?s.  —  Josephus,  Bellum  Judainm,  i.  4, 3 ; 
Antiquitates,  xii.  4,  11. 

2  Arrianus,  ii.  20 ;  Strabo,  xvi.  2. 

3  Boarpa,  rj  vvv  firjTpoTroAts  rrfs  'Apafiia^.    Eusebius,  Onomasticon,  Boadp- 

4  Qal.  i.  16-17.  5  3  Kings  xix.  8-15. 


124  SAINT  PETER. 

revelations.  Saul  might  well  have  trembled  as  he  was 
led  thitherwards  by  the  Holy  Ghost ;  he  could  not,  how- 
ever, feel  any  astonishment,  for  it  was  that  he  might  be 
initiated  into  the  Mystery  whereof  he  was  never  more 
to  cease  speaking,  —  "  that  Mystery  hidden  unto  all  gen- 
erations and  to  all  ages,"  ^  "  that  Mystery  of  the  Christ, 
veiled  hitherto  to  the  children  of  men,  .  .  .  how  that 
the  Gentiles  are  called  to  the  same  heritage  as  the  Jews, 
that  they  are  of  the  one  same  body,  co-heirs  in  the  self- 
same promises  of  God  in  Jesus  Christ."  ^  That  salvation  is 
offered  to  the  Pagans  by  another  door  than  the  one  opened 
to  them  by  Judaism ;  that  their  justification  is  the  gratui- 
tous work  of  Divine  Mercy,  to  be  won  by  grace  and  faith 
in  Jesus,  —  such  were  the  truths  revealed  to  Paul  during 
these  days.  It  was  what  he  called  "  his  Gospel,"  ^  as  to 
which  he  proclaimed  everywhere  that  "  he  had  neither 
learned  nor  received  it  of  any  man,  but  by  the  revelation 
of  Jesus  Christ."  4 

Besides  these  principal  dogmas  there  were  many  others 
which  he  was  instructed  in.  The  mystery  of  the  world's 
latter  days  was  explained  to  him ;  ^  the  institution  of  the 
Eucharist  was  related  to  him  by  the  Saviour  Himself ;  ^ 
in  a  word,  the  deposit  of  Faith  was  placed  in  his  keeping 
with  such  fulness  of  detail  that  Paul  had  no  need  to 
receive  aught  from  the  disciples  of  the  Saviour.  When 
he  went  up  to  Jerusalem  to  see  Peter,  and  later  again  to 
take  part  in  the  First  Council  of  the  Church,  "  the  great 
Apostles  had  no  new  thing  to  teach  him  ; "  "^  and  on  his 
part,  he  was  content  to  communicate  to  them  the  Gospel 
which  he  preached  to  the  Gentiles,^  and  no  one  censured 
him  in  anything. 

We  do  not  know  the  length  of  this  sojourn  in  Arabia, 
during  which  Saul,  "  separated  from  flesh  and  blood,"  ^ 
saw  and  heard  Jesus,  even  as  Moses  had  talked  with 
Jehovah.     It  may  be  that  this  retreat  was  prolonged  for 

1  Col.  i.  26.  2  Ephes.  iii.  5-6. 

3  Rom.  ii.  16;  xvi.  25.  *  Gal.  i.  12. 

5  1  Thess.  iv.  15.  6  i  Qor.  xi.  23;  xv.  3. 

7  Gal.  ii.  6.  §  Gal.  ii.  2.  9  Gal.  i.  16. 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  125 

the  greater  part  of  the  three  years  that  elapsed  between 
the  conversion  of  the  Apostle  and  his  escape  from  Damas- 
cus, which  we  shall  relate  shortly ;  for  the  Acts  testify 
that  it  was  a  considerable  time  ^  after  his  first  preaching 
there,  that  the  Jews,  seeing  him  once  more  present  in 
their  synagogues,  resolved  to  kill  him.  And,  furthermore, 
in  God's  dealings  with  the  Saints  is  there  any  commoner 
occurrence  than  just  such  periods  of  obscurity,  whereby 
He  annihilates  the  old  that  He  may  create  a  new  man  in 
its  stead  ?  In  Saul's  case,  this  transformation  of  char- 
acter was  most  wonderful ;  out  of  a  fanatical  and  blood- 
thirsty scribe,  it  brought  forth  a  vessel  of  election,  so  true 
a  reflection  of  the  Master's  virtues  that  the  Apostle  could 
say,  "  I  live  no  more,  but  Jesus  liveth  in  me."  ^ 

At  the  same  time  that  Paul's  soul  was  lifted  to  these 
heights,  his  body,  shaken  by  sudden  emotions,  breaking 
down  under  the  struggles  which  were  the  price  of  his 
virtue's  hardihood,  this  poor  body  of  his  grew  daily 
weaker  till  it  became  a  sore  burden  to  him.  Thereafter 
his  life  was  to  be  a  lengthened  martyrdom,  "  a  daily 
death."  ^  Not  one  of  his  letters  but  speaks  of  his  in- 
firmities and  the  afflictions  of  his  flesh.  "  I  bear  about 
in  my  body,"  he  says,  "the  death  of  Jesus  Christ."* 
Some  chronic  disease  seized  on  him,  cramped  his  ministry, 
and  reduced  him  to  such  a  humiliating  state  that  later 
on  he  thanks  the  Galatians  "  for  not  having  either  scorned 
or  disowned  him  because  of  the  trials  which  he  suffered 
in  his  flesh."  5 

The  Apostolic  documents,  which  often  speak  of  this 
infirmity,  nowhere  let  us  know  its  nature.  Great  pains 
in  the  head,  is  the  explanation  of  certain  Fathers ;  gout 
or  gravel,  according  to  others,  was  the  cross  which  Paul 
must  carry  with  so  much  bodily  pain.^     But  these  mala- 

1  Acts  ix.  23.     'Hs  Se  iirX'qpovvTo  Tjjuepai  iKavai.  ^  Gal.  ii.  20. 

3  1  Cor.  XV.  31.  4  2  Cor.  iv.  10.  &  Gal.  iv.  14. 

^  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  in  ii.  ad  Cor.  xii.  7  :  "  Anselmus,  Beda,  Sedulius, 
et  Hieronymus  putant  fuisse  corporis  aegritudines,  sive  capitis  perpetuum 
dolorem,  ut  vult  Hieronymus  ;  sive  viscerum  iliacos  dolores,  nt  alii,  apud 
S.  Tliomam  ;  sive  renum  infirmitatem  et  podagraui,  ut  vult  Nicetas;  sive, 
ut  alii,  stomachi  aegritudiuem ;  sive  aliqueui  aliura  morbum." 


126  SAINT  PETER. 

dies  would  not  explain  the  disgust  which  he  dreaded  to 
inspire.  ^  Accordingly,  it  would  seem  that  the  likeliest 
hypothesis  is  the  one  proposed  by  several  modern  writers, 
—  that  the  Apostle  suffered  from  inflammation  of  the  eyes. 
In  the  Orient,  ophthalmia  has  effects  unknown  in  our 
climate ;  little  by  little  it  extinguishes  the  sight,  at  the 
same  time  rendering  the  organ  so  sensitive  that  the  light 
pierces  it  like  a  knife ;  as  it  consumes  the  eyelid,  it  forms 
angry  scars :  leprosy  alone  is  more  hideous.  Without 
any  knowledge  as  to  how  far  this  malady  distressed  the 
Apostle,  there  is  reason  to  believe  this  was  really  that 
"  affliction  of  his  flesh  "  ^  he  so  often  alludes  to.  Dur- 
ing a  more  than  usually  grievous  attack  while  staying 
with  the  Galatians,  he  testifies  that  these  faithful  follow- 
ers "  were  ready,  if  that  had  been  possible,  to  tear  out 
their  eyes  to  give  them  to  him."^  This  is  a  hint  worthy 
of  note.  And  again,  when  in  writing  to  these  same 
Christians,  he  exclaims,  "  See  what  big  letters  I  am 
tracing  here  with  my  own  hand ! "  *  it  seems  evident 
that  Paul,  obliged  to  make  use  of  a  secretary,  can  only 
sign  his  name  with  difficulty  and  in  awkward  characters. 
It  would  seem  that  the  organ  of  sight  in  his  case  was  seri- 
ously injured.  This  is  why  when  in  the  Sanhedrin  he 
could  not  distinguish  the  High  Priest  from  those  about 
him ;  ^  hence,  too,  his  apprehensions  lest  he  should  be 
left  alone,  without  companions   to  assist  him.^ 

Grievous  as  this  affliction  was,  Saul  had  a  yet  more 
humiliating  trial  within  himself,  for  the  concupiscence  of 
the  flesh  still  burned  in  his  ailing  body.  He  himself 
avows  the  violence  of  these  struggles.  "  I  do  not  the  good 
which  I  will,  but  the  evil  which  I  hate,  that  do  I.  ...  I 
delight  in  the  law  of  God  according  to  the  inward  man, 
but  in  the  members  of  my  body  I  feel  another  law  which 
fights  against  the  law  of  my  mind  and  makes  me  prisoner 
to  the  law  of  sin  that  is  in  my  members.  Unhappy 
man  that  I  am,  who  shall  deliver  me  from  this  body  of 


1  OvK  € ^ovdevriff aTe  ov5h  i^eTrrvcrare.     Gal.  iv.  14.         ^  Gal.  iv 
3  Gal.  iv.  15.  4  rirjAiKots  ypafx/jLaariu.     Gal.  vi.  11 

s  Acts  xxiii.  2-5,  ^  1  Thess.  iii.  1  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  16,  et( 


2  Gal.  iv.  13. 
11. 

etc. 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  127 

death  ? "  ^  This,  then,  was  the  cross  which  Jesus  laid 
upon  him,  —  a  frail  and  rebellious  body ;  yet  it  was  im- 
posed as  a  counterweight  to  the  favors  showered  upon  him, 
—  the  sublime  mission  which  made  him  Apostle  of  the 
Gentiles,  as  Peter  was  Apostle  of  the  Circumcision.  And 
yet  the  trial  continued  to  be  so  poignant  that  Paul  never 
could  grow  used  to  it ;  twenty  years  later  he  bemoans  it 
again  to  the  Corinthians,  calling  it  the  spur  which  pierces 
liis  flesh,  the  angel  of  Satan  which  buffets  him.  "  Thrice," 
he  says,  "  have  I  besought  the  Lord  to  deliver  me  from 
it ;  and  He  hath  answered  me.  My  grace  is  sufficient 
unto  thee,  for  My  power  is  made  more  evident  in  thy 
weakness."  2 

This  feeling  of  humiliation  was  reflected  in  the  out- 
ward appearance  of  Paul.  From  the  first  he  shows  that 
he  is  distrustful  of  himself,  timid,  and  self-conscious.  His 
sorry  mien  was  against  liim.  All  ancient  authorities 
agree  in  depicting  him  as  homely  and  small,  with  a  pale 
complexion,  grayish  beard,  a  bald  head,  aquiline  nose,  and 
heavy  eyebrows  which  darkened  his  face.^     The  Corin- 

1  Rom.  vii.  15-24. 

-  2  Cor.  xii.  7.  S.  Thomas  seems  to  us  to  give  the  true  interpretation 
of  this  text  when  he  understands  it  as  referring  both  to  the  physical  ail- 
ments which  the  Apostle  was  afflicted  with,  and  to  the  concupiscence  of 
the  flesh  which  tormented  him  :  "  Datus  est,  inquam,  mihi  stimulus  carnis, 
crucians  corpus  meum  per  infirmitatem  corporis,  ut  anima  sanetur ;  quia 
ad  litteram  dicituv  quod  fuit  vehementer  afflictus  dolore  iliaco;  vel  stimu- 
lus carnis  mese,  id  est  concupiscentiae  surgentis  ex  carne  mea,  a  qua  multum 
infestabatur "  {Comment,  in  2  Cor.  xii.  7). 

3  Nicephorus  Callistus  is  the  only  one  in  whose  writings  this  portrait, 
as  a  whole,  can  be  found  ;  although  he  wrote  at  a  recent  date  (xiv.  cen- 
tury), he  merely  sums  up  the  testimony  of  very  ancient  authors  ;  for  even 
now,  without  the  resources  then  furnished  him  by  the  Library  of  Constan- 
tinople, we  can  still  trace,  scattered  through  the  documents  of  the  first 
centuries,  all  the  features  here  gathered  together  by  this  historian  (Ni- 
cephorus, Histona  Ecc/esiastica,  ii.  37).  In  the  sixth  century  John  Malala 
thus  describes  the  Apostle  :  "  A  man  with  stooping  shoulders,  his  hair  and 
beard  grizzly,  an  aquiline  nose,  blue  eyes,  eyebrows  almost  meeting,  a 
blotchy  complexion,  and  a  heavy  beard  "  {Chronographia,  p.  257).  S.  John 
Chrysostom  calls  him  b  rplirrjxvs  &u6pwTros,  "  the  man  only  three  cubits  in 
height"  (Or.  xxx.  In  Princip.  Apost.).  An  apocryphal  document  of  the 
same  period  (fourth  century),  the  Philopatris,  speaks  of  him  as  the  Gali- 
lean "with  a  bald  head  and  arched  nose,  who  ascended  into  the  third 
Heaven,  and  there  learned  wondrous  things"  (Lucian,  Philopatris,  §  12). 
The  Acts  of  SS.  Paul  and  Thekla,  composed  in  the  third  century  (Tischen- 


128  SAINT  PETER. 

thians,  with  their  refined  tastes,  considered  his  discourses 
as  low  in  style,  his  person  mean  and  contemptible.^ 
Paul  had  a  lively  appreciation  of  the  disadvantages  of  such 
an  exterior,  and  he  begged  his  believing  hearers  not  to 
judge  him  by  appearances,  but  to  be  mindful  of  his  charity 
for  them. 2  And,  indeed,  it  was  by  his  great  heart  that  he 
went  forth  to  conquer  the  world.  No  man  ever  loved 
and  none  was  ever  loved  like  this  man.  By  one  of  those 
contrasts  we  see  so  often  in  ardent  natures,  Saul  with  his 
unruly,  irascible  temper,  prone  even  to  bloodshed  when 
mastered  by  passion,  this  same  Saul  had  a  compassionate 
soul,  was  easily  moved  to  tenderness,  and  ready  with  his 
tears.  He  gave  his  love  without  reserve,  but  he  demanded 
a  response  to  his  feeling.  No  one  has  put  affection  on  a 
higher  plane,  or  shown  himself  more  sensitive,  more  grate- 
ful to  kindness ;  but  ingratitude  and  separation  tortured 
him.  Heedful  himself  of  others'  needs,  and  respectful 
towards  their  customs,  he  looked  to  find  in  them  the  feel- 
ings which  animated  him ;  he  loved  mankind  as  much  as 
he  loved  the  truth,  and  he  won  men  to  it  by  making 
himself  so  dear  to  them. 

Another  no  less  powerful  charm  in  the  man  was  the 
humility  with  which  he  let  others  see  his  weaknesses,  his 
fears,  often  trembling  and  in  tears,  as  accessible  to  dis- 
couragement as  other  men,  praying  day  and  night,  finding 
no  strength  in  aught  save  the  Christ,  Who  had  become 
to  him  "all  in  all."^  This  saintliness,  whereby  God's 
handiwork  was  made  so  manifest,  gave  Paul's  preaching 
much  of  that  marvellous  efficacy  which  we  shall  soon 
have  to  note.  Undoubtedly  the  Apostle  did  not  attain, 
at  the  very  first,  the  perfection  to  which  he  rose  later ; 
but  it  was  during  the  long  retreat  which  accompanied  his 
conversion  that  God  transformed  his  heart  and  turned 

dorf,  Acta  Apostolorum  Apocri/pha,  p.  41),  describe  the  Apostle  as  "small 
of  stature,  bald,  with  heavy  eyebrows,  and  an  aquiline  nose."  It  is  easy 
to  recognize  the  most  striking  features  of  this  portrait  in  the  medallion 
found  in  the  Cemetery  of  S.  Callixtus,  a  well  executed  work  which  belongs 
to  the  second  century.  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Tloma  Sotermnea,  vol. 
ii.  p.  310. 

1  2  Cor.  X.  1,  10 ;  xi.  6.         2  Qal.  iv.  13,  19,  20,  etc.         3  Qq\^  {{^  n. 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  129 

those  traits  of  character  which  were  defects  in  his  nature, 
into  a  source  of  splendid  virtues.  It  will  be  well  to 
recall  just  here  what  they  were,  in  order  to  facilitate  our 
study  of  a  life  which  had  a  foremost  influence  upon  the 
infant  Church. 

Paul  left  Damascus  a  neophyte,  walking  with  unsteady 
feet  in  unwonted  paths,  still  staggering  under  the  blow 
which  had  lately  overwhelmed  him ;  but  in  solitude  his 
eyes  grew  accustomed  to  the  light  which  had  dazzled 
them  at  first.  Once  more  he  felt  that  he  was  master  of 
himself,  knowing  his  mission  in  life,  since  during  this  time 
he  received  the  teachings  of  Jesus  under  precise  dogmatic 
forms,  as  they  stand  to-day  in  Christian  Theology.  How- 
ever, even  while  giving  him  the  Gentile  world  as  the  field 
set  apart  for  his  labors,  the  Saviour  bade  him,  as  He  had 
bidden  the  Twelve,  to  proffer  the  Gospel  first  of  all  to  the 
Jews.  He  was  given  to  know  also  how  that  the  Keys  of 
God's  Kingdom  had  been  placed  in  Peter's  hands,  and  that 
the  Gentiles  might  not  enter  therein  until  such  time  as 
the  Head  of  the  Church  should  open  the  door  to  them  ;  and 
Saul  awaited  that  hour  with  perfect  submissiveness  and 
respect.  So,  in  fact,  on  his  return  to  the  city  of  Damascus, 
we  see  that  he  preaches  to  the  Jews  alone ;  but  he  told 
the  words  of  Jesus  with  such  power  that  none  could 
withstand  him.  In  the  Israelitish  communities,  when 
reasonings  failed,  they  made  up  for  it  by  physical  argu- 
ments ;  the  dungeon,  the  scourge,  and  excommunica- 
tion were  the  weapons  with  which  they  avenged  every 
semblance  of  an  attempt  against  the  Law.  It  is  more 
than  likely  that  from  the  very  first,  Saul  had  to  stand 
these  tests,  and  probably  it  was  because  they  found  them 
unavailing  that  the  chiefs  of  the  Synagogue  resolved 
among  themselves  to  put  him  to  death.  Secret  as  were 
their  plans,  however,  the  Apostle  got  warning  in  time, 
and  disappeared  from  his  enemies'  sight,  who,  not  know- 
ing where  to  look  for  him,  and  fearing  that  he  would 
escape  them  altogether,  kept  the  city  gates  guarded  day 
and  night.  In  their  search  they  were  aided  by  the  Eth- 
narch  of  Aretas,  who  employed  his  soldiers  in  tracking 
the  innovator. 


130  SAINT  PETER. 

Paul,  now  hounded  down  on  every  hand,  saw  no  way 
of  escaping  death  save  by  leaving  Damascus ;  and  never- 
theless, fearing  to  draw  down  the  fury  of  the  Jews  upon 
his  brethren,  he  refused  this  means  of  safety,  as  it  ap- 
pears, for  the  text  of  the  Acts  leaves  us  to  infer  that  the 
disciples  alone  prepared  him  for  his  flight  and  forced 
their  plans  upon  him :  "  they  took  him  and  during  the 
night  they  let  him  down  in  a  basket  from  a  window 
in  the  side  of  the  wall."  ^  For  many  centuries  the 
traveller  was  shown,  in  the  eastern  quarter  of  the  town, 
one  of  the  houses  which  jut  out  over  the  ramparts,  and 
in  this  house  an  opening  through  which  the  panier  of 
rushes  descended  long  ago.  This  landmark  disappeared 
some  years  ago.  In  the  same  place,  however,  there  is  a 
cave  still  venerated  as  the  first  refuge  of  the  Apostle,  and 
close  beside  it  stands  the  tomb  of  Saint  George,  the  good 
gate-keeper  who  was  put  to  death  for  having  helped  the 
fugitive  to  escape.^  Whatever  historical  basis  there  may 
be  for  these  legends,  they  make  us  realize  better  the  cir- 
cumstances of  this  flight,  which  were  especially  painful 
to  the  Apostle,  —  the  vengeance  to  which  he  left  his 
brethren  exposed,  and  the  humiliation  of  hiding  away 
like  a  criminal.  This  trial  seemed  so  grievous  to  Saint 
Paul  that,  twenty  years  later,  he  still  recalls  its  bitter 
memories,  and  ranks  it  among  the  great  sorrows  of  his 
life.  "  So  then,  if  I  must  needs  glory  over  aught,^  I  will 
glory  in  my  pains  and  in  my  sufferings.  God  the  Father 
of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  Who  is  blessed  unto  all  ages, 
knoweth  that  I  lie   not.     Being  at  Damascus,  he  who 

1  AajSdfTes  ot  ixa07]Ta\  avrov  is  the  reading  given  by  the  oldest  manu- 
scripts (A,  B,  C,  i^).  S.  John  Chrysostom  translates  it  thus:  "Paul's 
disciples  besought  and  induced  him  to  descend,"  etc.  The  Vulgate,  with 
the  Syriac,  Coptic,  and  Ethiopian  Versions,  have  the  lection  avrov,  vi^hich 
we  find  in  the  Codex  Laudianus  (sixth  or  seventh  century),  in  the  Muti- 
nensis  (ninth  century),  and  in  the  Angelicus  Romanus  (ninth  century). 
The  latter  reading  gives  a  more  plausible  sense  to  the  text,  for  it  is  hardly 
probable  that  S.  Paul  had  any  disciples  of  his  own  at  this  time. 

2  The  Christians  of  Damascus,  as  a  sign  of  their  veneration,  used  to 
deposit  the  dead  they  were  bearing  to  the  neighboring  cemetery  at  the 
feet  of  the  Saint. 

3  2  Cor.  xi.  30-33. 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  131 

governed  the  province  in  the  name  of  Aretas  had  the  city 
guarded  that  I  might  be  made  prisoner ;  but  I  was  let 
down  in  a  basket  through  a  window  in  the  side  of  the 
wall,  and  so  I  escaped  his  hands." 

On  leaving  Damascus,  Paul  betook  himself  to  Jerusalem. 
Certainly  there  was  everything  to  call  him  thither,  — 
Gethsemani,  where  the  dying  Stephen  had  prayed  for 
him,  and  Calvary,  bathed  with  the  blood  of  Jesus.  In 
the  very  places  which  were  like  dumb  witnesses  of  his 
blasphemies,  the  penitent  scribe  could  confess  his  Faith 
and  proclaim  the  Christ  to  be  his  God ;  but  most  of  all 
he  wished  "  to  see  Peter,"  ^  the  Head  of  the  Church, 
the  Foundation  on  which  was  laid  the  Apostleship  of  the 
Gentiles  as  well  as  of  the  Jews :  "  to  see  him,  such  is  the 
force  of  the  original  text,  as  one  goes  to  gaze  on  some- 
thing wonderful  and  worthy  of  being  sought  after, 
contemplated,  studied,"  says  Saint  John  Chrysostom,^ 
"  and  to  behold  him  as  one  greater  as  well  as  older 
than  himself."  ^ 

No  one  who  saw  this  Jew  broken  down  with  fatigue 
as  he  entered  Jerusalem  had  any  inkling  of  the  high 
counsels  for  the  fulfilment  of  which  he  had  been  led 
back  to  the  cradle  of  the  Church.  Most  of  the  faith- 
ful were  not  aware  of  the  marvels  Jesus  had  wrought 
in  their  persecutor ;  even  those  who  had  heard  tell  of 
his  conversion  did  not  know  what  had  become  of  the 
fanatical  scribe  struck  down  at  the  gates  of  Damascus 
and  almost  immediately  disappearing,  now  three  years 
ago.  Accordingly,  when  Saul  sought  to  join  the  com- 
pany of  believers,  they  shunned  him ;  they  recalled  only 
too  vividly  how  they  had  seen  this  very  Pharisee  spy- 
ing upon  their  words  and  actions,  forcing  his  way  into 
their  houses,  to  drag  out  their  brethren  and  hand  them 
over  to  the  torturers.     All  were   afraid  of    some  secret 

1  Gal.  i.  18. 

2  'Av^px^rai  ws  irphs  fxd(ova  Kol  irpeafivTepov  .  .  .  'l(Trop7J(rai,  (prfff), 
Herpou.  Koi  ovk  elireu  iSeTu  TlcTpov,  dAA'  iaroprjaai  Ylerpov,  (iirep  ol  tos 
fieydXas  iroAeis  Kal  Xafiirpas  Kara/j.ai/dduoi'Tes  \4yov(Xiv.  S.  Jolin  Chrysos- 
tom,  Commentarius  in  Epistolam  ad  Gaiatas,  i.  11, 

3  Bossuet,  Sermon  sur  I' unite  d  VEglise,  premier  point. 


132  SAINT  PETER. 

scheme,  and  they  "could  not  believe  that  Saul  was  a 
disciple."  ^ 

There  was  one  generous  man,  however,  in  the  timorous 
throng ;  this  was  Joseph,  surnamed  Barnabas,  the  Levite 
from  Cyprus  whom  we  saw,  in  the  first  days  of  the 
Church,  selling  all  he  owned,  to  put  it  in  the  common 
purse.  There  is  a  very  old  tradition  ^  which  relates  that 
he  had  known  Saul  at  the  School  of  Gamaliel,  and  ever 
since  had  tried  in  vain  to  bring  him  to  a  knowledge  of 
the  Christ.  Meeting  him  again  here  in  Jerusalem,  and 
ignorant  of  what  had  taken  place  at  Damascus,  he  re- 
newed his  appeals,  whereupon  Saul  threw  himself  at 
his  feet  and  told  how  Jesus  had  made  an  obedient 
disciple  of  the  furious  blasphemer.  It  is  indeed  a 
touching  story,  and  one  might  well  wish  it  had  some 
solider  foundations,  for  it  is  a  fitting  and  natural  pre- 
lude to  this  passage  in  the  Acts  :  "  Then  Barnabas, 
taking  him  by  the  hand,  brought  him  to  the  Apostles, 
and  told  them  how  the  Lord  had  appeared  to  him  on 
the  road,  and  what  He  had  said  to  him,  and  how  there- 
after he  had  spoken  openly  in  the  city  of  Damascus  in 
Jesus'  Name."  ^ 

Saint  Paul  informs  us  *  that  the  Apostles  to  whom 
he  was  conducted  were  not  the  Twelve  gathered  to- 
gether, but  only  Peter  and  James  the  Lord's  brother. 
Following  the  usual  make-up  of  the  synagogues,  the 
Church  had  its  Head,  assisted  by  Elders,  who  governed 
its  actions  ;  after  them  the  "  Angel  of  the  Synagogue," 
specially  appointed  to  direct  divine  service  and  act  as 
the  representative  of  the  community.  Everything  seems 
to  point  to  the  conclusion  that  Peter  and  James  filled 
these  two  offices  and  represented  the  Twelve,  receiving 
converts,  speaking  and  acting  in  their  name.  They 
made  no  difficulty  about  accepting  Barnabas'  word  for 
the  new  member,  and  they  welcomed  Saul  gladly,  who, 
thereafter,  "  went  back  and  forth  ^  with  them  in  Jerusa- 

1  Acts  ix.  26.  2  Tillemont,  M^moires,  t.  i.  p.  214. 

8  Acts  ix.  27.  4  Gal.  i.  18,  19. 

5  The  expression  "  went  in  and  came  out "  with  them  is  a  Hebraism, 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  133 

lem,  speaking  freely  in  the  Lord's  Name."  The  whole 
Church  followed  the  example  set  by  their  leaders,  and 
cherished  as  a  brother  this  man  whom  not  long  before 
they  had  stood  in  so  much  dread  of. 

That  burning  zeal  which  had  impelled  Saul  to  strive 
against  Stephen  in  the  synagogues,  led  him  to  the  same 
places  in  order  to  confess  the  faith  there  where  formerly 
he  had  been  known  as  its  persecutor.  Passing  by  such 
gatherings  as  were  exclusively  Jewish,  and  where  he 
would  have  encountered  only  obstinate  resistance,  he 
found  his  way  to  Israel  of  the  Dispersion,  the  self-same 
Hellenists  before  whom  the  holy  Deacon  had  preferred 
to  speak  :  "  he  argued  with  them,  and  spoke  to  the  Gen- 
tiles also."  ^  The  fact  that  all  Jerusalem  had  seen  this 
scribe  raging  against  the  Christians,  made  his  preaching 
in  Christ's  Same  all  the  more  remarkable ;  on  the  other 
hand,  his  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  wherein  he  showed 
them  the  Life  of  Jesus  foretold,  gave  great  weight  to  his 
words.  The  princes  of  the  city  were  so  alarmed  at  this 
new  turn  of  events  that  within  fifteen  days  after  his 
arrival  they  were  looking  for  an  opportunity  to  kill  him. 
The  brethren,  considering  that  he  was  in  imminent  dan- 
ger, urged  the  Apostle  to  leave  the  city,  but  in  vain. 
Saul  felt  that  his  testimony  was  a  proof  of  the  Almighty 
power  of  the  Christ,  and  he  continued  to  bear  witness  to 
Him  from  synagogue  to  synagogue.  Word  must  come 
from  the  Lord  Jesus  Himself  if  he  was  to  be  snatched 
from  the  teeth  of  his  enemies. 

One  day,  when  he  had  gone  up  to  the  Temple  to 
pray,^  his  soul  was  caught  in  an  ecstasy,  and  he  saw 
the  Saviour,  Who  said  to  him,  — 

"  Make  haste  and  depart  quickly  out  of  Jerusalem,  for 
they  will  not  receive  the  testimony  which  thou  wilt  give 
of  Me." 

So  ardent  was  his  desire  to  repair  somewhat  of  the 

KlD^  r\^V,  meaning  that  during  these  fifteen  days  Saul  dwelt  in  familiar 
intercourse  with  the  Apostles. 

1  Acts  ix.  29. 

2  Acts  xxii.  17-21. 


134  SAINT  PETER. 

wrong  he  had  done,  and  so  great  his  hopes,  that  he 
longed  to  stay  here  a  while. 

"  Lord,"  he  cried,  "  they  know  that  I  have  thrown 
those  that  believed  in  Thee  into  prison,  and  have  had 
them  whipped  in  the  synagogues ;  and  while  the  blood 
of  Stephen,  Thy  witness,  was  shed,  I  too  stood  by  and 
consented  to  his  death,  and  kept  the  garments  of  those 
that  killed  him." 

"  Go  forth,"  repeated  Jesus,  "  for  I  will  send  thee  afar 
off,  unto  the  Gentiles." 

And  Paul  resisted  no  longer ;  he  trusted  himself  wholly 
to  the  direction  of  his  brethren,  who  "  brought  him  down 
to  Csesarea,  and  sent  him  away  to  Tarsus."  ^ 

When  recounting  this  journey  to  the  Galatians,^  Saint 
Paul  tells  them  that  he  went  thereupon  "  into  the  lands 
of  Syria  and  Cilicia.  But,"  he  adds,  "  the  churches  of 
Judea  that  believed  in  the  Christ  knew  me  not  by  face. 
They  had  heard  only  this,  '  That  he  who  persecuted  us  in 
times  past  now  publishes  abroad  the  Faith  which  he  once 
destroyed.'  And  they  glorified  God  because  of  me." 
These  words  of  the  Apostle  show  with  sufficient  clearness 
the  road  the  Apostle  took  in  going  from  Jerusalem  to 
Tarsus :  he  did  not  tarry  in  Judea ;  the  little  ship  which 
bore  him  away  from  Csesarea  skirted  the  shores,  stopping, 
as  was  the  custom,  at  the  various  harbors  along  the  coast, 
—  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Seleucia.  From  one  of  these  cities  the 
Apostle  probably  continued  his  way  on  foot,  telling  of 
the  Saviour's  coming,  and  gaining  even  in  this  first  mis- 
sion journey  the  numerous  disciples  whom  we  shall  find 
him  revisiting  later  on,  both  in  Syria  and  in  Cilicia.^ 

In  whatever  field  Saul  may  have  been  sowing  the  word 
of  Life,  he  certainly  did  not,  at  this  time,  give  token  of 
that  wonderful  activity  which  we  shall  soon  have  to  note. 
While  waiting  for  Peter  to  open  the  way  to  the  Gentiles, 
he  usually  dwelt  in  his  native  town  of  Tarsus.  There 
he  came  in  contact  once  more  with  the  most  flourishing 


1  Acts  ix.  30.  2  Gal.  i.  21-24. 

3  Acts  xxi.  4 ;  xxvii.  3  ;  xv.  23,  41, 


THE   CONVERSION  OF  SAINT  PAUL.  135 

schools  of  Paganism,  with  illustrious  scholars,  almost  all 
Stoics,  who  filled  the  whole  world  with  the  teachings  of 
Zeno.  It  is  very  probable  that  Saul  did  not  shun  their 
lectures  as  he  once  did  when,  with  his  sole  ambition  to  be 
a  scribe  in  Israel,  he  held  the  Gentiles  and  their  learning 
as  accursed.  Though  he  still  retained  his  contempt  for 
the  arts  of  Greece,  he  seems,  however,  to  look  upon  their 
philosophies  with  less  disdain  ;  his  writings  have  a  certain 
coloring  taken  from  their  doctrines,  and  he  has  even  ap- 
propriated certain  terms  used  by  them,  which  he  deemed 
likely  to  make  the  divine  revelations  more  striking  to 
his  new  audiences.  Doubtless  this  accounts  for  the  ex- 
pressions common  to  Saint  Paul  and  the  Stoics,  which  we 
are  astonished  to  find  so  frequently,  in  writers  so  far  apart 
in  matters  of  race,  education,  and  beliefs.  Both  Apostle 
and  Philosophers  have  drawn  from  the  same  springs,  only 
the  Christian  purifies  what  he  has  gathered  from  the  wise 
men  of  the  ages,  often,  too,  re-clothing  their  words  and 
figures  with  a  new  meaning.  Thus  for  two  or  three  years 
Saul  continued  to  dwell  in  his  birthplace,  still  preparing 
here  in  the  shadow  to  go  forth  on  his  Apostleship.  He 
was  arming  himself  against  his  time  of  war ;  that  style 
of  speech  which  is  so  peculiarly  his  own  was  likewise 
in  process  of  formation,  —  rude,  peculiar,  incorrect,  nay, 
oftentimes  obscure,  but  gifted  with  an  impetuosity,  a 
nobility,  a  power,  which  was  to  overawe  the  hardiest 
rebels  against  God's  grace. 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

THE   PEACE   OF   THE   CHURCH. 

The  plot  against  Saint  Paul's  life  was  one  of  the  last 
acts  of  that  persecution  which,  beginning  with  the  execu- 
tion of  Stephen,  lasted  for  three  years  (37-40).  After 
telling  how  the  Apostle  withdrew  from  Jerusalem  into 
Cilicia,  the  Acts  go  on  to  say  that  thereupon  the  Church 
enjoyed  a  season  of  great  peace,  which  was  not  disturbed 
until  two  years  later,  in  42,  when  Agrippa  fell  upon  the 
Christians  once  more.  These  changing  periods  of  tem- 
pest and  calm  were  but  the  natural  result  of  events 
which  at  first  allowed  the  Jews  to  give  full  rein  to 
their  fanaticism,  but  soon  after  turned  their  thoughts  in 
other  directions. 

We  have  seen  how  Caligula,  abandoning  the  policy  of 
Tiberius,  restored  to  the  Oriental  peoples  their  indepen- 
dence, with  many  of  their  privileges,  and  to  some  even 
their  kings.  The  Jews  partook  more  largely  than  the 
rest  in  these  favors,  for  they  had  a  powerful  protector  at 
Rome  in  Herod  Agrippa,  the  friend  of  the  new  Csesar. 
Brought  up  in  company  with  Drusus,  Tiberius'  son,  after- 
wards driven  from  court  and  reduced  to  extreme  poverty, 
this  grandson  of  Herod  the  Great  had  managed  to  rein- 
state himself  in  the  tyrant's  good  graces  before  the  latter 
died  at  Capri.  His  sole  thought  on  his  return  was  how 
to  gain  over  Caligula,  the  future  Emperor,  to  his  side. 
One  day  when  they  were  driving  out  in  the  same  chariot, 
Agrippa  was  so  imprudent  as  to  wish  the  Prince  a  speedy 
change  in  his  position  as  ruler.  This  speech  was  over- 
heard and  carried  to  Tiberius,  who  had  the  indiscreet 


THE  PEACE   OF  THE   CHURCH.  137 

courtier  thrown  into  prison  forthwith.  There  Agrippa 
languished  for  six  months,  till  one  morning  his  freedman 
Marsyas  rushed  to  him,  saying  in  Hebrew,  "  The  lion  is 
dead ! "  On  the  morrow  Caligula  delivered  his  friend ; 
some  few  days  later  he  proclaimed  him  king,  and  gave 
him  Coelesyria  and  the  regions  lying  to  the  south  of 
Damascus  as  his  domain.^ 

There  was  great  joy  among  the  Jews  on  learning  that 
one  of  their  princes  had  received  such  gifts,  and  enjoyed 
the  confidence  of  the  Emperor.  In  the  height  of  their 
triumph  they  offered  holocausts  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  new  monarch,  and  fancied  themselves  freed  at  last 
from  all  servitude.  The  death  of  Stephen  and  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Christians  have  shown  us  how  prompt  and 
bold  the  Jews  were  in  reasserting  their  right  to  admin- 
ister justice.  Maryllus,  who  was  sent  in  Pilate's  place, 
knew  Agrippa's  power  at  court  too  well  to  take  issue 
against  the  fellow-citizens  of  the  favorite.  He  tolerated 
these  encroachments  on  his  power,  which  a  little  later, 
encouraged  by  the  presence  of  the  new  King,  grew  the 
more  audacious.  This  prince,  in  fact,  after  obtaining  per- 
mission to  visit  his  kingdom,  made  his  royal  entry  about 
the  middle  of  the  year  38  with  a  pomp  and  noise  that 
resounded  from  Upper  Syria  all  over  Judea  and  Galilee. 
To  the  Jews  it  seemed  that  this  grandson  of  Herod  and 
descendant  of  Mariamne,  daughter  of  the  Machabees,  was 
about  to  restore  the  throne  of  his  ancestors  ;  they  dreamed 
of  nothing  less  than  seeing  him  King  of  Jerusalem.  In 
Galilee  the  emotions  excited  by  his  coming  were  of  another 
sort  altogether.  Antipas,  who  was  its  ruler,  realized  that 
it  was  all  over  with  him  if  Caligula's  favorite  continued 
to  eclipse  his  authority  in  this  manner.  His  fears  were 
fostered  in  every  way  by  Herodias,  whose  influence  over 
her  weak-willed  husband  was  now  all-powerful ;  she 
urged  that  it  was  an  unbearable  thing  that  they  should 
have  to  submit  to  the  high  fortunes  of  this  adventurer, 
who  had  once  been  only  too  glad  to  be  received  in  their 

1  Philip's  Tetrarchy,  and  that  of  Lysanias.  Josephus,  Antiqiiitates, 
xviii.  6,  10. 


138  SAINT  PETER. 

palace  at  Tiberias  when,  driven  from  Eome  and  over- 
whelmed with  debts,  his  only  refuge  had  been  their 
liberality.  One  thing  alone  could  reconcile  them  to  his 
insolent  new  fortune,  —  the  title  of  King,  which  their 
rival  flaunted  so  insultingly.  In  Eome  alone  could  this 
favor  be  obtained;  accordingly,  the  Tetrarch  hastened 
thither,  accompanied  by  Herodias,  and  together  they  did 
all  in  their  power  to  overreach  the  Emperor.  But 
Agrippa  had  been  beforehand  with  them  by  denouncing 
their  intrigues  with  the  King  of  the  Parthians.  Tried 
and  convicted  of  treason,  Antipas  was  banished  into  Gaul, 
and  his  tetrarchy  of  Galilee  added  to  the  domains  which 
had  fallen  to  the  share  of  Caius'  friend.  Everything 
smiled  on  the  Jews ;  the  shattered  members  of  their  an- 
cient empire  were  being  knit  together ;  the  body  politic 
seemed  to  be  regaining  its  pristine  form  and  strength.  To 
restore  the  unity  lost  after  the  death  of  Herod  the  Great, 
all  that  was  needed  now  was  that  the  Emperor  should 
add  Judea  to  the  new  kingdom ;  but  in  the  very  hour 
when  these  hopes  were  at  their  highest  pitch,  the  tyrant's 
caprice  sent  them  tumbling  to  the  dust. 

Three  years  before,  some  disease  had  suddenly  attacked 
the  master  of  the  world  and  deprived  him  of  his  reason, 
leaving  him  the  creature  of  his  naturally  cruel  disposition. 
It  was  no  longer  a  man,  but  a  bloodthirsty  fool,  a  monster, 
that  sat  upon  the  throne,  says  Suetonius.  Going  from 
one  folly  to  another,  Caius  finally  conceived  the  notion 
that  he  was  God.  He  had  the  most  illustrious  divini- 
ties brought  from  Greece,  even  the  Olympian  Jupiter, 
that  masterpiece  of  Phidias,  ^  and  without  a  thought  for 
either  art  or  religion,  he  ordered  their  heads  to  be  re- 
moved, and  his  own  placed  in  their  stead.  He  had  his 
temple  and  priests,  with  victims  all  of  brilliant  plumage, 
—  peacocks,  pheasants,  guinea-hens,  and  scarlet  flamingos. 
Frequently  he  feigned  to  be  engaged  in  long  conversa- 
tions with  the  Capitoline   Jupiter,   sometimes  chatting 

-  If  we  are  to  believe  Josephus,  fearful  prodigies  prevented  Memmius 
Regulus  from  executing  the  orders  of  Caligula,  and  Phidias'  statue 
remained  on  Olympus.     AntiquUutes,  xix.  1. 


THE  PEACE  OF  THE   CHURCH.  139 

familiarly  with  him,  sometimes  threatening  him.  One 
day  he  was  heard  to  cry  out  in  a  rage,  ^  — 

"  Kill  me,  or  I  kill  thee  !  " 

Then  came  the  order  for  the  whole  world  to  worship 
the  new  God,  and  the  Jews  alone  refused  to  bend  the 
knee.  This  action  of  theirs  is  one  of  the  glories  of  their 
race,  but  it  changed  the  favor  which  had  given  rise  to 
such  high  hopes  into  the  bitterest  hatred.  We  must 
allow,  furthermore,  for  the  fact  that  the  imperial  protec- 
tion had  puffed  them  up  with  pride,  and  consequently 
had  deepened  the  antipathy  of  the  Pagans  among  whom 
they  lived.  Caligula's  impious  command  was  eagerly  used 
by  the  latter  as  an  occasion  for  wreaking  their  spite ;  in 
every  city  the  Jewish  population  became  the  sport  of 
informers  and  bullies.  In  the  synagogues  they  set  up 
statues  of  Caligula  and  altars  to  the  almighty  Caesar,  thus 
obliging  them  to  offer  sacrifices  to  the  divine  majesty  of 
their  prince  Everywhere  cruel  persecutions  ensued,  but 
nowhere  worse  than  in  Alexandria :  the  Israelites,  shut 
up  in  a  narrow  quarter  of  the  town,  perished  of  hunger 
and  pestilence  ;  those  who  fled  from  this  living  tomb  were 
hewn  down  and  cut  in  pieces  ;  whole  families  were  burned 
by  slow  fire ;  even  the  head  men  of  the  community  were 
dragged  to  the  theatre,  and  there,  before  the  eyes  of  the 
populace,  were  whipped  to  death.  Such  were  some  of 
the  awful  scenes  which  encrimsoned  the  beautiful  capital 
of  Egypt. 

The  Jews,  perishing  under  the  severity  of  their  suffer- 
ings, deputed  Philo,  with  some  of  the  most  venerable  men 
of  their  nation,  to  beseech  Caius  to  spare  them.  The  only 
result  of  their  embassy  was  a  new  series  of  outrages  and 
insults.  Summoned  from  Kome  to  Pozzuoli,  remanded 
to  Eome,  then  for  a  long  time  left  unnoticed,  they  finally 
got  leave  to  plead  their  cause  in  a  country  house  where 
the  Emperor  was  visiting  But  the  mighty  ruler  met 
them  with  sarcasm  and  scorn. 

"  So,''  he  said,  grinding  his  teeth,  "  these  are  the  ene- 
mies of  the  gods  who  refuse  to  adore  me,  and  prefer  to 

^  Suetonius,  Caligula,  xxii. 


140  SAINT  PETER. 

worship  a  divinity  whose  name  they  dare  not  pronounce  ! " 
and  in  the  face  of  the  horror-stricken  Jews  he  shouted 
the  ineffable  name  of  Jehovah. 

Then  he  began  to  rush  about  the  house,  going  up  and 
down  the  stairways,  dragging  after  him  these  old  men, 
now  trembling  with  fear  and  out  of  breath,  —  Philo,  their 
leader,  being  over  eighty  years  of  age.  When  he  did  turn 
back  to  address  them,  there  were  new  taunts  to  be  borne. 

"  Why  don't  you  eat  pork  ? "  he  asked. 

The  courtiers  burst  out  laughing,  while  the  ambassa- 
dors responded  timidly  that  every  nation  had  its  customs, 
and  that  some  peoples  would  not  eat  sheep. 

"  Oh,  so  far  as  mutton  is  concerned,  they  are  quite 
right,"  Caius  retorted ;  "  it  is  certainly  an  insipid  meat." 

In  the  great  hall  of  the  villa  he  seemed  inclined  to 
hear  them ;  but  hardly  had  they  uttered  the  first  words 
of  their  speech  when  he  began  to  run  about,  this  way 
and  that,  giving  orders  to  the  workmen.  Utterly  dis- 
mayed at  such  a  reception,  the  Jews  expected  every 
moment  to  hear  him  order  their  execution.  But  for  the 
nonce  the  monster  had  no  appetite  for  bloodshed ;  he 
dismissed  them  with  insulting  sympathy. 

"  Why,  after  all,"  he  said,  "  these  folks  don't  seem  as 
bad  as  they  are  made  out  to  be.  What  poor  fools  they 
are  not  to  believe  in  my  divinity  ! " 

But  what  did  this  humiliation  of  the  Alexandrians  mat- 
ter when  compared  with  the  sacrilege  with  which  Caligula 
threatened  the  whole  race  ?  The  enemies  of  Judaism  coun- 
selled him  to  give  it  its  death-blow  by  dedicating  the  Tem- 
ple at  Jerusalem  to  his  imperial  majesty,  and  at  once  the 
order  went  forth  that  a  colossal  statue  of  the  Emperor 
should  be  -  erected  in  the  Holy  of  Holies.  Petronius,  a 
new  prefect  for  Syria,  left  Eome  to  take  in  hand  the  ac- 
complishment of  this  decree.  His  orders  were  that  he 
should  not  recoil  before  any  act  of  violence,  but  enter 
Jerusalem  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and,  if  need  be,  call 
on  the  two  legions  of  the  Euphrates.  Petronius  went 
into  winter  quarters  at  Ptolemais  (St.  John  of  Acre), 
and  from  there  he  communicated  the  wishes  of  Caesar  to 


THE  PEACE   OF  THE   CHURCH.  141 

the  Sanhedrin  and  High  Priests  of  Jerusalem.  He  was 
only  waiting  for  the  statue,  as  yet  not  out  of  the  work- 
men's hands  at  Sidon,  before  executing  his  orders. 

At  this  news  thousands  upon  thousands  of  Jews  thronged 
about  him,  all  covered  with  sackcloth,  their  heads  sprinkled 
with  ashes  ♦,  princes  of  the  people,  women,  children,  with- 
out distinction  of  class  in  this  common  grief,  declared  that 
they  were  ready  to  die  rather  than  allow  their  Temple  to 
be  profaned.  Petronius  repulsed  them  with  great  harsh- 
ness, alleging  their  ruler's  edict  as  his  excuse  for  what  he 
was  about  to  do ;  and  the  throng  made  answer  that  they 
feared  God's  wrath  more  than  the  Emperor's. 

Before  this  earnestness  of  despair  the  Governor  com- 
prehended the  awfulness  of  a  mission  which  could  only 
be  accomplished  by  the  extermination  of  a  whole  people. 
In  great  perplexity  of  mind,  he  withdrew  with  his  officers 
to  Tiberias  ;  but  the  Jews  followed  him  thither.  He  tried 
over  and  over  again  to  calm  them,  reminding  them  that 
these  were  the  orders  of  an  all-powerful  master,  and 
contrasting  their  conduct  with  the  prompt  obedience  of 
others. 

"  Then  will  you  make  war  against  your  Emperor  ? "  he 
demanded. 

"  No  war,"  replied  the  Jews ;  "  but  he  who  would  vio- 
late our  Law  must  first  slaughter  us  ! "  And  falling  with 
their  faces  to  the  earth,  the  whole  multitude  made  ready 
for  the  executioners. 

For  forty  days  the  same  scenes  were  renewed ;  spring 
and  the  seed-time  came,  but  none  thought  of  earthly 
cares.  Petronius  was  too  humane  to  wish  a  flourishing 
land  to  be  changed  into  a  wilderness  watered  with  blood, 
and  ravaged  by  famine  and  robbery.  At  the  risk  of  his 
own  life  he  promised  to  intercede  with  the  Emperor,  —  a 
courageous  decision,  which  Heaven  blessed  forthwith,  for 
hardly  had  he  uttered  it  than  the  rain,  after  a  long 
drought,  came  to  prosper  the  sowing.^ 

At  Eome,  however,  Agrippa  was  not  unmindful  of  the 
anguish  suffered  by  his  brethren  ;  he  was  on  the  watch 

^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  8,  2-6. 


142  SAINT  PETER. 

for  a  favorable  opportunity,  and  managed  to  find  his  chance 
at  a  banquet  which  he  offered  in  Caius'  lionor.  The  Em- 
peror was  pleased  to  promise  his  favorite,  during  the  feast, 
that  he  would  grant  him  anything  he  might  desire. 
Whether  from  policy,  or  moved  by  sincere  feeling,  the  son 
of  the  Asmoneans  thought  only  of  his  imperilled  Faith ; 
he  besought  that  the  edict  might  be  revoked.  Caligula 
kept  his  word,  but  with  a  bad  grace ;  turning  to  wreak 
his  anger  on  some  one,  he  sent  an  order  that  Petronius 
should  be  put  to  death.  Happily  the  vessel  which  bore 
his  mandate  was  delayed  by  storms.  When  it  touched 
the  shores  of  Syria,  the  news  had  already  reached  there 
that  Chsereas  had  slain  the  tyrant  (Jan.  24,  41). 

This  year  of  terror  had  at  least  called  a  truce  to  the 
sufferings  of  the  Christians,  for  the  sacrilege  with  which 
the  Temple  was  threatened,  absorbed  the  thoughts  of  their 
persecutors.  Doubtless  on  this  point  the  disciples  of  the 
Christ  shared  in  the  feelings  common  to  all  Israel,  and 
said  their  prayers  daily  for  the  safety  of  the  sanctuary 
where  they  still  offered  prayers  and  sacrifices.  But  their 
anxiety  was  tempered  by  joy  at  regaining  their  peaceful 
existence,  —  with  many,  too,  by  a  presentiment  that  even 
if  the  Temple  were  to  be  closed  to  them,  the  Supper  Eoom 
would  suffice  for  the  celebration  of  the  New  Passover 
and  the  worship  of  their  Heavenly  Father.  And  so,  in 
this  season  of  great  trouble,  the  Acts  tell  us  that  the 
little  flock  of  Jesus  prospered.  "  The  Church  was  at 
peace  all  through  Judea,  Galilee,  and  Samaria,  waxing 
strong,  walking  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  filled  with 
the  consolation  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  ^ 

Here,  for  the  first  time,  Galilee  is  mentioned  as  among 
the  provinces  to  which  the  Kingdom  of  Jesus  had  extended. 
Certainly  it  had  not  waited  this  season  to  give  birth  to 
more  than  a  few  Churches,  for  this  was  the  region  above 
all  others  where  Jesus  had  sown  the  Glad  Tidings,  and 
where  after  His  Eesurrection  He  appeared  to  more  than 
five  hundred  disciples.  A  number  of  these  believers  had 
followed  the  Apostles   to  Jerusalem ;  but  most  of  them 

1  Acts  ix.  31. 


THE  PEACE   OF  THE   CHURCH.  143 

remained  in  their  own  country  and  made  up  devoted  com- 
panies here  and  there,  from  whom  the  Christians,  driven 
out  of  the  Holy  City,  were  wont  to  find  a  brotherly  greet- 
ing. During  the  persecution  these  communities  scattered 
over  the  land  of  Israel  seemed  to  the  Jews  no  more  than 
the  wreckage  of  a  vast  ruin ;  none  the  less  these  broken 
blocks  were  the  makings  of  an  edifice,  Christ's  Holy 
Church,  whose  foundations  were  already  laid  deep  and 
strong,  hereafter  to  grow  and  increase  forever,  and  des- 
tined soon  to  cover  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Peter  profited  by  the  peace  to  visit  the  faithful  settled 
outside  the  Holy  City,^  journeying  over  Judea,  Sama- 
ria, and  Galilee.  But  in  no  part  of  his  travels  did  his 
mission-work  bear  better  fruits  than  in  the  plains  of 
Sharon,  which  border  the  Mediterranean  from  Carmel  as 
far  as  Jaffa.  To  the  southeast  of  these  fields,  and  a  half 
hour's  walk  from  Eamleh,  rich  orchards  surround  the  city 
of  Lydda. 

The  Apostle,  "upon  coming  to  visit  the  saints  that 
dwelt  there,"  ^  found  a  man  named  Eneas,  who  had  been 
a  paralytic  since  his  eighth  year,  lying  upon  a  bed. 

"  And  Peter  said  to  him,  '  Eneas,  Jesus  the  Christ  heal- 
eth  thee.  Arise  and  make  thy  bed.'  And  immediately 
he  arose." 

Thrilled  by  this  miracle,  the  Jews  in  those  parts  deemed 
that  this  was  the  time  foretold  by  Isaiah  wherein  the 
earth  should  bud  forth  like  the  lily,  and  attire  itself  in 
the  beauty  of  Carmel  and  of  Sharon.  "  God  shall  come," 
the  Prophet  had  said,  "  and  He  shall  save  you.  Then  the 
eyes  of  the  blind  shall  see  the  light,  and  the  ears  of  the 
deaf  be  opened.  The  lame  man  shall  leap  like  the  hart, 
and  the  tongue  of  the  dumb  be  loosened."     The  healing 

^  'Eyeuero  5e  HcTpou  Siepxofieuoi'  dia  irdvTwv  KareKdi7v  Koi  trphs  roi/s 
ayiovs  tovs  KaroiKovuras  Avddav,  may  be  translated  ;  "  It  came  to  pass  that 
Peter,  journeying  ovei-  the  whole  coast,  came  likewise  to  the  saints  who 
dwelt  in  Lydda,"  thus  putting  iravrwv  in  the  neuter ;  but  there  is  good 
reason  to  prefer  the  Vulgate  reading,  which  refers  this  adjective  to  ayiov^ : 
"  Petrus  dum  pertransiret  universes,"  for  the  kui  which  precedes  tovs 
ayiuvs :  "  he  came  likewise  to  the  saints  in  Lydda,"  supposes  that  the 
writer  had  already  alluded  to  certain  disciples  in  the  church. 

^  Acts  ix.  32-34. 


144  SAINT  PETER. 

of  Eneas  declared  the  fulfilment  of  the  Prophecy,  and  from 
all  sides  they  came  to  Lydda ;  not  only  "  those  who  lived 
in  the  town,  but  all  Sharon  came  to  see  this  man,  and 
they  were  converted  to  the  Lord." 

At  the  same  time,  among  the  disciples  in  Joppa,  there 
was  a  Jewish  woman,  a  Hellenist,  whose  name  is  given  in 
the  Acts  in  the  Aramean  form  as  "  Tabitha,"  and  in  the 
Greek  translation  as  "  Dorcas."  ^  Each  of  these  words  sig- 
nifies a  gazelle,  —  the  perfect  model  of  grace  to  which  the 
Orientals  were  fond  of  comparing  the  beauty  of  women.^ 
This  lady  was  possessed  of  some  wealth  apparently,  and 
"  was  full  of  good  works  and  alms-gifts  which  she  made." 
She  had  fallen  sick  of  late,  and  died  just  at  this  time,  her 
death  causing  great  mourning  in  the  Church  of  Joppa,  for 
the  holy  widow  supported  the  poor,  wove  their  garments, 
and  showered  her  bounties  upon  all  alike.  Her  body, 
after  being  piously  washed,  was  wound  in  cerecloths  and 
perfumes,  then  borne  into  the  upper  hall  of  her  house. 
The  widows,  towards  whom  Tabitha  had  a  mother's  heart, 
clung  close  about  the  bier,  and  hung  the  garments  she  had 
made  for  them  on  the  walls  of  the  room.^  Then,  seated 
round  about  the  body,  they  began  the  wail,  beating  their 

1  The  word  Tabitha,  KD'^P,  is  Aramean,  and  corresponds  to  the 
Hebrew  ^:iV. 

2  Cant.  iv.  5. 

3  M.  Renan  sees  in  the  words  of  the  Greek  text,  '6aa  ivoUi  fier  avrQv 
ov<ra,  a  reference  to  the  fact  that  Tabitha  had  formed  a  company  of  holy 
widows,  who,  with  her,  spent  their  days  in  making  garments  for  the  poor ; 
and  hence  he  concludes  that  Jaffa  "  saw  the  beginning  of  that  race  of 
veiled  women,  clad  in  linen,  who  were  to  perpetuate  the  tradition  of  such 
charitable  secrets  all  down  the  ages"  (Les  Apotres,  p.  200).  Nothing  in 
the  context  authorizes  this  interpretation.  Tabitha  is  there  represented 
as  charitable  towards  all  (Acts  x.  36)  ;  nowhere  is  it  so  much  as  hinted 
that  she  supervised  an  association  of  women  folk ;  the  widows  display  to 
Peter,  not  their  own  work,  but  the  gifts  made  to  them  by  Tabitha  (x,  39) ; 
finally,  when  Peter  raised  the  pious  lady  to  life,  he  restores  her,  not  to  any 
holy  sisterhood,  but  "  to  the  saints  and  the  widows,"  that  is  to  say,  to  the 
whole  Church  of  Jaffa.  The  Vulgate  gives  the  real  meaning  of  this 
passage  :  "  Circumsteterunt  ilium  omnes  viduas  flentes,  et  ostendentes  ei 
tunicas  et  vestes,  quas  faciebat  illis  Dorcas."  M.  Renan  is  no  less  beguiled 
by  his' own  fancies  when  he  considers  "  the  saints  and  the  widows"  as 
being  "a  sort  of  begards  and  beguines, — fraticelli  [pious  lay  folk  living  in 
community]  dearly  loved  by  the  people."  To  satisfy  one's  self  that  S.  Luke 
means  all  Christians  by  the  term  "  saints,"  one  has  only  to  glance  through 


THE  PEACE   OF  THE  CHURCH.  145 

breasts,  weeping,  and  uttering  long-drawn  cries.  Never- 
theless, the  disciples  had  not  given  up  all  hope ;  many  a 
time  their  Master  had  made  death  obey  His  commands, 
and  had  He  not  promised  that  the  Apostles  should  do  still 
greater  things  ?  Joppa  is  only  a  few  hours'  walk  from 
Lydda.  "Hearing  that  Peter  was  there,  they  sent  two 
men  thither  to  beseech  him  to  come.  Forthwith  Peter 
rose  up  and  went  with  them.  And  when  he  arrived  there 
they  conducted  him  to  the  upper  chamber,  and  all  the 
widows  stood  about  him  weeping,  showing  the  coats  and 
garments  which  Dorcas  made  them.  Now,  when  Peter 
had  put  them  all  without,  and  knelt  down  himself,  he 
prayed  ;  then,  turning  towards  the  body, '  Tabitha,'  he  said, 
'  arise  ! '  She  opened  her  eyes,  and,  seeing  Peter,  she  sat 
up.  At  once  he  gave  her  his  hand  and  lifted  her  up; 
then,  calling  the  saints  and  the  widows,  he  restored  her 
to  them  alive."  ^ 

The  dwelling  where  this  wondrous  deed  took  place 
stood  among  the  orange-groves  which  surround  the  city,  — 
there,  at  least,  is  the  spot  where  tradition  ^  venerates  its 
ruins  to-day.  But  the  miracle  was  soon  known  through 
the  whole  city,  and  many  believed  in  the  Lord.  These 
numerous  conversions,  Tabitha's  restoration  to  life,  and  a 
presentiment  of  even  more  splendid  favors  in  store  for  the 
Church,  made  Peter  decide  to  stay  for  some  time  at  Joppa. 
Accordingly,  he  went  into  the  city  and  took  lodgings  at 
the  house  of  a  tanner  named  Simon. 

That  he  should  have  chosen  such  a  host  is  enough  to 
show  that  the  Apostle,  taking  pattern  by  his  Master,  had 
begun  already  to  free  himself  from  the  Pharisaic  Eules, 
for  in  the  eyes  of  the  rigorists  this  man's  house  was 
unclean,  and  none  of  them  would  have  entered  it  wil- 
lingly.3     "The  world,"  says  the  Talmud,  "cannot  exist 

the  Acts  (ix.  13,  32  ;  xxvi.  10).  In  this  he  simply  follows  the  example  of 
his  master,  S.  Paul  (Rom.  i.  7  ;  xii.  13 ;  xv.  25-26,  31  ;  xvi.  2,  15 ;  1  Cor. 
i.  2 ;  vi.  1  ;  xiv.  33  ;  xvi.  1,  etc.). 

1  Acts  ix.  38-41. 

^  "  Non  longe  a  ruinis  Joppes,  versus  Jerusalem  eundo,  monstrantur 
fundamenta  et  residuum  domus  Tabithse  "  ( Quaresmius,  £'/»c?  Ja^/o  Terroe 
Sanctce,  t.  ii.  p.  6).  ^  Kidduschin,  f.  82,  2. 

10 


146  SAINT  PETER. 

without  tanners ;  but  woe  unto  liim  who  chooseth  this 
trade ! "  The  necessity  of  handling  dead  beasts  made 
their  condition  one  of  perpetual  impurity,  and,  to  a  cer- 
tain degree,  put  these  artisans  outside  the  Law.  Again, 
some  held  that  the  Law  of  the  Levirate  did  not  oblige  so 
far  as  they  were  concerned,  and  that  a  sister-in-law  might 
refuse  to  marry  one  of  them.  The  same  privileges  were 
granted  a  woman  married  to  a  tanner,  —  she  was  allowed 
a  divorce  if  she  had  not  been  forewarned  of  the  kind  of  in- 
dustry her  husband  was  engaged  in.^  The  disgust  of  the 
Jews  for  this  class  of  men  went  to  such  lengths  that  they 
had  tanneries  removed  at  least  fifty  cubits  outside  the  town 
limits.^  So  we  must  suppose  that  Simon's  workshop  was 
not  in  the  house  where  he  lived,  for  the  native  traditions 
locate  his  dwelling  inside  the  walls.^  The  mosque  which 
occupies  its  site  to-day  has  nothing  about  it  to  recall  the 
look  of  things  in  the  olden  times  when  Peter  sojourned 
there.  But  from  the  housetops,  whither  the  Apostle  went 
up  to  pray,  our  eyes  take  in  all  that  he  saw  then,  —  a 
stretch  of  sea  bluer  than  the  skies  above,  the  waves  dash- 
ing their  white  spray  over  the  reefs,  a  pleasant  hill-side 
covered  with  white  dwellings,  the  water  lapping  at  its 
base.  From  her  beautiful  site,  overlooking  the  shore  so 
proudly,  fragrant  and  gleaming  with  fruits  and  flowers 
on  every  hand,  Jaffa  did  indeed  look  like  what  her  He- 
brew name  signifies^ —  Yapho,  "  a  Look-out  place  of  Joy."  ^ 
But  such  lovely  sights  could  not  hold  Peter's  attention 
long,  for  always  and  in  all  places  his  only  thought 
was  of  Jesus.  This  harbor,  whence  Jonas  once  set  sail 
for  Tharsis,  —  that  long  reef  where  he  had  been  thrown 
back  after   three  days  spent   in  a  living   tomb,  —  this 

1  Kettouboth,  f.  77,  1.  2^  Baba-Bafhra,  f.  25,  1,  16,  2. 

3  See  Guerin,  Description  de  la  Judee,  t.  i.  p.  7. 

*  "  Having  abandoned  the  Watchtower  of  Joy  (for  this  is  the  meaning 
of  the  word  Joppa  among  the  Hebrews)."  ...  S.  Gregory  Nazianzus, 
Apologet.  Oral.  i.  42.  According  to  certain  writers,  Noe's  son  Japhet 
founded  Joppa  and  named  it  after  himself;  but  Pomponius  Mela  and 
Pliny  make  this  city  antedate  the  deluge  :  "Est  Joppe  ante  diluvium,  ut 
feru'nt,  condita"  (Pomponius  Mela,  De  Situ  Orbis,  i.  12).  "Joppe  Plioeni- 
cum  antiquior  terrarum  inundatione,  ut  ferunt"  (Pliny,  Histona  Natu- 
rails,  V.  14), 


THE  PEACE   OF  THE   CHURCH.  147 

"  Sign  of  the  Prophet  Jonas "  recalled  to  his  mind  the 
Kesurrection  which  the  Seer  had  thus  prefigured ;  ^  then 
again,  how  he  had  preached  repentance  for  sins  at  heathen 
Nineveh,  even  as  the  Master  had  promised  that  they  too 
should  carry  salvation  unto  the  ends  of  the  earth.  What 
were  the  paths  then  by  which  they  were  to  lead  the  Gen- 
tiles into  the  Kingdom  of  Jesus  ?  This  Peter  did  not 
know  as  yet,  for  on  Pentecost  day  the  Holy  Ghost  had 
not  seen  fit  to  reveal  to  them  the  great  truth  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  Master's  own  words,^  the  Gospel  gave  the  Law 
its  only  perfection,  at  the  same  time  dispensing  mankind 
from  its  practices.  This  revelation,  more  amazing  than 
any  other  to  the  sons  of  Israel,  was  now  about  to  be  made 
to  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles  in  the  despised  abode  of 
Simon  the  tanner. 

Howbeit,  Jaffa  was  not  the  spot  where  God's  designs 
were  first  to  be  made  manifest.  At  Caesarea  there  was  an 
officer  named  Cornelius,  centurion  of  a  cohort  of  Italian 
volunteers  stationed  there  in  garrison.  He  was  a  Eoman 
citizen,  which  was  a  requisite  quality  for  the  commander 
of  auxiliary  troops, ;  ^  indeed,  his  name  seems  to  imply 

1  "As  Jonas  was  in  the  whale's  belly  three  days  and  three  nights,  so 
shall  the  Son  of  man  be  three  days  and  three  nights  in  the  bosom  of  the 
earth"  (Matt.  xii.  40). 

'^  Matt.  V.  17  ;  vi.  5,  etc. 

3  There  were  three  kinds  of  troops  under  arms  in  the  Roman  army : 
the  Legion,  composed  exclusively  of  Roman  citizens ;  the  Auxiliary  Co- 
horts, made  up  of  provincials  who  were  not  citizens  of  Rome,  together 
with  various  allied  peoples  and  kingdoms  ;  finally,  the  Volunteer  Cohorts, 
which  originally  were  open  only  to  Italians  exempt  from  militia  duty,  but 
afterwards  included  all  such  as  desired  to  bear  arms  without  enduring  the 
severe  discipline  of  the  legionaries.  We  read  in  Josephus  that  the  garrison 
at  Cassarea  usually  comprised  five  Auxiliary  Cohorts  (Bellum  Judaicum, 
iii.  4,  2  ;  Antiquitates,  xix.  9,  2),  almost  all  levied  from  Syria  itself  {Bellum 
Judaicum,  ii.  13,  7).  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  an  inscription  which 
mentions  a  cohort  of  Volunteers  in  Syria :  "  Cohors  militum  Italicorum 
voluntaria,  quas  est  in  Syria."  (Gruter,  p.  434,  1.)  It  may  be  that  the 
force  under  Cornelius'  command  was  really  a  troop  of  Volunteers  from 
Italy,  or  that,  though  coming  originally  from  that  country,  it  had  received 
so  many  recruits  from  among  the  Syrians  that  at  last  it  numbered  very 
few  foreigners ;  indeed  this  seems  to  be  the  inference  S.  Luke  means  us  to 
draw,  for  he  speaks,  not  of  the  Italian  Cohort,  but  of  a  Cohort  called  the 
Italian.  Whatever  the  nationality  of  the  soldiers,  their  officers,  according 
to  custom,  were  certainly  Romans. 


148  SAINT  PETER, 

that  he  could  boast  of  some  kinship  —  that  of  a  client  at 
least  —  with  the  "Gens  Cornelia,"  the  illustrious  family 
of  the  Scipios,  Sylla,  and  the  mother  of  the  Gracchi. 
Born  and  bred  in  Italy,  he  had  embraced  the  career  of 
arms  with  all  a  youth's  dreams  of  military  glory,  but 
without  foreseeing  that  more  lasting  greatness  which  has 
raised  him  upon  our  altars.^  It  was  at  Csesarea  that 
he  came  to  know  the  Jews  and  felt  himself  strongly  at- 
tracted towards  them.  Soon  he  began  to  share  their  faith 
in  the  Eternal,  their  worship  and  fear  of  God,  and  their 
practices  of  virtue.  He  prayed  to  God  always,  gave  large 
alms  to  the  people,  and  brought  over  to  the  worship  of 
Jehovah,  first  his  own  household,  and  thereafter  certain 
ones  of  his  command.  This  high-souled  man,  "praised 
by  all  the  Jews  "  of  the  city ,2  still  lacked  the  character 
which  in  their  eyes  would  have  made  him  perfect,  —  the 
pious  Centurion  was  uncircumcised,  and  albeit  an  Israelite 
at  heart,  from  that  one  fact  he  remained  outside  the  Syna- 
gogue. Why  did  he  hesitate  to  take  this  step  ?  What 
was  he  asking  of  God  ?  Did  he,  like  many  other  Gentiles, 
shrink  from  bearing  on  his  body  the  seal  of  the  children 
of  Abraham  ?  Or  was  he  wavering  between  the  Phari- 
sees' Law  and  the  Glad  Tidings  brought  to  Csesarea  by 
Philip  ?  for  "  he  knew  what  had  taken  place  in  Judea  "  ^ 
and  all  that  had  been  noised  abroad  concerning  Jesus. 
Whatever  the  motives  of  his  uncertainty,  Cornelius  was 
one  of  those  who  ardently  desire  the  truth,  ready  to  do 
all  things  in  its  service. 

Now,  one  day  when  he  was  praying,  about  the  ninth 
hour  (three  in  the  afternoon),  an  Angel  of  God  appeared 
to  him  and  called  him  by  his  name,  — 

"Cornelius  !"  said  the  voice. 

The  Centurion  was  seized  with  terror.  "  Lord,"  he  an- 
swered, "  what  wouldst  Thou  with  me  ? " 

And  the  Angel  replied,  "  Thy  prayers  and  thine  alms 

1  His  name  is  in  the  old  Roman  Marty rology,  and  in  that  of  Usuard, 
under  the  date  of  February  2,  and  in  the  Armenian  Calendar  for  the  tenth 
of  December. 

■2  Acts  X.  22.  2  Acts  X.  37. 


THE  PEACE   OF   THE   CHURCH.  149 

have  ascended  into  the  presence  of  God,  and  He  is  mind- 
ful of  them.  And  now  send  men  to  Joppa,  and  call  hither 
one  Simon  who  is  surnamed  Peter.  He  lodgeth  with  a 
certain  Simon,  a  tanner,  whose  house  is  by  the  seaside. 
He  will  tell  thee  what  thou  must  do." 

With  these  words  the  Angel  disappeared.  Cornelius 
straightway  summoned  two  of  his  house-servants  with 
one  of  his  soldiers  who  feared  the  God  of  Israel,  and, 
after  telling  them  all  that  had  taken  place,  he  despatched 
them  to  Joppa. 

On  the  morrow,  about  midday,  just  as  the  Centurion's 
messengers  were  nearing  the  city,  Peter,  faithful  to  the 
Jewish  custom,  went  up  on  the  housetop  to  pray.  Once 
there,  he  was  seized  with  such  great  hunger  that  he  imme- 
diately asked  for  something  to  eat.  But  while  the  food 
was  being  prepared,  he  was  rapt  in  an  ecstasy.  Heaven 
opened  before  his  eyes ;  a  great  cloth  descended  thence, 
knotted  at  the  four  corners,  and  suspended  from  the 
firmament  by  invisible  hands.  Looking  therein,  he  saw 
all  sorts  of  four-footed  animals,  with  reptiles  and  birds  of 
the  air,i  and  he  heard  a  Voice  from  Heaven,  — 

"Arise,  Peter,"  it  said;  "kill  and  eat." 

"  Far  be  it  from  me.  Lord,"  Peter  replied  ;  "  for  I  have 
never  eaten  anything  that  is  impure  or  unclean."  ^ 

Once  again  he  heard  the  Voice,  — 

"  What  God  hath  cleansed,  do  not  thou  call  impure  !  "  ^ 

This  same  thing  occurred  three  times,'*  then  the  cloth 
was  withdrawn  into  Heaven.  Peter  was  once  more  alone 
on  the  housetop ;  but  he  was  greatly  troubled  as  to  the 
meaning  of  this  Vision,  because  abstinence  from  unclean 
flesh  was  considered  so  sacred  a  duty  that,  in  order  to 


1  The  addition  found  in  the  received  text,  to  B-npia  kuI,  "  and  wild 
beasts/'  is  omitted  in  the  critical  editions  (Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Tischen- 
dorf,  Alford). 

^  There  were  both  clean  and  unclean  animals  in  the  cloth,  but  the 
combination  made  each  one  a  contaminated  thing  which  Jews  must  abstain 
from  partaking  of;  hence  Peter's  refusal. 

3  These  words  of  God  abrogated  the  Law. 

^  'EttI  rpls  :  this  threefold  repetition  was  meant  to  make  the  doctrine 
now  revealed  absolutely  certain. 


150  SAINT  PETER. 

observe  it  faithfully,  the  Jews  separated  themselves  from 
the  Gentile  world,  even  refusing  to  enter  their  dwelling- 
places,  soiled  as  they  always  were  by  the  presence  of  im- 
pure animals.  Daniel  ^  in  the  palace  of  Nabuchodonosor, 
Eleazar,  the  seven  brethren,  and  their  mother,^  preferring 
death  rather  than  violate  the  Great  Precept,  —  these  were 
some  of  the  heroic  examples  which  were  wont  to  kindle 
the  zeal  of  even  the  lukewarm.  We  need  not  be  surprised 
to  find  the  Apostles  still  sharing  Israel's  attachment  to 
this  observance.  It  is  true  the  Master  had  said  "that 
nothing  from  without  entering  into  a  man's  body  can 
defile  him ; "  ^  but  this  was  just  one  of  those  sayings 
which  seemed  obscure,  in  the  deposit  of  Faith,  and  Peter 
did  not  turn  to  them  for  light  to  help  him  understand  the 
mysterious  invitation  which  had  so  shocked  him. 

In  the  mean  time  Cornelius's  messengers  had  entered 
Joppa,  and,  inquiring  their  way  to  Simon's  house,  came  at 
last  to  his  door.  They  knocked,  and  asked  if  this  was  the 
place  where  Simon,  surnamed  Peter,  was  lodged.  But 
the  Apostle  heard  nothing,  saw  nothing,  lying  prone 
upon  the  terraced  roof,  his  mind  filled  with  the  emotions 
roused  by  his  Vision. 

Then  the  Holy  Spirit  said  to  him,  "  Behold,  here  are 
three  men  who  seek  thee.  Arise,  get  thee  down  and  go 
with  them,  doubting  nothing,  because  it  is  I  Who  have 
sent  them." 

Peter  descended  to  the  street,  approached  these  men, 
and  said,  "  Lo,  here  am  I !  Am  I  he  whom  you  seek  ? 
What  is  the  cause  for  which  you  are  come  ?  " 

"  Cornelius,  the  Centurion,"  they  replied,  "  a  righteous 
man,  and  one  that  fears  God,  to  whom  the  whole  Jewish 
nation  bears  testimony  of  his  good  deeds,  has  been  bidden 
by  a  holy  Angel  to  send  for  thee  into  his  house,  and  to 
listen  to  thy  words." 

At  these  words  the  bandage  fell  from  the  Apostle's 
eyes  ;  enlightened  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  he  beheld  the  de- 
signs of  God,  —  the  old  Covenant,  which  was  but  for  a 

1  Dan.  i.  5-19.  2  2  Mac  vi.  18-31  ;  vii.  ^  Mark  vii.  15. 


THE  PEACE   OF   THE   CHURCH.  151 

figure  of  the  New,  now  vanishing  as  the  latter  outshone 
it  in  brilliancy ;  how  that  the  rites  of  Judaism  were 
become  superfluous  since  what  time  the  Blood  of  Jesus 
had  consummated  the  Eternal  Sacrifice ;  how,  by  baptism, 
the  Gentiles  might  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  the  Christ 
without  submitting  to  circumcision  ;  finally,  that  this  dis- 
tinction between  clean  and  unclean  beasts,  with  all  the 
legal  Observances,  must  be  cast  away,  as  the  yoke  of  a 
slavery  unworthy  of  men  whom  Jesus  called  His  brethren 
and  His  friends.  At  last  it  seemed  as  if  that  wall  which 
for  so  many  centuries  had  divided  Israel  from  the  Gen- 
tile world  was  crumbling  under  Peter's  eyes ;  and  so, 
renouncing,  once  again,  everything  of  his  own,  —  preju- 
dices, opinions,  all,  —  in  order  to  follow  his  Master,  the 
Apostle  awaited  only  the  promptings  from  on  High. 

The  messengers  were  too  weary  to  return  to  Csesarea  at 
once.  Peter  made  them  enter,  found  them  lodgings  for 
the  night,  and  on  the  morrow  departed  with  them,  re- 
solved that,  as  God  had  commanded,  he  would  not  look 
upon  either  the  dwelling  or  the  person  of  a  Pagan  as  un- 
hallowed or  profane.  Nevertheless,  taking  precautions 
against  any  scandal  which  might  arise  from  such  an  un- 
heard-of thing,  he  wished  to  have  some  of  the  brethren 
from  Joppa  as  witnesses  of  his  actions,  and  so  he  begged 
six  of  them  to  accompany  him.^ 

It  is  only  an  eleven  hours'  walk  from  Jaffa  to  Csesarea. 
The  little  band  must  have  walked  slowly,  since  it  was 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day's  journey 
when  they  reached  the  Centurion's  residence.^  Cor- 
nelius had  assembled  his  kinsfolk  and  friends,  and  was 
now  awaiting  them.  So  soon  as  Peter  stood  on  the  thresh- 
old, the  officer  fell  down  at  his  feet  and  worshipped  him.^ 
But  the  Apostle  made  him  stand  erect. 

"  Arise,"  he  said ;  "  I  too  am  a  man."     And  still  con- 

1  Acts  xi.  12.  2  Acts  X.  30. 

^  In  Beza's  Codex  and  in  a  marginal  correction  of  the  Syriac  Version 
we  read  the  following  additional  words  :  "As  Peter  was  approaching 
Caesarea,  one  of  the  servants  ran  ahead  to  announce  his  arrival.  Forth- 
with Cornelius  hastened  out,  and,  meeting  him,  fell  at  his  feet  and 
worshipped  him." 


152  SAINT  PETER. 

versing  with  liiin,  lie  entered  the  house,  where  he  found 
a  number  of  persons  gathered  to  meet  him. 

The  six  believers  from  Joppa,  belonging  to  the  Circum- 
cision, followed  their  pastor ;  but  they  were  much  trou- 
bled to  find  themselves  introduced  into  an  unhallowed 
dwelling,  while  the  Pagans,  accustomed  to  the  Jews' 
scruples,  displayed  no  less  astonishment.  Peter  quieted 
their  uneasiness. 

"  You  know,"  he  said,  "  that  it  is  an  unlawful  thing  for 
a  Jew  to  league  himself  with  a  foreigner,  or  to  go  with 
him ;  but  God  hath  showed  to  me  that  I  ought  not  to 
call  any  man  impure  or  unclean.  This  is  why,  since  you 
sent  to  seek  me,  I  came  without  hesitating.  I  ask,  there- 
fore, for  what  cause  you  have  bidden  me  come." 

"Four  days  ago,"  Cornelius  replied,  "I  was  fasting  up 
to  this  hour ;  ^  and  as  I  was  praying  in  my  house  at  the 
ninth  houlr,^  all  at  once  a  man  clad  in  white  apparel 
stood  before  me  and  said,  '  Cornelius,  thy  prayer  is  heard, 
and  God  is  mindful  of  thine  alms.  Send,  therefore,  to 
Joppa,  and  call  hither  Simon,  who  is  surnamed  Peter ; 

1  That  is,  the  hour  wherein  Cornelius  addressed  S.  Peter  in  these 
words  :  'A7rb  TerctpTTjs  7)ix^pa.s  fJ-^XP'-  Tci.vTr]';  ttjs  Sopas  jjfirju  vrjaTevujv  Ka\  tt]u 
ivva.T7\u  S>pap  irpocr^vxofxevo'i.  .  .  .  The  words  vqcrr^vijjv  Kai  are  not  in  the 
manuscripts  of  the  Vatican,  Sinai,  and  Ephrem  ;  in  the  Alexandrian,  after 
being  effaced  by  some  early  corrector,  they  have  been  reinserted  in  a  later 
revision.  None  of  the  translators  of  the  Vulgate,  Coptic,  Ethiopian,  or 
Armenian  Versions  found  it  in  the  original  copies  which  they  made  use 
of.  But  there  are  weighty  reasons  notwithstanding  why  we  should  not 
reject  this  lection,  which  we  find  in  Beza's  manuscript,  in  the  Codex  Lau- 
cUanus  (5th  century),  that  of  Mutinensis  (9th  century),  the  Angelicus  Ro- 
manus  (9th  century),  in  the  Italic,  Syriac,  Sahidic,  Arabic,  and  Slav 
Versions,  as  well  as  in  very  many  Fathers  (S.  John  Chrysostom,  S.  Epipha- 
nius,  Tertullian,  S.  Augustine,  etc.). 

2  This  passage  has  been  variously  interpreted.  Meyer  translates  it 
thus  :  "  For  four  days  up  to  this  hour  I  have  taken  no  food."  Neander 
and  De  Wette  understand  it  in  another  sense  :  "  For  the  last  four  days  I 
have  fasted  daily  up  to  this  hour  "  (the  hour  wherein  I  saw  the  vision). 
Alford  proves  that  grammatically  both  these  translations  are  inadmissible. 
'lAlx-qv  can  only  refer  to  an  action  already  accomplished,  which  is  not  pro- 
longed until  the  moment  whereat  Cornelius  uses  the  word.  Furthermore, 
ravrris  ttjs  &pas,  which  means  "  this  hour  of  the  day,"  cannot  be  rendered 
by  "up  to  the  present  hour,"  for  in  that  case  we  should  have  ttjs  Se  rrjs 
^pas.  The  translation  adopted  above  is  the  only  one  which  harmonizes 
with  the  context,  as  Cornelius'  intention  was  plainly  to  tell  what  he  was 
doing  when  the  Angel  appeared  to  him. 


THE  PEACE    OF   THE    CHURCH.  153 

he  lodgeth  in  the  house  of  Simon  the  tanner,  by  the 
sea-side.'  I  sent  immediately  to  you,  and  you  have  done 
well  in  coming.  And  now  we  are  all  here,  in  the  sight 
of  God,  to  hear  everything  which  has  been  commanded 
unto  you  by  the  Lord." 

In  these  few  words  the  pious  soldier  reveals  the  loy- 
alty of  his  character,  as  ardent  as  he  was  whole-souled 
and  generous  in  his  faith,  ready  to  sacrifice  everything  at 
God's  command.  His  family  and  his  friends  about  him, 
moved  by  his  example,  like  him,  longed  only  for  the 
truth.  To  turn  away  from  such  a  household,  where 
God's  grace  was  working  so  powerfully,  would  indeed 
have  been  "  to  call  unclean  that  which  Heaven  itself  had 
purified."  ^     This  Peter  boldly  declared. 

"  In  very  deed,"  he  said,  "  I  perceive  that  God  regards 
not  the  condition  of  persons,^  but  that  in  every  nation  he 
who  feareth  Him  and  doeth  righteousness  is  acceptable  to 
Him."  ^  Thereupon  he  yielded  to  his  host's  request  and 
spoke  to  them  of  the  Word  of  Life,  first  recalling  what 
they  already  were  acquainted  with,  whether  through 
Philip  or  from  the  Jews  of  Caesarea,  concerning  "  Jesus, 
the  Lord  of  all,  how  through  Him  God  hath  manifested 
Himself  unto  the  children  of  Israel,  and  hath  published 
forth  tidings  of  peace."  As  he  had  no  new  thing  to  tell 
them,  he  was  content  to  bring  the  Saviour's  mortal  life 
briefly  before  their  eyes,^  —  "  how  God  anointed  him  with 
the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  power ;  how  that  this  Jesus  of 
Nazareth  passed  from  place  to  place  healing  all  those 
whom  the  Devil  had  made  slaves  to  his  power,  for  God 
was  with  Him;  His  death  upon  the  Cross,  His  Kesur- 
rection    and   appearance   to    the  Twelve,   "who  did  eat 

^  Acts  xi.  9.  ^  Deut.  x.  27  ;  Job  xxxiv.  19,  etc. 

^  The  truth  hereby  unveiled  to  the  Apostle's  eyes  was  not  that  the  Gen- 
tiles are  called  to  a  share  in  the  good  things  promised  to  Israel,  for  this 
point  was  already  clear  to  them  all,  but  that  Pagans  are  in  noways  dis- 
qualified, not  even  the  uncircumcised,  from  entering  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven.  Nevertheless,  such  was  the  force  of  received  opinions  at  this 
time  that,  in  depicting  the  man  well-pleasing  to  God  under  the  New  Law, 
Peter  still  holds  to  the  two  features  which  embodied  their  idea  of  the  per- 
fect Jew  :  "  He  who  feareth  God  and  workeih  righteousness." 

*  Acts  X.  36-43. 


154  SAINT  PETER. 

and  drink  with  Him  after  He  was  risen  again ; "  how  the 
Apostles  were  bidden  "  to  bear  witness  that  He  is  that 
one  Who  is  appointed  by  God  Judge  of  the  quick  and 
the  dead." 

Then,  coming  down  to  the  practice  of  a  Christian  life, 
he  was  going  on  to  prove  from  the  Prophets  that  all  those 
who  believe  in  Jesus  receive  remission  of  their  sins 
through  His  Name,  when  suddenly  his  discourse  was  in- 
terrupted. The  Holy  Ghost  descended  upon  those  that 
listened,  and  the  wondrous  signs  of  the  Supper  Koom 
were  witnessed  again  at  Caesarea ;  ^  there  was  the  same 
outpouring  of  graces,  the  same  ecstatic  rapture  among  the 
hearers ;  while  under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
they  were  heard  speaking  in  divers  tongues  and  glorify- 
ing God. 

The  faithful  who  came  from  Joppa  with  Peter  were 
astounded  at  seeing  these  supernatural  gifts  showered 
upon  Gentiles.  Then  the  Apostle  seized  the  opportunity 
to  fulfil  the  behests  of  Heaven. 

"Can  any  man,"  he  said,  addressing  his  companions, 
"  refuse  water,  that  these  should  not  be  baptized,  who  have 
received  the  Holy  Ghost  as  well  as  we  ? "  And  he  com- 
manded that  they  should  be  baptized  in  the  Name  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

Nor  was  he  content  with  giving  these  uncircumcised  folk, 
in  this  way,  all  the  privileges  of  Israel ;  he  went  farther, 
and  yielding  to  their  entreaties,  he  consented  to  remain 
some  days  with  them.  Living  under  their  roof,  and  eat- 
ing at  the  same  table  with  them,  he  showed  by  his  exam- 
ple what  he  meant  by  teaching  that  there  was  now  no  mid- 
dle wall  between  Jews  and  Gentiles,  but  that  henceforth 
all  were  to  be  of  one  body  and  one  soul  in  Jesus  Christ. 

The  rumor  of  so  unforeseen  a  change  in  his  practice 
quickly  spread  throughout  Judea,  and  excited  the  liveliest 
emotions ;  for  by  this  sudden  blow  the  Church  realized 
that  it  was  cut  off  from  the  ancient  stem  of  Jesse.  In 
Jerusalem  especially,  the  feelings  of  anxiety  were  in- 
tense.   The  Apostles,  well  assured  that  the  Lord  would  be 

1  Acts  X.  44-46. 


THE  PEACE   OF  THE   CHURCH.  155 

Peter's  guide  and  counsellor  unto  the  end  of  time,  waited 
in  humble  expectation ;  but  such  was  not  the  case  with 
very  many  of  the  Jews,  who  were  not  a  whit  less  zealous 
for  the  Law  because  leagued  by  their  faith  with  the 
Christians. 

The  latter  gave  free  rein  to  their  indignation,  and  when 
Peter  returned  to  Jerusalem,  gave  utterance  to  their 
complaints. 

"Why  did  you  enter  in  among  the  uncircumcised ? " 
they  demanded. 

"  And  why  did  you  eat  with  them  ? " 

Peter  braved  the  storm,  for  he  had  acted  only  as  he  had 
been  prompted  by  the  Spirit  of  God.  His  companions 
from  Joppa  had  seen  it  all,  and  could  witness  thereto. 
Surrounded  by  these  men,  whom  he  had  brought  with 
him  to  the  Holy  City,  the  Apostle  presented  himself 
before  the  assembly  of  the  faithful,  and  needed  but  to 
tell  the  story  of  all  he  had  done,  in  order  to  confound  the 
murmurers.  He  related  the  Vision  on  the  terrace  of 
Simon's  house,  how  the  Angel  appeared  to  Cornelius,  and 
how  the  Holy  Ghost  descended  upon  the  Centurion's 
household,  as  at  Pentecost  in  the  Upper  Chamber.  Was 
not  this  the  baptism  of  the  Spirit  promised  them  by  the 
Saviour  ? 

"  So  then,"  Peter  concluded,  "  since  God  hath  given  to 
them  the  same  gift  as  to  us  who  have  believed  in  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  am  I  that  I  should  withstand 
God?" 

This  defence  silenced  the  objectors.  The  Lord  had 
spoken  too  plainly  to  leave  any  doubt  as  to  His  holy 
will ;  and  by  its  presence  the  Holy  Ghost  had  justified, 
nay,  consecrated,  Peter's  act.  The  faithful  of  the  Holy 
City  recognized  all  this,  and  they  glorified  God,  saying : 

"  Thus  hath  God  granted  to  the  Gentiles  also  that  gift 
of  penitence  which  leadeth  unto  life  ! " 

However,  though  the  majority  of  Christians  bowed  be- 
neath the  hand  of  the  Head  Shepherd,  nevertheless  for 
long  years  after  there  remained  a  certain  number  of 
Judaizing  converts  to  Christianity  in  Jerusalem,  who  felt 


156  SAINT  PETER. 

that  by  their  brethren's  actions  they  were  wounded  in 
their  dearest  convictions ;  nor  did  they  take  any  great 
pains  to  conceal  their  bitterness.  For  a  time  they  ap- 
peared to  acquiesce  before  the  revelation  at  Csesarea ;  but 
we  shall  soon  hear  them  recriminating  the  new  doctrine 
again,  fighting  not  only  against  Paul,  but  against  Peter 
and  the  Apostolic  College.  "These  men  of  the  Circum- 
cision," ^  as  Scripture  calls  them,  were  to  bring  about  the 
first  schism  which  rent  the  Church. 

1  Acts  X.  45  ;  xi.  2  ;  Gal.  ii.  12  ;  Col.  iv.  11  ;  Tit.  i.  10. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

ANTIOCH. 

While  the  Faith  was  thus  waxing  strong  in  Judea,  the 
Church's  progress  was  not  less  rapid  beyond  the  fron- 
tiers. The  disciples  from  the  Holy  City,  who  were  scat- 
tered by  the  storms  which  ensued  upon  Stephen's  death, 
had  made  their  way  northward  little  by  little ;  from 
Galilee  they  passed  over  into  Phoenicia,  some  set  sail 
thence  to  Cyprus,  while  others,  following  the  course 
of  the  Orontes,  pushed  on  as  far  as  Antioch.^  Did 
Peter  act  as  guide  for  the  latter,  and  did  he  as  early 
.as  the  year  37  establish  that  Church  in  the  capital  of 
Syria  of  which  he  was  the  first  Bishop  ?  So  certain  his- 
torians have  held,^  but  with  little  likelihood  ;  for  we  know 
that  not  one  of  the  Apostles  left  Jerusalem  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  persecution.^  Consequently  Peter  did  not 
go  to  Antioch  before  the  year  40 ;  ^  only  then  did  he 
establish  there  his  Apostolic  seat,  which  he  transferred 
to  Rome  ^  two  years  later.     The  Acts  do  not  mention  the 

1  Acts  xi.  19. 

2  See  Tillemont's  Memoires,  t.  i.  note  xxv.  on  S.  Peter.  S.  Gregory 
relates  {Epistolce  1.  vii.  40),  that  S.  Peter's  episcopate  at  Antioch  lasted 
seven  years.  Now,  as  the  common  opinion  holds  that  his  Pontificate  at 
Kome  was  prolonged  for  twenty-five  years  and  began  in  the  year  42,  in 
order  to  obtain  the  seven  years  of  his  episcopacy  at  Antioch  before  this 
epoch,  we  should  be  obliged  to  date  the  foundation  of  this  See  in  36  or  37. 
But  this  is  so  out  of  harmony  with  the  series  of  facts  recorded  in  the  Acts 
that  it  seems  to  us  quite  impossible  to  accept  it.  We  must  either  sacrifice 
S.  Gregory's  testimony  altogether,  or  understand  him  as  meaning,  by 
these  seven  years,  the  time  which  elapsed  before  S.  Evodius  succeeded  the 
Prince  of  the  Apostles  in  the  See  of  Antioch. 

3  Acts  viii.  1,  14-25. 

4  This  is  the  date  adopted  by  Tillemont  {Memoires,  t.  i.  note  xxv.  on 
S.  Peter). 

^  S.  Jerome,  who  had  the  aid  of  so  many  documents  now  lost  to  us, 
summarizes  the  testimony  of  tradition  as  to  S.  Peter's  Apostleship,  and 


158  SAINT  PETER. 

foundation  of  this  episcopate,  but  Tradition  has  preserved 
a  record  of  it,^  and  it  is  this  fact  which  has  given 
Antioch  its  title  of  Metropolitan  city  of  the  East.^ 

Peter  made  this  choice  before  the  vision  at  Joppa,^ 
though  he  had  small  conception  of  the  Church's  future, 
or  that  the  Gentiles  were  to  be  co-heirs  of  the  promises, 
or  that  Jerusalem  was  doomed  to  speedy  destruction.  At 
a  time  when  the  Holy  City  still  held  its  supremacy  in  the 
eyes  of  all  Jews,  to  forsake  it  in  order  to  bear  the  sover- 
eign pontificate  into  the  most  Pagan  of  Oriental  cities, 
was  indeed  a  surprising  act,  which  must  have  been 
prompted  by  some  express  order  from  the  Master.  But, 
as  always,  the  Apostle  obeyed,  and  established  the  Chair 
of  Peter  in  the  place  marked  out  for  it,  but  without  at 
first  understanding  whither  God's  Spirit  was  leading  him. 
It  is  easier  for  us,  freed  from  the  prejudices  which  then 
darkened  the  disciples'  vision,  to  perceive  the  wisdom  of 


sets  down  certain  dates  which  have  never  as  yet  been  seriously  impugned.' 
Consequently  it  seems  the  wisest  plan  to  accept  his  chronology  as  the  most 
plausible  we  know  of,  though,  of  course,  not  absolutely  certain  :  "  Simon 
Petrus,  .  .  .  princeps  Apostolorum,  post  episcopatum  Antiochensis  eccle- 
siae  et  praedicationem  dispersionis  eorum  qui  de  circumcisione  crediderant, 
in  Ponto,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  et  Bithynia,  secundo  Claudii  anno 
(42),  ad  expugnandum  Simonem  Magum  Komam  pergit,  ibique  viginti 
quinque  annis  cathedram  sacerdotalem  tenuit,  usque  ad  ultimum  annum 
Neronis,  id  est  decimum  quartum  (67)."     De  Virls  illustribus,  i, 

1  The  bare  fact  of  this  foundation  cannot  be  considered  as  doubtful,  for 
the  evidence  of  S.  Jerome  just  quoted  r  "  Petrus  .  .  .  post  episcopatum 
Antiochensis  ecclesiae.  .  .  .  Romam  pergit,"  is  confirmed  by  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  Roman  Church  and  by  the  entire  Eastern  half  of  Christianity. 
To  represent  the  former  we  have  a  succession  of  Sovereign  Pontiffs,  nota- 
bly S.  Leo  (Serm.  Ixxxii.  5)  and  S.  Gregory  the  Great  {Epistolar.  1.  vii. 
ep.  40 ;  1.  viii.  ep.  2)  :  for  the  latter,  Origen  (In  Lucam  Horn,  vi.)  ;  Euse- 
bius  {Chronicorum,  1.  ii. ;  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  36);  and  S.  John 
Ghrysostom  {Horn,  in  Inscript.  Act.  ii.  6).  We  shall  show  elsewhere 
(Appendix  IV.)  that  no  diflficulties  can  be  raised  from  the  fact  of  a  feast 
being  celebrated  on  the  22d  of  February  in  honor  of  S.  Peter's  Chair  at 
Antioch. 

2  Conciliorum  coUectio,  ed.  Labbe,  t.  ii.  p.  1269. 

^  If  he  went  there,  as  we  suppose,  about  the  year  40,  he  had  not  as  yet 
been  enlightened  by  this  revelation ;  for,  two  years  later,  the  Church 
which  he  instructed  in  the  Faith  and  left  behind  him  in  this  city  was  still 
as  Jewish  as  ever,  —  indeed,  its  members  were  astonished  at  the  idea  that 
Pagans  should  be  bidden  to  enter  freely  into  the  new  realm  of  the  Christ. 
Acts  xi.  19-23. 


ANTIOCH.  159 

the  divine  Counsel  which  had  foreordained  that  Antioch 
should  become  the  centre  of  Christianity  in  the  East. 

Jerusalem,  lying  so  far  distant  from  the  great  world 
of  men,  perched  among  the  hill-tops  of  Judea,  with 
no  means  of  communication  with  the  outlying  regions 
save  by  mountain  roads,  —  certainly  Jerusalem  could 
never  become  the  focus  of  a  religion  which  was  to  spread 
over  the  whole  globe.  Antioch,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
eminently  fitted  to  take  this  important  place.  Situated 
on  the  borders  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  the  meeting-point 
of  the  ancient  world  with  the  new,  she  occupied  that 
valley  where  the  Orontes,  after  flowing  north  from  its 
sources,  turns  to  the  west,  between  Taurus  and  Libanus, 
to  empty  itself  into  the  Mediterranean.  By  means  of 
this  stream,  she  could  reach  the  great  sea  which  washed 
all  the  coasts  of  the  Empire,  while  from  the  East  there 
were  numerous  roads  which  brought  the  caravans  to  her 
gates.  This  advantageous  situation  was  for  a  long  time 
overlooked.  Kings  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  the  Medes, 
Persians,  and  Pharaohs,  from  Memphis  and  Thebes, 
passed  by  without  a  glance  at  the  Valley  of  the  Orontes. 
Alexander,  too,  rode  through  it  on  his  way  to  Egypt,  on 
whose  shores  he  founded  the  city  which  perpetuates  his 
name.  But,  after  him,  Seleucus,  one  of  his  lieutenants, 
perceived  the  advantages  of  the  place,  and  built  there  a 
city  in  memory  of  his  father,  Antiochus.  A  divine  in- 
spiration guided  him,  we  are  told,  for  an  eagle  darted 
from  the  skies  to  mark  the  birthplace  of  Antioch ;  then, 
in  its  second  flight,  winging  its  way  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Orontes,  indicated  the  spot  where  the  Prince  should  build 
the  harbor,  which  he  afterwards  called  Seleucia,  —  for, 
besides  his  passion  for  great  building  works,  he  owned  a 
pious  devotion  for  his  family  names.  A  little  later, 
Laodicea  was  erected  in  honor  of  his  mother;  Apamea 
was  dedicated  to  his  wife.  At  the  death  of  its  first  king, 
Syria  counted  no  less  than  sixteen  Antiochs,  nine  Seleu- 
cias,  and  six  Laodiceas.^     Of  all  these  cities,  the  most 

^  Vaillant,  Seleucidarujii  Imperium. 


160  SAINT  PETER. 

magnificent,  unquestionably,  was  Antioch,^  the  capital  of 
the  realm. 

This  city  extends  from  the  base  of  Mount  Silpius,  the 
last  link  in  the  chain  of  Libanus,  as  far  north  as  the 
Orontes.  The  town  grew  so  rapidly  that  under  Augus- 
tus it  was  only  second  in  importance  to  Eome  and  Alex- 
andria. Strabo  depicts  it  as  a  gathering  of  four,  cities :  ^ 
to  the  northwest,  between  the  mountain  and  the  river, 
stood  the  primitive  foundations  built  by  Seleucus  Nica- 
tor;  on  an  island  in  the  Orontes  was  a  quarter  of  the 
town  called  after  Callinicus ;  ^  on  the  brow  of  Mount  Sil- 
pius was  the  town  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  —  the  "  Epi- 
phania;"  to  the  east  of  these  three  cities,  a  fourth 
covered  the  valley  and  continued  to  grow  with  the  increase 
of  population.  There  were  ramparts  reaching  from  the 
river  to  the  summits  of  Silpius,  rising  now  to  the  crest  of 
the  mountain,  here  climbing  steep  ascents,  now  spanning 
the  mountain-streams,  and  descending  again  to  the  bottom 
of  precipices  only  to  climb  new  heights.  Though  it  is  only 
a  ruin  to-day,  this  wall  still  stands  like  a  rude  crown  over 
the  brow  of  Silpius.*  The  effect  must  have  been  far  more 
imposing  when  the  city  of  Epiphania  rose  in  terrace  upon 
terrace  along  the  mountain-sides.  From  the  midst  of  the 
streets  and  houses  great  rocks  towered  up  to  the  height 
of  many  hundred  feet ;  the  chasms  festooned  with  laurel 
and  myrtle,  gardens  hanging  over  the  hill-sides,  dark  cav- 
erns and  deep  ravines,  —  all  these  met  the  traveller's 
wondering    gaze;    while    on    every   side    the   woodland 

1  For  an  account  of  Antioch,  consult  Ottfried  Miiller  {Antiquitates  An- 
tiochence),  who  has  gathered  together  all  that  the  ancients  tell  us  of  this 
city.  The  principal  sources  whence  he  draws  his  facts  are  the  following ; 
Josephus,  Bellum  Jiidaicum,  vii.  3,  3 ;  Antiquitates,  xii.  3,  1 ;  xvi.  5,  3  ;  Phi- 
lostratus,  Vita  Apolonii ;  Libanius,  Antioch icus ;  S.  John  Chrysostom, 
passim;  Julian,  Misopogon ;  Pliny,  Historia  Nataralis,  v.  18;  and  the 
Chronographia  by  John  of  Antioch,  surnamed  Malala. 

2  Strabo,  xvi.  2. 

^  There  remains  not  a  vestige  of  this  island ;  one  arm  of  the  stream 
which  encircled  it  had  been  widened,  artificially  doubtless,  and  little  by 
little  the  current  wore  it  away. 

*  The  existing  enclosure  dates  from  the  time  of  Justinian ;  but  this 
Prince,  when  strengthening  the  city  fortifications  anew,  followed  the  lines 
of  its  ancient  walls. 


ANTIOCH.  161 

brooks  fell  in  shower  and  spray,  filling  the  air  with  their 
refreshing  coolness.  Greek  art  contributed  its  marvels 
of  architecture  to  add  to  the  strange  beauty  of  this  site. 
Seleucides  and  Eomans  had  raised  stately  piles  in  the 
"  Epiphania,"  —  a  pantheon,  temples,  the  forum,  circuses, 
theatres,  basilicas,  baths,  buildings  for  business  and  for 
pleasure ;  while  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  ran  the 
great  avenue  which  traversed  Antioch  from  east  to  west 
a  distance  of  thirty-six  stadia.  ^  Bordered  by  covered 
porticos  with  four  lines  of  columns,^  this  avenue  was  fi- 
nally paved  with  flag-stones  by  Herod  the  Great,^  and 
ornamented  with  statues  as  well.*  Every  day  along  this 
thoroughfare  the  stranger  could  watch  one  of  the  most 
varied  throngs  ever  met  together  in  the  world.  There 
were  Macedonians,  Jews  come  up  from  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates,  native  Syrians,^  Phoenicians,  Greeks,  merchants 
from  far-off  regions  who  had  landed  at  the  harbor  of 
Seleucia,  while  there  were  always  great  caravans  from 
the  east,  come  thither  from  the  ends  of  the  earth.  A  law 
of  Seleucus  gave  the  rights  and  title  of  a  citizen  to 
every  foreigner  who  settled  in  the  city ;  at  the  end  of 
three  centuries  Antioch  numbered  more  than  five  hun- 
dred thousand  inhabitants.^ 

Her  prestige  was  largely  increased  when,  after  the  Ro- 
man conquest,  she  became  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
Syria.  The  Governor  made  his  residence,  according  to 
custom,  in  the  palace  of  the  Seleucides ;  and  the  island 
of  Orontes,  where  Callinicus  had  built  that  royal  resi- 
dence,^ became  the  meeting-place  for  all  proconsular  per- 
sonages, with  the  knights  and  officers  who  assisted  the 
pro-Prsetor  in  the  rule  of  the  country.     Besides  these  there 

1  About  three  and  three  fourths  miles.     Dion  Chrysostomus,  Or.  xlvii. 

^  Palmyra,  Gerasa,  Gadara,  and  Sebaste  had  porticos  similar  to  this ; 
their  long  colonnades  are  still  standing. 

^  Josephus,  Bellum  Judaicum,  i.  21,  11  ;  Antiquitates,  xvi.  5,  3. 

^  Malala,  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xcvii.  pp.  313-315  ;   Pausanias,  vi.,  ii.  7. 

^  Libanius,  Antiochicus,  p.  348 ;  S.  John  Chrysostom,  Ad  Populum  An- 
tioch, Horn.  xix.  1  ;  De  Sanctis  Martyr.  1. 

^  The  modern  Antakieh  numbers  scarcely  6,000  souls. 

■<  Libanius,  Oral.  xi.  Anfiochic. 

11 


162  SAINT  PETER. 

was  a  large  sprinkling  of  rich  and  idle  Eomans,  who  were 
attracted  thither  by  the  lovely  climate  and  the  natural 
charms,  but  especially  by  the  great  license  of  manners ; 
for  so  many  races  could  not  come  together  without  cor- 
rupting each  other.  The  banks  of  the  Orontes  held  forth 
novel  enticements  for  the  Western  world.  Juvenal  de- 
plores the  infamies  which  the  Syrian  stream  disgorged 
upon  the  mud  of  Eome,  —  unspeakable  depravations,  cour- 
tesans flaunting  mitres  of  many  colors,  ^  choruses  of  lutes 
and  lyres  and  tambourines,  whose  sensuous  airs,  accom- 
panied by  a  long-drawn  bass,  intoxicated  the  people 
and  drove  them  to  every  extreme  of  passion.  Antioch 
eclipsed  Corinth.  Men  quitted  their  orgies  only  to  in- 
dulge in  dissolute  games  ;  at  the  theatre  they  lost  all  feel- 
ings of  shame ;  ^  at  the  circus  were  furious  races,  with  the 
strifes  of  rival  factions ;  in  the  public  squares  there  were 
dancers,  jugglers,  sorcerers,  and  their  like,  ready  to  infat- 
uate a  population  always  as  greedy  for  impostures  as  they 
were  prone  to  debauchery.  The  general  aspect  of  certain 
Feasts  of  Islam  to-day,  or  the  great  fairs  of  Tantah  or 
Dosseh  at  Cairo,  may  give  us  some  idea  of  the  populace 
of  Antioch,  —  a  motley  mass,  with  representatives  from 
every  race,  without  family  or  national  honor ;  a  restless 
and  seditious  throng,  witty  rather  than  well  educated,  de- 
voted to  their  orators  and  comedians,  fond  of  impertinent 
foolery  and  senseless  songs. 

Religion  offered  them  no  protection  against  this  prof- 
ligacy, for  neither  Syrians  nor  Greeks  had  kept  any 
remnants  of  their  respective  beliefs,  save  some  stupid 
superstitions.  Once,  when  the  pestilence  was  raging, 
Epiphanes  conceived  the  curious  idea  of  having  one  of 
the  high  crags  of  Mount  Silpius  hewn  out  into  the  form 

1  Jam  pridem  Syrus  in  Tiberim  defluxit  Orontes ; 
Et  linguam,  et  mores,  et  cum  tibicine  chordas 
Obliquas,  nee  non  gentilia  tympana  secum 
Vexit,  et  ad  circum  jussas  prostare  puellas. 
Ite,  quibus  grata  est  picta  lupa  barbara  mitra. 

Juvenal  :  Satirce,  iii.  62-66. 

2  S.  John  Chrysostom  records  the  fact  that  at  the  Festival  of  Maiouma, 
consecrated  to  the  worship  of  Bacchus  and  Venus,  naked  courtesans  were 
seen  bathing  on  the  stage.     Horn.  VII.  in  Mat  5,  6. 


ANTIOCH.  163 

of  a  colossal  statue  of  Charon,^  hoping  by  this  to  recall 
their  minds  to  graver  thoughts  of  death  and  the  worship 
of  the  gods.  When  the  plague  had  passed,  the  gloomy 
ferryman  of  the  dead  continued  to  cast  his  shadow  over 
the  voluptuous  city,  yet  without  disturbing  its  round 
of  pleasure.  The  numerous  temples  dedicated  to  the 
Nymphs,  to  Phoebus,  and  the  deities  of  Greece,  are 
enough  to  show  what  gods  they  chose  to  serve,  and  what 
homage  they  offered  them. 

Antioch's  own  and  favorite  sanctuary  was  that  of 
Daphne,  lying  in  a  delicious  valley  some  two  hours'  walk 
outside  the  city,^  where  thickets  of  laurel  and  cypress 
amid  the  many  rivulets  invited  them  to  a  life  of  soft  de- 
lights. Here  among  the  fragrant  groves  they  worshipped 
Phoebus  and  Artemis,  with  rites  much  like  those  of  Baal 
and  Astarte  ;  on  every  hand  you  could  hear  nothing  but 
choruses  of  music,  shouts  of  joy,  licentious  rites,  with 
every  extravagance  of  a  luxurious  throng.^  "  Their  re- 
ligion," says  the  Pagan  Libanius,  "consisted  in  defiling 
themselves  with  a  thousand  shameful  deeds,  and  strip- 
ping themselves  of  every  last  shred  of  virtue."  * 

Though  surrounded  on  every  hand  by  this  torrent  of 
impurity,  the  Jews  did  not  allow  themselves  to  be  carried 
away  by  it ;  steadfast  in  their  faith,  they  held  themselves 
aloof  and  far  above  the  throngs  which  surged  about  them, 
by  their  high  standard  of  morality.  In  Syria  they  en- 
joyed the  same  rights  that  their  brethren  had  obtained 
in  Egypt,  for  it  was  to  the  interest  of  the  kings  of  both 
these  rival  countries  to  conciliate  their  numerous  and 
powerful  quota  of  Jewish  subjects.  All  that  the  Ptole- 
mies had  conceded  to  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  was  granted 
to  those  of  Antioch :  they  had  equal  privileges  with  the 

^  Malala,  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xcvii.  p.  320. 

2  Strabo,  xvi.,  ii.  6.  Beit  el-Ma  marks  the  site  of  Daphne.  This 
lonely  valley,  surrounded  by  mountains,  is  watered  by  very  many  springs 
which  interlace  the  laurel-thickets.  The  only  vestiges  of  the  past  left 
standing  are  a  few  half-ruined  mills. 

3  "  Legiones  Syriacae  diffluentes  luxuria  et  Daphnicis  moribus  agentes  " 
{Scriptores  Historice  Augustce,  Vulcatii  Gallicani  Avidius  Cassias). 

*  Libanius,  Op.  ii.  456,  555  ,  iii.  333. 


164  SAINT  PETER. 

Greeks,!  —  full  permission  to  practise  their  religious 
rites,  to  build  synagogues,  and  to  live  according  to  their 
customs.  A  head  man  from  their  own  race  governed  the 
community,  and  a  council  of  elders  judged  all  matters 
pertaining  to  the  Law. 

Such  prerogatives  as  these  attracted  a  goodly  number 
of  proselytes  to  join  the  sons  of  Israel.  One  hundred 
years  after  their  first  settling  in  Antioch,  they  wielded  so 
much  influence  that  Antiochus  Epiphanes  felt  obliged 
to  make  them  some  public  reparation  for  his  persecutions 
in  Judea,  and  accordingly  offered  the  ornaments  torn  from 
the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  as  a  peace-offering  to  the  syna- 
gogue of  his  capital.^  Under  the  Eomans,  not  only  were 
their  franchises  confirmed,  but  their  influence  was  in  every 
way  augmented ;  for  the  decay  of  Paganism  made  every 
one  who  cared  aught  for  honor  and  virtue  turn  their 
eyes  towards  them.  So,  then,  when  the  disciples  who  were 
dispersed  by  the  persecution  came  as  far  as  Antioch, 
they  found  many  souls  in  every  synagogue  who  were 
thirsty  for  the  truth,  and  on  whom  the  Glad  Tidings  fell 
like  a  grateful  dew.  In  a  short  time  the  believers  in 
Jesus  composed  a  considerable  body.  At  this  juncture 
Peter  came  to  establish  that  episcopal  seat  which  was  to 
be  celebrated  throughout  all  Christian  antiquity.  We 
have  no  details  relating  to  this  part  of  the  Apostle's  min- 
istry ;  however,  we  may  easily  believe  that  he  at  once 
gave  the  community  of  Antioch  its  hierarchical  organiza- 
tion, and  while  he  remained  the  real  Bishop  of  this  city, 
in  order  to  govern  its  affairs  in  his  absence  he  founded 
that  College  of  Priests  which  we  shall  soon  see  conse- 
crating Saul  and  Barnabas.^ 

The  Church  which  Peter  left  at  Antioch  about  the  year 
40  was  altogether  Judaic  in  its  characteristic  features, 
for  "  as  yet  they  preached  the  word  to  the  Jews  alone."  * 
But  shortly  after  this,  the  Head  of  the  Twelve,  as  he 
pursued   the  course   of   his  Apostolic   visits,  arrived  at 

1  Josepbus,  Antiquitates,  xii.  3,  1  ;  Bellum  Judaicum,  vii.  3,  3. 

2  Id.,  Bellum  Judaicum,  vii.  3,  3. 

8  Acts  xiii.  1-3.  ^  Acts  xi   19. 


ANTIOCH.  165 

Joppa,  and  there  had  the  Vision  which  changed  the 
whole  face  of  the  Church.  Jerusalem  was  not  the  only 
one  to  feel  its  effects  ;  to  the  most  remote  Christian  gath- 
erings news  came  shortly  that  God  had  bidden  Peter  "  to 
share  with  the  Gentiles  that  gift  of  repentance  which 
leadeth  unto  life."  ^  At  Antioch  these  wonderful  new 
tidings  were  brought  by  some  of  the  faithful  who  were 
natives  of  Cyprus  and  Cyrene.  On  entering  the  city, 
these  missionaries  were  not  content,  as  others  had  been 
before  them,  with  preaching  the  Gospel  to  the  Jews ; 
"  they  spoke  to  the  Greeks  also,^  and  published  unto  them 
the  Lord  Jesus." 

The  Greeks  mentioned  here  by  the  Acts  are  not  the 
proselytes  whom  the  Christians  met  at  the  entrances  of 
the  synagogues ;  the  latter  had  received  the  Good  News 
some  time  previous  to  this,  since  among  the  very  first 
Deacons  we  noticed  one  who  was  a  proselyte  from  An- 
tioch, —  Nicholas.  ^  It  was  to  the  Pagans  that  the 
brethren  from  Cyprus  and  Cyrene  preached  the  Saviour 
Jesus.  "And  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  with  them;  in- 
somuch that  a  great  number  of  Gentiles  believed  and 
were  converted."  * 

Eumors  of  all  this  reached  Jerusalem  and  disquieted 
the  Church  in  that  city.  They  had  bowed  in  reverence 
for  the  revelation  given  their  Chief  at  Joppa;  but  this 
throng  of  the  uncircumcised,  entering  the  infant  Church 
with  such  freedom,  re-aroused  all  their  prejudices.  Was 
there  to  be  no  barrier  left  between  Israel  and  the  profane 
world  ?  Had  the  Synagogue  no  longer  any  right  to  their 
reverence  and  respect  ?  Peter  was  not  among  them  now, 
as  everything  seems  to  indicate,  and  the  flock  was  with- 
out its  shepherd.     The  Elders  of  the  community  resolved 

1  Acts  xi.  18. 

2  The  reading^EAA.Tji'as  certainly  ought  to  be  preferred  to  'EAArji/to-ras. 
True,  we  find  it  only  in  the  Alexandrian  manuscript  and  Beza's  Codex ; 
but  it  has  been  adopted  by  Eusebius  and  by  S.  John  Chrysostom  in  his 
commentary,  while  furthermore  it  is  so  imperiously  demanded  by  the  con- 
text that  no  modern  editor  has  hesitated  to  adopt  it.  It  is  accepted  alike 
by  Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Scholz,  Tischendorf,  Meyer,  and  Alford. 

3  Acts  vi.  5.  ^  Acts  xi.  21. 


166  SAINT  PETER. 

to  send  some  one  to  Antiocli  to  watch  and  report  the  new 
preaching.  Howbeit,  far  from  shutting  the  door  which 
their  Apostle  had  opened,  their  only  anxiety  was  to  pre- 
vent any  indiscreet  haste,  and  yet  avoid  any  rupture ;  for 
instead  of  choosing  a  believer  from  the  Circumcision,  who 
would  have  been  zealous  for  the  Law,  they  selected  a 
Hellenist  from  Cyprus,  Barnabas,  the  friend  of  Paul. 

On  his  arrival  at  Antioch,  Barnabas  "beheld  the  grace 
of  God."  ^  By  the  breath  of  His  mouth  the  Spirit  had 
caused  rich  fruits  of  holiness  to  spring  up  from  out  the 
very  filth  of  Paganism.  There  was  nothing  to  distinguish 
the  Gentile  from  his  Jewish  fellow-believer ;  their  only 
rivalry  was  in  the  pursuit  of  virtue.  Delighted  beyond 
measure  at  this  spectacle,  Barnabas  could  find  no  better 
exhortation  to  address  them  withal  than  "  that  they  con- 
tinue in  the  Lord  with  hearts  firm  and  unshakable."  ^ 

His  approbation  produced  all  the  more  effect  owing  to 
the  fact  that  they  had  feared  lest  the  Church  should  cen- 
sure their  conduct  in  regard  to  the  Pagans.  Further- 
more, the  personal  position  of  Barnabas  added  great 
weight  to  his  testimony,  for  "  he  was  a  truly  good  man, 
full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  of  faith."  ^  Accordingly,  the 
number  of  conversions  grew  irresistibly  in  Antioch ;  all 
such  as  felt  a  repugnance  for  the  Circumcision  and  the 
Observances,  were  now  absorbed  in  the  study  of  this  sub- 
lime religion,  in  which  man  adores  his  Maker  "  in  spirit 
and  in  truth."  ^  "  Many  believed  and  were  added  unto 
the  Lord."  ^ 

While  the  Gentile  world  was  dimly  being  moved  to- 
wards Jesus,  the  man  who  was  to  spread  this  feeble  im- 
pulse until  it  shook  the  whole  world,  Paul,  was  hidden 
away  at  Tarsus,  wrapped  in  solitude  and  recollection  of 
soul.  Barnabas  could  not  witness  this  awakening  of  life 
in  a  Pagan  city  without  recalling  "  this  instrument  chosen 
by  God  to  bear  the  Name  of  the  Christ  before  the  Gentiles 
and  the  kings  of  earth."  ^  Never  thinking  of  himself,  he 
only  longed  to  place  the  Apostleship  of  the  Gentiles  into 

1  Acts  xi.  23.  2  Acts  xi.  23.  ^  Acts  xi.  24. 

*  John  iv,  24.  ^  Acts  xi.  24.  ^  Acts  ix.  15. 


ANTIOCH.  167 

the  hands  of  the  one  whom  Jesus  had  set  apart  for  it. 
Consequently,  he  betook  himself  to  Tarsus,  there  searched 
for  Paul,  and  after  discovering  his  retreat/  brought  him 
back  with  him  to  Antioch.  For  an  entire  year  the  two 
friends  remained  in  this  Church,  where  they  instructed 
large  numbers  of  persons.  To  their  preaching,  Barnabas 
—  "  the  Son  of  Consolation  "  —  brought  all  the  persuasive 
sweetness  implied  in  his  name,  while  Paul  brought  that 
fiery  speech  of  his,  now  all  the  more  ardent  because  it 
had  been  so  long  restrained. 

If  we  may  credit  the  account  given  us  by  Malala,^ 
the  place  where  he  usually  preached  was  in  a  street  called 
"  Singon,"  not  far  from  the  Pantheon  and  the  Forum,  in 
the  upper  portion  of  the  city,  which  Epiphanes  built 
along  the  slopes  of  Mount  Silpius.^  So,  then,  the  Apostle 
began  the  battle  with  Paganism  in  the  very  heart  of  the 
gay  city,  right  in  the  midst  of  the  theatres  and  public 
buildings,  and  upon  the  great  avenue  along  which  the 
crowds  were  ever  passing  to  "  Epiphania,"  —  pleasure- 
seekers,  eager  business  men,  and  worshippers  at  the 
shrines  of  the  gods. 

Any  preacher  who  would  arrest  the  attention  of  men 
who  had  strayed  so  far  from  the  truth,  and  bring  their 
souls  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Saviour,  must  needs  seek  for 
new  methods  of  presenting  the  facts,  and  appeal  not  so 
much  to  the  Tables  of  Sinai  as  to  "  the  law  written  in 
their  hearts ; "  *  only  thus  could  he  convince  mankind 
that  they  were  languishing  in  the  toils  of  sin,  with  no 
hope  of  salvation  save  in  God's  grace.  This  imperative 
need  of  making  himself  understood  by  Pagan  minds  was 
the  final  experience  that  ripened  Paul  for  the  mission  for 

1  The  words  Koi  evpdu  (Acts  xi.  25)  seem  to  imply  that  he  had  some 
difficulty  in  finding  him. 

2  John  of  Antioch,  surnamed  Malala,  or  the  Orator,  wrote  at  the  close 
of  the  sixth  century,  but  he  ascertained  this  fact  from  certain  learned  chro- 
nographers      Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xcvii.  p.  371. 

^  Later  on,  the  Mussulman  conquest  forced  the  Christians  to  move  back 
to  the  east,  to  the  region  about  the  Aleppo  Gate,  which  to  this  day  bears 
the  name  of  S.  Paul,  Bab  Bolos. 

*  Rom.  ii.  15. 


168  SATNT  PETER. 

which  the  Spirit  of  Jesus  had  been  preparing  him  during 
these  last  six  years.  Stripping  off  the  garb  of  Judaism, 
he  cast  aside  the  yoke  of  slavery  to  the  Synagogue  and 
vindicated  the  claim  of  all  men  to  that  liberty  of  the  chil- 
dren of  God.  Thus,  while  Jerusalem  and  the  other  Chris- 
tian communities  observed  the  exterior  forms  of  Mosaism, 
Antioch  stood  out  every  day  in  stronger  contrast  to  them. 
Of  the  law  they  retained  only  the  pure  morality  of  its 
teachings,  —  that  sap  which  had  kept  Israel  alive  through 
so  many  untoward  seasons.  But  they  would  not  adopt 
what  was  only  the  coarse  bark  of  the  tree,  such  as  cir- 
cumcision, ablutions,  and  the  rules  concerning  meats. 
The  proselytes  no  longer  belonged  to  the  one  Jewish  race, 
as  they  had  hitherto ;  they  were  drawn  from  every  class 
of  Pagan  society,  from  every  quarter  of  the  city,  —  conse- 
quently, their  virtue  was  not  marred  by  that  appearance 
of  scorn  for  mankind  which  from  his  horror  of  any  contact 
with  unbelievers  had  distinguished  the  Hebrew  even 
when  but  a  convert  to  the  Faith.  But  now,  mingling 
with  the  people  and  joining  in  all  the  duties  of  public 
life,  Paul's  uncircumcised  disciples  let  the  whole  popu- 
lace feel  somewhat  of  the  warm  brotherly  love  which  he 
liad  kindled  in  their  hearts. 

Noticing  these  new  features,  the  Pagans  of  Antioch 
were  not  slow  to  perceive  that  this  was  something  differ- 
ent from  the  ordinary  synagogues ;  and  so,  to  distinguish 
the  Church  from  the  common  run  of  Jews,  they  gave  it 
the  name  of  the  Christ  Whom  they  heard  preached 
therein,  and  called  the  new  converts  "  Christians."  ^ 
The  termination  of  this  word  ^  is  enough  to  indicate  that 

1  Acts  xi.  26. 

2  As  we  know,  the  termination  anus  is  peculiar  to  the  Latin  tongue. 
Thus;  "  Diocletianus,  donee  imperium  sumeret,  Diodes  appellatus,  ubi 
orbis  Romani  potentiara  coepit,  Graium  nomen  in  Roraanum  morem  con- 
vertit "  (A.  Victor,  Ep.  39).  This  form  was  generally  made  use  of  to 
indicate  the  partisans  or  disciples  of  some  illustrious  man  Caesariani, 
Pompeiani,  Ciceroniani,  Sertoriaui,  Cassiani,  Brutiani,  Vitelliani,  Flaviaui, 
The  Greek  adjective  derived  from  XP'*'"''''*  would  be  xP*<''''"f*os.  Very 
likely  the  name  "  catholic  "  also  came  from  Antioch,  for  we  find  it  for  the 
first  time  in  S  Ignatius'  letter  to  the  Christians  of  Smyrna  (viii.).  It  is  like- 
wise employed  in  the  account  of  S.  Ignatius'  martyrdom  (viii.  1  ;  16,  2 ;  19, 


ANTIOCH.  169 

it  was  coined  by  Latins  who  resided  in  Syria,  —  indeed,  it 
may  have  been  stamped  on  the  new  community  by  the 
Governor  himself ;  thereby  to  distinguish  it  from  the 
many  other  sects  over  which  the  police  of  Kome  kept 
strict  watch.  Catching  up  this  expression  in  their  turn, 
the  citizens  of  Antioch  used  it  as  a  term  of  insult  and 
contempt,^  — •  so  much  so  that  for  a  long  time  the  disci- 
ples shrank  from  adopting  it  among  themselves,  and 
continued  to  call  the  faithful  "  brethren,  elect,  saints, 
disciples,  believers,  those  of  the  Way."  ^  But  the  Church 
could  not  always  neglect  a  name  which  recalled  the  glo- 
ries of  Jesus,  —  that  divine  anointing  whereby  He  is  made 
King  and  Pontiff  unto  Eternity ;  this  royal  name  could 
not  be  relinquished  to  the  opprobrium  of  the  mob.  Ac- 
cordingly, Saint  Peter,  in  his  First  Epistle,  exhorts  his 
flock  to  accept  it,  not  as  an  insult,  but  as  their  splen- 
did title.^  His  word  was  obeyed  ;  and  in  the  centuries 
that  followed,  we  see  Sanctus,  one  of  the  Martyrs  of 
Lyons,  answering  his  judge  with  only  the  words :  "  I  am 
a  Christian."  * 

2),  an  account  which  was  long  believed  to  be  by  a  contemporary  of  the 
saintly  Bishop,  but  in  which  unmistakable  traces  of  fourth  or  fifth  century 
workmanship  have  been  discovered.  See  the  Prolegomena  of  Funk's  Les 
Peres  Apostoliques,  t.  i.  Ixxviii. 

1  "Quos  vulgiis  christianos  appellabat  "  (Tacitus,  Annales,  xv.  44). 

2  The  term  "brethren"  was  most  commonly  used;  to  prove  this  we 
need  only  glance  through  the  Acts  and  S.  Paul's  Epistles.  'Ek\€ktoI: 
Rom.  viii.  33;  xvi.  13;  Coloss.  iii.  12;  2  Tim.  ii.  10,  etc.  "Ayior.  Rom. 
yiii,  27',  xv.  25,  etc.  UKTrol:  Ephes.  i.  2;  Coloss.  \.  2.  MaOrjTai:  Acts 
ix.  26;  xi  29,  etc.  Ilto-Teuoj/Tes:  Acts  v.  14,  etc.  Trjv  odov:  Acts  xix. 
9,  23 ',  xxii.  4,  etc. 

■3  Et  5e  ws  xP"^Tia»'oy,  fi.^  alaxwiaOw,  5o|o^€'tw  5e  rhv  6ehv  iirl  t^  ovoixan 
TouTCf  (1  Peter  iv.  16).  We  fincl  the  word  "Christian"  in  only  one  other 
verse  of  the  New  Testament  (Acts  xxvi.  28),  in  Agrippa's  reply  to  Paul: 
"  Almost  you  persuade  me  to  be  a  Christian."  Doubtless  the  Prince  at- 
tached the  same  significance  to  this  name  as  did  the  populace  of  Antioch. 

'^  Eusebius,  Historia  Eccleslastica,  v,  1.  The  common  folk  disfigured 
this  word,  pronouncing  it  chrestiani  (whence  the  French  word  clirestien). 
The  popular  notion  was  that  Chrestus  was  the  name  of  the  religious  leader 
who  founded  the  new  sect.  "Judseos  impulsore  Chresto  assidue  tumul- 
tantes  Roma  expulit"  (Suetonius,  Claudius,  25).  Fervent  believers  soon 
began  to  glory  in  this  new  title,  which  they  chose  to  consider  as  derived 
from  the  Greek  xp>?o"ro  s,  "  excellent,"  referring,  they  said,  to  the  surpas- 
sing gentleness  and  goodness  of  Christian  hearts:  "  Sed  quam  et  perperam 
Ciirestiani  nuncupamur  a  vobis  (nam  nee  nominis  certa  est  notitia  penes 


170  SAINT  PETER. 

Though  at  first  this  circumstance  may  seem  of  little 
importance  in  the  history  of  the  Church,  it  does  indeed 
mark  one  of  its  most  solemn  hours,  wherein  the  branch 
first  grafted  on  the  trunk  of  Jewry  is  now  so  plainly 
severed  from  it  that  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  confound 
the  two.  The  Jews  conceived  an  implacable  aversion  to 
the  authors  of  what  seemed  to  them  a  wretched  schism, 
and  thereafter  they  never  ceased  persecuting  them. 
Theirs  was  a  keen  and  far-seeing  hatred,  for  this  new 
division  between  them  was  to  be  the  deliverance  of  the 
Church,  which  had  been  prisoned  in  the  womb  of  the 
Synagogue  hitherto,  but  now  and  forever  after  was  to 
move  and  breathe  with  a  life  altogether  its  own. 

Jerusalem,  permeated  with  Judaic  prejudices  as  she 
was,  could  not  watch  the  independent  actions  of  the  con- 
verts she  had  hoped  to  fashion  in  her  own  likeness,  with- 
out a  thrill  of  anguish.  This  marvellous  child  she  had 
borne  to  the  world  was  too  great  for  the  mother's  strength, 
and  Jerusalem  was  soon  about  to  die.  God  chose  this 
time  to  make  Antioch  the  foster-parent  of  Christianity. 
There  Paul  first  essayed  his  splendid  gifts,  and  from 
thence  for  many  a  hundred  years  those  noted  missioners 
were  to  start  forth  to  conquer  the  Eastern  world  to  Jesus 
Christ.  By  the  grace  of  her  divine  Saviour,  the  volup- 
tuous Antioch  was  to  become  for  ages  an  inexhaustible 
spring  of  holiness,  the  city  of  Ignatius  Martyr,  Saint  John 
Chrysostom,  and  the  pious  Stylites,  who  fled  a  too-seduc- 
tive land  to  take  refuge  on  their  pillars,  whence  Heaven 
alone  was  to  be  seen.^ 

vos)  de  snavitate  et  benignifate,  compositum  est "  (TertuUian,  Apol.  3).  Ol 
(Is  Xpicrrhv  irciriaTevKdrcs  xPV^'^oi  re  etcrt  Koi  \eyovTai.  Clement  of  Alex 
andria,  Stromata,  ii.  4,  18. 

^  It  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Antioch  that  S.  Simeon  first  went  to 
such  lengths,  impelled  by  the  "  holy  folly  "  of  the  Cross ;  for  many  years 
he  remained  upon  his  column,  exposed  to  every  extreme  of  heat  and  cold, 
dying  there  in  459  (Evagrius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  i.  13).  His  disciple 
Daniel  (489)  lived  near  Constantinople ,  but  it  was  in  the  region  lying 
around  Antioch  that  Simeon  the  Younger  (596)  perpetuated  the  traditions 
of  the  Stylites. 


CHAPTEK  X. 

THE    PERSECUTIONS    UNDER   HEROD   AGRIPPA. 

During  the  time  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  preaching 
the  Gospel  at  Antioch  certain  Seers  arrived  there.  They 
came  from  Jerusalem,  the  Mother  Church,  where  they  had 
been  distinguished  on  account  of  the  grace  of  Prophecy, 
whereby,  at  that  time,  was  meant,  not  only  the  gift  of 
foretelling  the  future,  but  the  right  to  instruct  as  well,  and 
the  gift  of  adapting  their  teaching  to  the  needs  of  their 
hearers. 

In  Paul's  eyes  no  supernatural  favor  could  be  es- 
teemed of  greater  value  than  this,  none  more  to  be  desired 
than  that  of  prophesying,  or,  in  other  words,  as  he  himself 
explains  it,  "  speaking  unto  men  to  edify,  exhort,  and 
comfort  them."  ^  The  Apostle  welcomed  these  favored 
souls  all  the  more  gladly  because,  in  all  probability,  they 
were  Priests  of  the  Lord,  —  in  fact,  it  would  seem  that  the 
Twelve,  while  reserving  the  right  of  jurisdiction  to  them- 
selves, were  wont  to  confer  the  plenitude  of  priestly 
powers  upon  these  Prophets,  for  at  Antioch  we  are  told 
that  the  latter  consecrated  Paul  and  Barnabas ;  ^  at  Jeru- 
salem they  are  mentioned  as  foremost  among  the  brethren  ;^ 
while  at  Ephesus  they  are  ranked  with  the  Apostles  as 
the  foundation-stones  of  the  Church.^ 

These  venerable  men  were  pressed  to  speak,  as  was 
their  custom,  in  the  public  meetings.  Now,  one  of  them, 
Agabus  by  name,  foretold  that  there  would  be  a  great 
famine  over  the  whole  world,  and  drew  such  a  picture  of 
the  approaching  sufferings  of  Jerusalem  that  it  was  re- 

1  1  Cor.  xiv.  3,  5.  2  Acts  xiii.  2-3. 

3  Acts  XV.  22,  23, 32.  ^  Ephes.  iii.  5 ;  iv.  1 1  •,  ii.  20. 


172  SAINT  PETER. 

solved  that  each  one,  according  to  his  ability,  should  send 
alms  to  the  brethren  in  that  city.  This  was  a  wise  pre- 
caution ;  for  now  that  the  renunciation  of  individual 
property  had  become  such  a  general  practice  among  the 
first  disciples,  almost  all  members  of  the  Mother  Church 
were  poor  in  this  world's  goods,^  living  on  their  daily  toil, 
and  sometimes  forced  to  appeal  to  the  distant  Christian 
congregations  for  their  support.^ 

Although  the  famine  foretold  by  Agabus  was  not  to 
come  to  pass  until  two  years  later,^  namely,  in  44,  "  under 
Claudius,"  yet,  as  the  Prophet  had  not  declared  the  exact 
date,  they  felt  that  the  need  of  aid  must  be  urgent.  A 
collection  was  taken  up  and  intrusted  to  Paul  and  Bar- 
nabas, who  were  to  put  it  into  the  hands  of  the  Elders  of 
Jerusalem. 

The  two  messengers  reached  the  Holy  City  some  time 
in  Paschal  tide  of  the  year  42.*  Herod  Agrippa  was 
then  just  beginning  a  persecution  of  the  Church,  made 
doubly  terrible  by  the  fanatic  spirit  which  this  Prince 
inspired  in  the  Jews,  and  by  the  arbitrary  powers  which 
he  had  obtained.  We  have  related  how  he,  as  Caligula's 
favorite,  had  been  given  the  tetrarchies  of  Philip  and 
Herod  Antipas.  Claudius'  accession  to  the  throne  was 
the  climax  of  his  good  fortunes.  Over  and  above  the 
supple    spirit  notable  in  his  race,  Agrippa  had  a  wide 

1  This  was  not  the  case  at  Antioch,  where  those  of  the  wealthy  Jews 
(Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  6,  3, 4 ;  xx  5,  2)  who  believed  in  the  Christ, 
kept  their  great  riches,  and  afforded  the  Church  invaluable  assistance  in 
times  of  need. 

2  Until  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  we  continue  to  see  the  Apostles 
soliciting  charity  for  the  poor  of  the  Holy  City  from  all  the  churches 
which  they  visited. 

^  The  verse  in  the  Acts :  "  He  foretold  that  there  would  be  a  great 
famine  over  all  the  earth,  which  came  to  pass  thereafter  tinder  Claudius" 
plainly  implies  that  the  narrator  supposes  the  prediction  to  have  been  rea- 
lized a  long  while  after  the  events  just  related.  Josephus  mentions  this 
great  famine  as  occurring  in  the  time  of  the  Procurators  Cuspius  Fadus 
and  Tiberius  Alexander  {Antiquitates,  xx.  5,  2) ;  that  is  to  say,  during  the 
period  intervening  between  the  year  44,  the  date  of  Fadus'  entry  into 
office,  and  47,  at  which  time  Tiberius  Alexander  was  replaced. 

4  In  Appendix  II.  the  reader  will  find  the  weighty  reasons  which  have 
induced  me  to  determine  on  this  date  for  the  martyrdom  of  S.  James  and 
the  deliverance  of  S.  Peter 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.     173 

knowledge  of  men,  joined  with  the  duplicity  and  insinu- 
ating flattery  fostered  in  him  by  the  vicissitudes  of  his 
youthful  career.  In  the  troublous  times  following  the 
assassination  of  Caius  (January  24,  41),  he  employed  his 
talent  for  intrigue,  acted  as  a  go-between  for  Claudius  and 
the  Senate,  which  was  bent  on  regaining  its  liberties,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  foisting  upon  the  tlirone  a  Prince 
who  was  far  too  sluggish  to  have  forced  his  way  thus  far 
unaided.^  For  these  services  he  received  large  pay. 
Agrippa  was  already  master  of  the  eastern  Jordan  and 
Galilee ;  he  now  obtained  Judea  and  Samaria  from  Clau- 
dius. Thus  he  managed  at  last  to  restore  the  Empire  of 
Herod  the  Great  in  its  en  tire  ty.^ 

His  first  acts  showed  that  he  was  as  able  to  use  his 
powers  as  to  acquire  them.  Far  from  trying,  like  his 
grandfather,  to  force  Israel  to  adopt  the  manners  of 
Greece  and  Eome,  Agrippa  passed  by  Sebaste  and  Csesarea, 
Herod's  Pagan  cities,  and  made  his  royal  residence  in 
Jerusalem.  This  re-establishment  of  the  real  seat  of 
the  monarchy  was  doubly  prized  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Holy  City,  for  it  not  only  increased  their  power  in 
the  nation,  but  gave  them  many  privileges  as  well, — 
among  others,  the  tax  paid  for  each  town  house  was  taken 
oE?  A  new  suburb,  called  Bezetha,  had  grown  up 
outside  the  city  enclosure,  and,  consequently,  was  left 
defenceless.  Their  new  monarch  surrounded  it  with  a 
wall.*  But  more  than  these  favors  lavished  on  the  city, 
what  won  the  hearts  of  the  people  was  the  piety  whereof 
Agrippa  gave  so  many  tokens.  Not  content  with  per- 
forming the  customary  sacrifices  in  thanksgiving  for  his 
accession  to  the  throne,  on  that  occasion  he  consecrated 
a  goodly  number  of  ISTazarites  ^  and  made  an  offering  in 
the  Temple  of  those  golden  chains  which  Caligula  had 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xix.  3  and  4. 

2  Id,,  Antiquitates,  xix.  5,  1. 

3  Id.,  xix.  6,  3.  4  Id.,  xix.  7,  2. 

^  The  Nazarite's  vow,  whereby  lie  devoted  himself  for  a  season  to  a 
life  of  penance,  entailed  certain  costly  sacrifices.  Wealthy  Jews  regarded 
it  as  a  pious  duty  to  assume  these  expenses,  and  thus  became  instrumental 
in  consecrating  Nazarites  too  poor  to  pay  for  themselves. 


174  SAINT  PETER. 

given  him,  in  memory  of  his  captivity.^  Soon  an  hundred 
such  traits  were  noised  abroad  in  his  honor.  He  was 
seen  carrying  his  basket  filled  with  the  first-fruits  of  the 
harvest  up  to  the  Sanctuary,  just  like  the  lowliest  Jew 
among  them.^  He  yielded  place  to  the  passing  marriage 
or  funeral  processions.^  One  day,  when  making  a  burnt 
offering  of  a  thousand  victims  at  once,  he  permitted  a 
poor  man  to  add  his  modest  oblation  of  two  pigeons  to 
this  regal  holocaust.* 

What  he  dreaded  more  than  anything  else  was  that  the 
people  might  despise  him  as  an  Idumsean.  "  On  the  even- 
ing of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,"  the  Talmud  tells  us,^ 
"  Agrippa  took  in  his  hands  the  Book  of  the  Law,  and 
standing  up  out  of  respect,  began  the  reading  of  Deuter- 
onomy (xvii.  14-20).  When  he  came  to  the  words,  '  Thou 
shalt  not  set  a  stranger,  who  is  not  thy  brother,  over  thee 
to  be  thy  King,'  tears  streamed  from  his  eyes ;  but 
all  the  people  cried  aloud  to  him,  '  Fear  not,  Agrippa, 
thou  art  our  brother  ! '  "  This  was  no  bit  of  flattery,  but 
an  outburst  of  popular  feeling.  Israelites  loved  this 
Prince  who  gave  them  a  last  glimpse  of  royal  splendor. 
His  Idumsean  ancestry  was  forgotten,  and  they  only  told 
men  that  his  grandmother  was  the  beautiful  Mariamne, 
daughter  of  the  Machabees,  whom  Herod  had  compelled  to 
share  his  throne. 

There  is  no  stronger  testimony  to  the  esteem  Agrippa 
won  from  the  Jews  than  his  conduct  towards  the  priest- 
hood. Jerusalem  never  once  murmured  while  he  deposed 
their  Sovereign  Pontiff's  even  more  frequently  than  the 
Eoman  procurators  had  done.  In  three  years  he  set  up 
five  High  Priests,  —  Issachar  of  Kefar-Barkai,  Simeon 
Kanthera,  Jonathan,  Mathias,  and  Elionas.  Every  one 
of  them,  indeed,  turned  out  to  be  unworthy  of  his  high 
functions,  for  the  priestly  aristocracy  had  become  so  unbe- 
lieving and  worldly  as  to  dishonor  the  Temple  by  their 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xix.  6,  1,  ^  M.  Biccourim,  iii.  4,  2. 

3  Ketouhol,  18  a.  *  M.  Vay/jikra-rabba,  iii. 

^  M.  Sota,  vii.  8.  This  solemn  reading  of  the  Law  took  place  every 
seventh  year,  on  the  recurrence  of  the  Sabbatic  Year. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA,     175 

shameless  luxury.  The  Pontiffs  decked  themselves  in 
robes  of  fabulous  price ;  ^  others  wore  garments  of  such 
fine  texture  that  underneath  them  their  bodies  appeared 
as  if  naked.2  The  stories  told  of  their  gluttony,  however 
exaggerated  we  may  suppose  them  to  be,  justified  the  dis- 
gust of  the  populace,^  and  those  maledictions  which  we 
read  in  the  Talmud,  — 

^^  The  Porch  of  the  Sanctuary  uttereth  four  cries :  — 

^^  Depart  hence,  ye  descendants  of  Eli,  ye  who  soil  the 
Temple  of  the  Eternal ! 

^'  Depart  hence,  0  Issachar  of  Kefar  Barkai,  thou  who  pro- 
fanest  the  hallowed  offerings  ;  for  he  hath  swathed  his 
hands  in  silk,  lest  he  should  stain  them  in  performing  his 
office. 

'^  Open  wider,  0  ye  gates,  and  let  Ismael  ben  Fabi,  the 
disciple  of  Phinehas,  enter  in!  ^ 

'^Open  wider,  O  ye  gates,  and  let  Johanan,  son  of  Nede- 
bai,  the  disciple  of  gluttons,  enter  in,  that  he  may  feed  him- 
self to  the  full  with  the  flesh  of  victims!  ''  ^ 

Against  such  priests  as  these,  the  King  could  dare  do 
anything  The  facts  in  regard  to  Issachar  of  Kefar-Bar- 
kai  are  proof  of  this.  One  day  he  went  so  far  as  to  make 
an  unseemly  gesture  in  the  Prince's  presence,  whereupon 
the  latter  ordered  his  guard  to  strike  off  the  Pontiff's  right 
hand,  which  he  took  such  dainty  care  of.    Issachar  bribed 

1  Ismael  ben  Fabi's  tunic  is  said  to  have  cost  100  mina;  that  of  Eliezer 
ben  Harsom  the  incredible  sum  of  20,000  mina.  (See  loma,  35  b.)  The 
Greek  silver  mina  was  worth  about  $14.00. 

2  Ionia,  35  b 

^  The  Talmud  (Pesachim,  57  a)  relates  that  Johanan,  son  of  Nedebai, 
demanded  for  his  daily  maintenance  300  head  of  veal,  the  same  number 
of  casks  of  wine,  and  40  hampers  of  pigeons.  Without  putting  too  much 
reliance  on  these  figures,  we  are  warranted  in  the  belief  that  such  luxury 
prevailing  at  their  tables  must  have  been  a  scandal  to  the  people  and  a 
disgrace  to  the  priesthood. 

*  Evidently  this  Phineas  is  not  the  grandson  of  Aaron  who  put  a  stop 
to  the  intercourse  between  Israel  and  the  daughters  of  Madian,  but  the 
son  of  Elias  the  High  Priest,  called  in  the  First  Book  of  the  Kings  (ii.  12) 
"that  son  of  Belial  who  knew  not  the  Lord."  By  their  abominable 
crimes,  he  and  his  brother  Ophni  seduced  the  people  from  the  sacrifices 
and  involved  them  in  evil  practices. 

&  Pesachim,  57  a;  Keritot,  28  a. 


176  SAINT  PETER. 

the  executioner  to  cut  off  the  left  instead ;  but  Herod,  on 
learning  this,  had  the  other  taken  off  as  well.^  This  cruel 
deed  is  worthy  of  note,  because  the  whole  incident  gives 
us  the  clearest  notion  of  Agrippa's  character,  —  full  of 
clemency  and  moderation  when  he  yielded  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Law,  but  unrestrained  in  his  violence  when 
swayed  by  the  instincts  of  the  councillor  of  Caligula,  by 
religious  fanaticism,  or  by  his  passion  for  pleasing  the 
populace. 

To  the  last-named  motive  the  Acts  attribute  the  perse- 
cution he  now  began  against  the  Church.  The  Passover- 
tide  of  the  year  42  was  just  at  hand.  From  the  time 
Agrippa  took  up  residence  in  Palestine,  his  reign  had  been 
an  unbroken  series  of  prosperous  events.  One  stain  alone 
obscured  his  glory  in  the  eyes  of  the  orthodox,  —  the  ob- 
stinate zeal  of  the  Christians  in  spreading  their  schism 
through  Israel,  and  their  preaching  of  the  new  Faith. 
Agrippa  resolved  to  win  another  triumph  over  these  men. 
"And  at  the  same  time,"  we  read  in  the  Acts,  "he  laid 
hands  upon  some  of  the  Church  to  work  evil  on  them, 
and  James,  the  brother  of  John,  he  put  to  death  by  the 
sword."  2  Brief  as  the  record  is,  it  shows  us  that  the 
persecution  was  directed,  not  so  much  against  the  body  of 
faithful,  as  against  their  pastors.  The  influence  of  the 
latter  over  their  flock  was  very  evident :  it  was  thought 
that  a  blow  aimed  at  them  would  suffice  to  scatter  all  the 
rest. 

And  so  the  first  victim  to  be  brought  before  Agrippa 
was  one  of  three  disciples  and  intimate  friends  of  the 
Master,  —  the  brother  of  John  "the  Beloved."  The 
burning  zeal  of  this  "  Son  of  the  Thunder,"  ^  his  thirst 
for  martyrdom,*  had  marked  him  out  for  the  hatred  of 
the  Zealots  of  the  Law.  The  King,  without  deigning  to 
inform  himself  further  in  the  case,  ordered  him  to  be  be- 
headed, —  thus  testifying  his  contempt  for  any  disciples 
of  the  Nazarene,  since  decapitation  was  not  used  among  the 

1  Pesachim,  .57  a.  '^  Acts  xii.  1-2. 

3  Mark  iii.  17 ;  Luke  ix.  54.  <  Mark  x.  38,  39. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.     Ill 

Jews,  and  was  held  as  the  lowest  depth  of  ignominy.^ 
Borrowing  the  custom  from  the  Eomans,  along  with  its 
accompanying  horrors,  this  Prince  made  it  the  punish- 
ment for  the  objects  of  his  especial  scorn.  Saint  James 
had  to  undergo  the  cruel  preparations :  his  head  was 
veiled,  his  hands  were  tied  behind  his  back,  he  was 
stripped,  and  then  flogged ;  ^  so  that  it  was  not  until  he 
had  endured  a  prolonged  torture  that  he  received  the 
death-stroke. 

About  the  end  of  the  second  century  the  Elders  of  Al- 
exandria ^  wrote  an  account  in  which  we  are  told  that  the 
man  who  had  informed  upon  the  Holy  Apostle,  touched 
by  the  firmness  with  which  he  confessed  the  Faith,  cried 
out  that  he  repented  and  believed.  Instantly  he  was 
seized  by  the  enraged  Jews  and  dragged  to  the  same 
scene  of  torture  where  the  Martyr  had  suffered,  and  as 
the  two  men  passed  each  other  on  the  way,  he  besought 
him  to  forgive  his  baseness.     James  stopped. 

"  Peace  be  with  thee ! "  he  said,  and  embraced  him ; 
a  few  minutes  later,  both  heads  fell  under  the  sword.'^ 

"  Now  it  was  in  the  days  of  unleavened  bread,"  ^  and 
the  Pasch,  which  was  beginning,  had  drawn  Israelites 
thither  from  every  land.  As  this  throng  applauded  the 
execution  of  the  Apostle,  Agrippa,  as  always,  hungering 
for  popular  favor,  resolved  to  win  greater  gratitude  from 
the  Jews  by  sacrificing  a  still  more  august  victim  to  their 
hatred,  —  Peter,  the  Head  of  the  Twelve.  He  had  him 
arrested  and  thrown  in  prison  ;  yet,  remembering  that  the 

1  Sanhedrin,  fol.  52,  2. 

2  Livy,  i.  26;  ii.  5.5;  Seneca,  De  Ira,  i.  16;  Suetonius,  Caligula,  26; 
Heyne,  Opusciila  Acndemica,  vol.  iii.,  comment,  xi.  :  "Cur  virgis  caesi  Ro- 
mano more,  qui  mox  securi  percutiendi  essent.      I,  lictor,  colliga  manus." 

^  Eusebius,  H'lsfona  Ecckslastica,  ii.  9. 

4  'Ai/e?A6i/  fiaxaipT}.  Acts  xii.  2.  In  early  days  thelictors  beheaded  the 
condemned  with  the  axe  which  surmounted  their  bundles  of  rods,  but  in  the 
time  of  the  emperors  a  sword  was  used  instead  of  the  axe.  Ulpiauus,  i 
8,  §  1,  Z).  rfe  pa^n.  (48,  19)  :  "  Animadverti  gladio  oportet,  non  securi,  vel 
telo." 

^  Acts  xii.  3.  Beginning  at  the  sixth  hour  (noon)  of  the  fortieth  day 
of  Nisan,  none  but  azym  bread  was  used.  At  that  hour  all  leaven  must  be 
burned,  and  none  left  in  any  house  wherein  the  children  of  Israel  abode. 
Pesachlm,  iv.  1-8. 

12 


178  SAINT  PETER, 

Jews  considered  it  a  religious  duty  not  to  disturb  the 
Sabbatic  rest  of  their  feast-days  ^  by  capital  punishments, 
he  deferred  the  prisoner's  death-sentence  until  after 
the  Passover,  when  he  could  announce  it  before  the  whole 
people.2 

During  these  few  days  nothing  was  neglected  to  pre- 
vent an  escape.  Four  watches,  of  four  soldiers  each,  kept 
guard,  turn  and  turn  about ;  when  a  new  band  came  on 
duty,  two  men  were  fastened  to  the  Apostle's  chains, 
while  the  two  others  did  duty  as  sentinels,^  one  in  the 
dungeon  itself,  the  other  a  little  farther  off,  —  probably 
between  the  inner  grated  door  of  the  prison  and  the  iron 
gate  which  gave  upon  the  street.^  Guarded  in  this  fash- 
ion, Peter  remained  many  days  without  the  possibility  of 
any  of  his  brethren  getting  word  to  him ;  all  that  they 
knew  was  that,  like  James,  he  was  doomed  to  die. 

Gathering  together  in  the  dwellings  which  served  as 
their  first  sanctuaries,  the  whole  Church  gave  itself  up  to 
prayer ;  and  yet  it  seemed  as  if  it  was  to  be  all  in  vain, 
for  the  last  day  of  the  Feast  was  at  an  end,  and  on  the 
following  morning  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles  was  to  be 
beheaded.  As  evening  drew  on,  Peter  put  off  his  mantle, 
loosened  his  belt  and  his  sandals,  and,  still  held  fast  by 
his  two  heavy  chains,  lay  down  to  sleep  between  the 

1  "Non  judicant  die  festo  "  (Moed  Katon,  v.  2  ;  Sanhednn,  fol.  89,  1). 

2  Acts  xii.  4.  Wieseler  thinks  that  Peter's  arrest  and  rescue  took  place 
on  the  same  day,  and  that  Herod  had  him  incarcerated  on  the  last  even- 
ing of  the  Pasch,  intending  to  put  him  to  death  on  the  morrow  in  presence 
of  the  people.  He  bases  this  opinion  principally  on  the  fact  that  one  and 
the  same  squad  of  soldiers  appears  to  have  kept  guard  over  the  Apostle ; 
now,  each  squad  did  duty  only  during  twelve  hours.  I  do  not  share  his 
conviction,  for,  taking  the  narrative  as  a  whole,  so  restricted  a  space  of 
time  seems  most  unlikely  ;  and,  further,  the  words  "  on  that  night "  in  verse 
6  manifestly  imply  that  the  Apostle  had  already  passed  several  days  in 
prison. 

■^  Teaaapci  Terpa^lois.  Acts  xii.  4-16.  Herod  had  adopted  the  Roman 
organization  for  his  troops.  The  night  was  divided  into  four  watches,  each 
of  three  hours,  during  which  four  soldiers  at  a  time  were  kept  on  duty. 
T^  Se  (pvKaKCLOv  icTTi  e/c  TeTToipwv  dvSpwu  (Polybius,  vi.  31);  and,  accord- 
ingly, the  squad  on  duty  was  called  a  rerpoiSiou  (Philo,  In  Flaccum,  13). 

*  Verse  10  clearly  indicates  that,  in  escaping,  the  Apostle  had  three 
successive  obstacles  to  pass,  —  the  first  guard,  then  the  second,  finally  the 
iron  gate. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.     179 

soldiers,  while  the  other  guards  kept  watch  at  the 
doors. 

And  lo,  at  the  fourth  watch  ^  of  the  night  (between  three 
and  six  in  the  morning),  an  Angel  of  the  Lord  entered 
there,  and  a  resplendent  light  filled  Peter's  dungeon. 
Then  the  Angel  struck  him  on  the  side  and  waked  him, 
saying,  — 

"  Arise  quickly  ! " 

At  the  words  the  shackles  fell  from  his  hands.  And 
again  the  Angel  spoke,  — 

"  Gird  thyself  and  put  on  thy  sandals."  When  he  had 
done  so,  the  Angel  added,  "  Wrap  thyself  in  thy  mantle 
and  follow  me." 

He  went  forth  then  and  followed  his  guide,  not  believ- 
ing that  what  the  Angel  had  done  was  real,  but  fancying 
that  all  he  had  seen  was  but  a  dream. 

After  passing  the  first  and  second  warden,^  they  came 
to  the  iron  gate  which  was  the  entrance  from  the  street, 
and  now  it  opened  of  itself  before  them ;  thereupon  they 
stepped  forth,  descended  a  stairway  of  seven  steps,^  and 
walked  together  the  length  of  one  street.  Then  the 
Angel  suddenly  left  him  standing  there  alone.  At  last 
Peter  came  to  himself  and  said,  —  * 

"  Now  indeed  do  I  understand  that  the  Lord  hath  truly 
sent  His  Angel,  and  hath  delivered  me  out  of  the  hand 
of  Herod,  and  from  all  the  expectation  of  the  Jewish 
people." 

Alone,  at  night,  in  the  middle  of  Jerusalem,  the  Apostle 
was  at  a  loss  for  a  moment  whither  to  direct  his  steps ; 

1  It  was  not  until  after  this  watch  (ycvofjLewns  7](x4pas  .  .  .  Acts  xii.  18) 
that  his  escape  was  discovered.  The  soldiers,  who  came  on  duty  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  would  have  given  the  alarm,  had  they  not  found 
Peter  still  in  the  prison  when  they  began  their  watch. 

2  By  the  first  and  second  guards  is  meant  two  soldiers  stationed,  one 
within  the  cell  itself,  the  other  probably  in  a  vestibule  which  was  divided 
off  by  the  iron  gate  beyond  the  inner  door  of  the  prison. 

^  This  reading  is  found  in  Beza's  Codex,  which,  after  e^eXdSpres,  adds 
the  words  KaTffivorau  tovs  ('  fiadfiohs  Kai.  This  original  addition  has  some 
very  strong  marks  of  authenticity. 

•*  "EvyiSdav,  "  considerans  "  (Vulgate),  —  coming  to  full  consciousness  of 
wliat  had  taken  place. 


180  SAINT  PETER. 

nevertheless,  he  must  needs  take  the  readiest  means 
of  flight  before  the  alarm  should  be  given  in  the  prison. 
And  so,  among  the  various  houses  where  the  disciples 
were  wont  to  gather,  Peter  doubtless  chose  the  nearest,  — 
that  of  Mary,  the  mother  of  John  Mark.^  The  head  men 
of  the  Church  were  not  there,  it  is  true,  but  there  were 
many  brethren  watching  and  praying  during  this  night 
of  anguish.  Suddenly  some  one  knocked  at  the  gate.  A 
maid-servant  named  Ehoda  went  to  answer  the  summons. 
Kecognizing  the  voice  of  Peter,  and  beside  herself  with 
joy,  she  never  stopped  to  open  the  door  for  him,  but  run- 
ning back  to  the  rest,  she  brought  the  news  that  Peter 
was  there. 

"  You  are  mad,"  they  cried. 

The  girl  continued  assuring  them  that  it  was  he. 

1  John  Mark,  whom  we  find  again  during  the  first  mission  journey 
of  SS.  Paul  and  Barnabas,  appears  to  be  the  same  person  as  Mark 
the  Evangelist.  To  this  it  is  objected  that  the  oldest  documents  never 
give  the  Evangelist  the  name  of  John,  and  that  he  is  spoken  of  as 
the  companion  of  Peter,  not  of  Paul.  But  it  is  easy  to  answer  the  first 
difficulty  by  saying  that  John  was  the  Jewish  name,  Mark  the  Roman. 
The  latter  alone  was  generally  used;  just  as  Paul  took  the  place  of 
Saul.  John  Mark  in  the  Acts  (xii.  12,  25),  and  John  in  chapter  xiii. 
(5,  13)  of  the  same  book,  is  not  called  Mark  till  later  on  (Acts  xv.  39', 
Col.  iv.  10;  2  Tim.  iv.  11  ;  Phil.  24).  His  impetuous  character  seems  to 
have  lacked  somewhat  of  steadiness ;  he  goes  from  Peter  to  Paul,  but  he 
is  especially  devoted  to  S.  Peter,  whose  interpreter  and  evangelist  he  is. 
It  is  not  until  near  tlie  end  of  Paul's  life  that  we  find  him  reconciled  with 
the  Apostle  (Col.  iv,  10;  2  Tim.  iv.  11;  Phil.  24).  To  suppose  the  exis- 
tence of  two  Marks,  one  attached  to  S.  Peter,  the  other  to  S.  Paul,  is  a 
superfluous  and  unnecessary  hypothesis.  The  only  authority  which  seems 
to  favor  it  is  taken  from  a  passage  in  which  S.  James  says  that  Mark 
Evangelist  died  in  62  :  "  Mortuus  est  octavo  Neronis  anno,  et  sepultus  est 
Alexandriae  succedente  sibi  Aniano  "  {De  Viiis  Illustribus,  viii.).  As  a 
disciple  named  Mark  is  mentioned  in  the  second  Epistle  to  Timothy, 
written  in  66  or  67,  one  might  conclude  therefrom  that  this  Mark,  S. 
Paul's  companion,  should  be  distinguished  from  Mark  Evangelist,  who 
followed  Peter  and  founded  the  Church  of  Alexandria.  Although  at  first 
sight  this  difficulty  may  seem  a  serious  one,  to  do  away  with  it  we  have 
only  to  recall  the  fact  that  here  S.  Jerome  is  simply  translating  Eusebius. 
Now,  in  the  text  of  that  historian  there  is  no  question  of  the  death  of 
S.  Mark;  it  is  merely  said  that  Anianus  was  put  in  his  place.  In  his 
Chronicle  (62),  Eusebius  says  the  same.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  S.  Jerome  mistook,  for  the  date  of  S.  Mark's  death,  the  year  in 
which  he  appointed  his  successor,  and  so  ceased  to  govern  the  Church  of 
Alexandria. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.     181 

"  It  is  his  Angel,"  ^  replied  some  of  them. 

In  the  mean  while  Peter  was  still  knocking.  They 
opened  the  gate,  and,  seeing  him  enter,  they  too  were 
transported  with  joy. 

With  a  gesture  of  his  hand,  the  Apostle  commanded 
silence,  telling  them  how  the  Lord  had  delivered  him,  and 
at  the  end  bade  them  "  Make  this  known  to  James  and 
the  brethren  ; "  whereupon  he  set  forth  at  once,  and  before 
dawn  had  left  Jerusalem  behind  him. 

With  the  daylight  there  rose  a  great  clamor  among  the 
soldiers.  "  What  has  become  of  Peter  ? "  was  their  cry, 
and  they  set  to  work  searching  everywhere.  They  lost  no 
time  in  informing  Herod  of  the  event,  and  no  one  resented 
it  more  keenly,  for  he  had  counted  upon  this  punishment 
to  make  a  display  of  his  zeal  for  the  Law.  How  could  he 
confess  to  the  Jews  that  the  Chief  of  these  Galileans  had 
disappeared  miraculously  ?  He  ordered  a  search  to  be 
made  all  through  the  city,  and  not  finding  him,  he  turned 
his  wrath  against  the  guards,  who  were  put  to  the  tor- 
ture, but  without  result,  for  they  had  seen  nothing. 
Howbeit,  in  order  to  keep  the  truth  from  the  multitude, 
Agrippa  could  find  no  better  means  than  that  of  declar- 
ing them  guilty,  and  he  commanded  that  they  be  put  to 
death.  This  wretched  expedient  did  not  prevent  the 
truth  from  becoming  known;  the  happiness  and  the 
accounts  of  the  Christians  spread  the  story  far  and  wide. 
Herod  was  so  disgusted  at  the  turn  of  affairs  that  he  de- 
cided to  quit  Jerusalem  and  make  his  royal  residence  in 
the  various  cities  of  the  realm  in  succession. 

Josephus  tells  us  how  he  bore  himself  in  all  these 
places,  ever  intent  upon  dazzling  the  people's  eyes. 
Beyrouth  was  his  first  stopping-place.  The  situation  of 
this  city  is  not  to  be  compared  with  that  of  any  other  in 
Phoenicia.  Lying  along  the  slopes  of  a  headland  between 
Sidon  and  Byblos,  it  rises  from  the  blue  waters  to  the 

^  From  this  we  see  that  the  Primitive  Church  not  only  treasured  the 
belief  iu  guardian  Angels  as  expressly  taught  by  the  Master  (Matt,  xviii. 
10) ;  they  even  believed  that  the  Angels  assumed  tlie  appearance  and  the 
voice  of  the  mortals  of  whom  they  had  charge. 


182  SAINT  PETER. 

brow  of  Libanus,  with  its  snowy  houses  towering  over  a 
forest  of  flowers ;  high  up  above,  perched  on  the  purple 
soil  of  the  mountain,  are  little  hamlets,  patches  of  mul- 
berry-trees and  wide-spreading  pines,  while  the  white 
mountain-peaks  crown  the  whole  scene.  Herod  was  fain 
to  raise  some  monument  that  would  rival  this  wonderful 
site  in  beauty ;  he  had  an  elegant  theatre  built,  an  im- 
mense circus,  baths,  porticos,  sparing  no  cost  to  make 
them  splendid.  Nor  did  he  leave  until  after  he  had  in- 
augurated them  with  much  pomp  and  festival,  with 
scenic  representations,  musical  competitions,  and  contests 
of  gladiators.^ 

From  Beyrouth,  Herod  Agrippa  transferred  his  court  to 
Tiberias,  where  the  noise  of  his  royal  progress  drew 
thither  the  neighboring  kings,  Antiochus  of  Commagene, 
Sampsigeramus  of  Emesa,  Cotys,  Polemon,  and  Herod  of 
Chalcis.  All  these  princes  were  received  in  such  magnifi- 
cent state  that  Marsus,  Governor  of  Syria,  took  offence 
and  ordered  them  back  to  their  own  provinces.^  This 
humiliation,  which  he  felt  most  keenly,  was  the  first 
check  to  the  persecutor's  power :  a  more  awful  punish- 
ment awaited  him. 

In  the  early  part  of  44,  Agrippa  left  Tiberias  and  made 
his  residence  at  Csesarea.  It  was  just  at  the  season  of 
the  anniversary  festivals  to  celebrate  the  accession  of 
Claudius  to  the  throne  (January  24).^  On  this  occasion,  a 
large  number  of  Jews  and  foreigners  visited  the  city,  and 
among  them  was  a  solemn  embassy  from  Tyre  and  Sidon. 
These  towns,  with  which  Agrippa  had  broken  off  rela- 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xix.  7,  5, 

2  Id.  xix.  8,  1. 

^  This  cannot  refer  to  the  quinquennial  games  instituted  by  Herod  in 
memory  of  the  foundation  of  Ca3sarea.  As  this  city  was  consecrated  in 
the  year  10,  the  games  celebrated  every  five  years  could  not  have  taken 
place  in  44,  which  was  certainly  the  date  of  Herod's  death.  Nor  can  there 
be  any  question  as  to  its  being  the  solemn  service  of  thanksgiving  which 
followed  the  fortunate  expedition  of  Claudius  into  Britain  (Dion,  Ix. 
19-23;  Suetonius,  Claudius,  17).  The  games  spoken  of  here  by  Josephus 
were  celebrated  either  on  the  Prince's  birthday  (August  1),  or  on  the  anni- 
versary of  his  accession  to  the  throne  (January  24).  The  latter  is  the 
only  admissible  hypothesis,  for  we  have  seen  (Appendix,  II.)  that  Herod 
died  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  44. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.     183 

tions,^  doubtless  on  account  of  certain  commercial  trea- 
ties, were  wont  to  get  their  provisions  from  Judea;^  un- 
der the  present  regulations,  and  distressed  by  the  famine 
which  was  already  beginning  to  make  itself  felt,  they  saw 
that  they  were  forced  to  come  to  some  understanding  with 
the  angry  ruler.  No  diplomat  knows  the  power  of  gold 
better  than  these  merchants  knew  it.  They  gained  over 
to  their  side  a  certain  Blastus,^  the  King's  intimate  friend, 
and  obtained  a  solemn  audience  the  second  day  of  the 
feast.  According  to  a  custom  quite  common  in  the  East, 
this  reception  took  place  in  the  theatre.  Herod  made  his 
appearance  there  at  almost  high  noon,  attired  in  a  robe  of 
sparkling  gold.  Seating  himself  on  the  throne,  he  began 
his  address  to  the  Tyrians ;  but  he  had  hardly  spoken 
when  the  people  shouted  their  acclamations,  crying,  — 
"  It  is  the  voice  of  a  God,  and  not  of  a  man  !  " 
"  On  the  very  instant,  an  Angel  of  the  Lord  struck 
him,  because  he  had  not  given  the  honor  to  God,  and  he 
was  eaten  by  worms."  ^ 

The  historian  Josephus  tries  to  cover  over  the  horror  of 
this  decease :  he  tells  of  an  owl,  the  foreboder  of  misfor- 
tune, which  the  King  saw  hovering  over  his  head,  and 
puts  into  the  prince's  mouth  words  which  are  more 
Stoical  than  Jewish  in  tone ;  yet  he  confesses  that  the 
tyrant  was  struck  down  for  his  impiety,  and  that  dur- 

1  QvfjLOfiaxoHu  does  not  mean  that  Herod  was  at  war  with  Tyre  and 
Sidon,  which  wouhl  be  a  quite  incomprehensible  statement,  since  these 
cities  were  then  a  part  of  the  Roman  Empire.  OviJLOjuiaxwv  must  be  under- 
stood to  mean  "  much  exasperated  against  them." 

^  Phoenicia  furnished  hardly  any  products  to  Judea  save  cedar  and  fir, 
while  it  obtained  its  grain,  oil,  honey,  and  balm  from  Israel.  1  Kings  v 
11  ;  Ezek.  xxvii.  17;  Esdr.  iii.  7. 

3  This  is  a  Roman  name.  Herod  doubtless  brought  Blastus  with  him 
from  Rome  and  made  him  his  Cuhicnlarius,  —  Prcefectus  Cubiculo.  Sue- 
tonius, Domitianus,  26, 

*  The  Acts  do  not  say  that  the  Angel  appeared  visibly,  but  that  this 
death-stroke,  coming  from  the  wrath  of  God,  was  dealt  the  king  by  an 
Angelic  Minister.  So  in  the  Fourth  Book  of  the  Kings  (xix.  35)  it  is 
related  that  the  Angel  of  the  Lord  struck  the  Assyrians  of  Sennacherib  ; 
in  the  Second  Book  of  the  Paralipomenon  (xxi.  15-30)  that  an  Angel  put 
to  death  certain  Israelites  in  punishment  of  the  pride  displayed  by  David 
in  the  numbering  of  his  people. 


184  SAINT  PETER. 

ing  five  days  his  bowels  were  torn  with  unsupportable 
torments.^ 

The  death  of  Agrippa  put  an  end  to  the  independence 
of  Judea.  Immediately  after,  a  Koman  Procurator, 
Cuspius  Fadus,  resumed  the  office  left  vacant  since 
Pilate's  banishment. 2  This  ruler  assured  every  security 
to  the  new  Faith,  and  ended  by  putting  a  stop  to  the  per- 
secutions ;  for  Rome,  having  no  reason  to  be  prejudiced 
against  the  Church,  extended  to  a  body,  which  seemed  to 
outsiders  as  merely  a  sect  of  Judaism,  the  same  protec- 
tion which  all  her  subjects  enjoyed.  To  molest  the 
Christians  thereafter  was  regarded  as  a  breach  of  the  pub- 
lic peace,  and  exposed  any  one  attempting  it  to  a  very 
rigorous  code  of  justice ;  naturally  no  Jew  ventured  to 
withstand  it.  The  Acts  describe  this  return  of  peace  and 
prosperity  in  a  few  words :  "  The  word  of  the  Lord  made 
great  progress,^  and  was  spread  abroad  more  and  more." 

But  aside  from  the  fear  of  Rome,  the  famine  which  was 
then  ravaging  Judea  was  enough  to  turn  the  most  fanat- 
ical minds  from  any  thought  of  persecution.  According 
to  Josephus'  account,^  it  was  under  Fadus  that  the 
scourge  foretold  by  the  Prophet  Agabus  devastated  the 
cities  of  Israel.  It  swept  away  many  victims,  among 
whom  more  Jews  than  Christians  were  numbered  ;  for  the 
latter  received  aid  from  their  brethren  in  foreign  lands, 
while  the  gifts  sent  by  the  Israelites  from  all  over  the 
world  often  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  sons  of  Levi. 
Left  uncared  for  in  this  way,  the  populace  would  have 
suffered  the  worst  horrors  of  hunger,  if  God  had  not  pro- 
vided them  with  unlooked-for  succor  in  the  person  of 
the  Princes  of  Adiabene.  This  royal  family  seemed 
raised  up  to  be  the  providence  of  Jerusalem. 

Izates,  its  Chief,  was  then  reigning,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tigris,  over  a  province  whose  boundaries  are  not  easily 

1  Josephus,  Antiqidtates,  xix.  8,  2. 

2  Marcellus,  appointed  by  Vitellius  Prefect  of  Syria,  to  take  charge  of 
the  affairs  of  Judea  {Joseplius,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  4,  2),  and  Maryllus,  de- 
puted by  Caligula  (id.  xviii.  6,  10),  cannot  be  reckoned  in  the  number  of 
Procurators  properly  so  called. 

^  Acts  xii.  24.      *  *  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xx.  5,  2. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.     185 

traced,  though  they  were  within  the  limits  of  what  is  now 
Khurdistan.^  He  was  bred  at  the  court  of  Abennerig, 
King  of  Kharacene,^  and  there  became  acquainted  with  a 
Jew  named  Ananias,  whose  commercial  affairs  had  given 
him  access  to  the  palace,  and  who  had  converted  almost 
all  the  women  living  there.  Through  their  efforts  Izates 
came  into  intimate  relations  with  the  pious  Israelite,  and 
learned  to  revere  God  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
Jews.  A  little  later,  when  recalled  to  Adiabene  by  his 
father's  death,  he  showed  such  striking  proofs  of  virtue 
upon  mounting  the  throne  that  his  brother  Monobazes 
and  his  mother  Helen  were  anxious  to  share  his  faith. ^ 
However  great  the  fervor  of  these  two  Princes,  they 
were  not  circumcised,  for  Ananias  had  dissuaded  Izates 
from  this  humiliating  ordeal.  ''  But  one  day,  as  these 
proselytes  were  reading  Genesis,  they  came  upon  the 
verse  where  it  is  said,*  '  Ye  shall  circumcise  your  flesh 
for  a  sign  of  the  Covenant  between  Me  and  you ; '  where- 
upon one  of  them  turned  his  face  to  the  wall  and  be- 
gan to  weep ;  the  other,  turning  about  in  like  manner, 
shed  tears.  Then  both  together  went  forth  and  received 
circumcision."^ 

Helen,  whose  zeal  outran  even  that  of  her  sons,  re- 
solved to  leave  her  native  land  in  order  to  dwell  close  by 
Jehovah's  Temple.  About  the  year  44  she  came  to 
Jerusalem  and  built  a  palace  there  for  her  family,  and 
afterwards  the  beautiful  mausoleum  known  to-day  as  the 


1  At  this  period  the  Parthian  Empire,  like  the  Roman,  included  a  lar^e 
number  of  petty  vassal  kings.  Of  these  Pliny  mentions  eighteen,  but  m 
such  vague  terms  that  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the  boundaries  of  their 
principalities.  Adiabene,  one  of  these  provinces,  lies  along  the  left  bank 
of  the  Tigris,  in  the  plains  Avhich  surround  Nineveh.  See  Strabo,  xvi. 
1-19;  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xx.  2,  4. 

'^  As  to  Charax,  Spasinu,  and  Mesene,  see  Reinaud's  article  in  the 
Journal  Asiatique,  August-September,  1861,  Fifth  Series,  vol.  xviii.;  M^- 
moires  sur  le  Commencement  et  la  Fin  du  Royaume  de  la  Mesene  et  de  la 
Kharacene. 

3  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xx.  2.  *  Gen.  xvii.  11, 

fi  Bereschit  Rabba,  xlvi.  15  d.  Josephus  says  {Antiquitates,  xx.  4,  3)  that 
it  was  a  Galilean,  named  Eleazar,  who  persuaded  Izates  to  undergo 
circumcision. 


186  SAINT  PETER. 

"Tomb  of  the  Kings." ^  Her  generous  deeds  are  praised 
both  by  the  Mischna  and  the  historian  Josephus.  In  the 
time  of  the  famine  she  redoubled  her  efforts,  ordered 
great  supplies  of  corn  from  Egypt,  with  dry  figs  from 
Cyprus,  and  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  large  numbers  of 
poor  folk  saved  by  her  bounty .^  Her  sons  seconded  her 
in  her  charities ;  to  help  the  sufferers  in  the  Holy  City, 
they  sent  sums  of  money  which  were  so  large  that 
their  kinsfolk  met  together  and  reproached  them  for 
wasting  the  treasures  left  by  their  forefathers.  Then 
Monobazes  made  this  answer,  as  it  is  preserved  in  the 
Talmud :  — 

"  My  fathers  laid  up  treasures  for  earth ;  I  lay  up  treas- 
ures for  Heaven.  ...  A  thousand  dangers  imperilled 
their  riches ;  mine  I  place  where  they  are  secure  for 
evermore.  .  .  .  Their  goods  produced  nothing ;  mine 
bear  fruit,  .  .  .  They  heaped  up  money ;  I  am  gathering 
souls."  ^ 

Such  sentiments  seem  to  warrant  the  tradition  which 
tells  us  that  this  family  became  Christian,^  —  at  least  we 
are  led  to  infer  that  Helen  must  have  tended  the  wants  of 
all  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  alike,  without  distinction 
as  to  their  faith ;  nor  could  she  have  turned  her  back 
upon  men  who,  when  pleading  for  some  largess  at  her 
hands,  might  well  have  had  those  words  of  their  Master 
on  their  lips  ,^  — 

1  I  know  how  earnestly  M.  de  Saulcy  has  contended  that  this  mauso- 
leum contained  the  remains  of  David  and  his  successors ;  yet  his  opinion 
has  not  prevailed  with  the  critics.  It  seems  more  and  more  certain  that  this 
monument  is  the  sepulchre  of  Helena,  described  by  Pausanias  ( Groic.  De- 
script.  8,  16),  and  located  by  Josephus  and  S.  Jerome  to  the  north  of  Jeru- 
salem (Josephus,  AntiquUates,  xx.  4,  3;  Bellum  Judaicurn,  v.  22,  42;  S. 
Jerome,  Epitaph.  Paula).  See  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches,  vol.  i.  pp. 
356-364,  610;  vol.  iii.  pp.  251,  252.  Fortunately  the  zealous  efforts  of  my 
learned  fellow-countryman  resulted  in  placing  this  admirable  tomb  in  the 
hands  of  the  Pe'reire'  family,  and  thus  rescued  it  from  the  devastators  of 
antiquities.  It  has  recently  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  French 
Government. 

2  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xx.  2,  6. 

3  Baba-bathra,  11  a. 

*  Orosius,  vii.  6 ;  Moses  of  Khoren,  ii.  35. 
6  Matt.  vi.  19-20. 


THE  PERSECUTIONS   UNDER  HEROD  AGRIPPA.       187 

"Lay  not  up  to  yourselves  treasures  on  earth,  where 
rust  and  moth  consume,  and  where  thieves  break  through 
and  steal ;  but  lay  up  to  yourselves  treasures  in  Heaven, 
where  neither  the  rust  nor  moth  doth  consume,  and  where 
thieves  do  not  break  through  nor  steal." 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  DISPERSION  OF  THE  APOSTLES. 

No  fact  is  more  worthy  of  note,  in  these  first  years 
of  the  Church,  than  the  obscurity  which  envelops 
the  eleven  companions  of  Peter.  He  alone  appears  in  the 
sacred  Record,  speaking  and  passing  judgment  in  the 
name  of  the  rest ;  his  Vision  at  Joppa  at  once  dissipates 
their  most  inveterate  prejudices.  Although  the  Eleven 
also  wrought  signs  and  miracles,  yet  it  is  to  Peter  the 
people  bring  their  sick,  and  lay  their  beds  along  the  way 
he  had  to  pass ;  they  recognized  some  superior  power  in 
him,  —  his  shadow  alone  had  healing  in  its  touch. ^ 
John  is  mentioned  three  times  as  accompanying  him  ;2 
but  at  the  Beautiful  Gate  of  the  Temple,  as  before  the 
Sanhedrin,  the  Beloved  Disciple  is  only  the  companion  of 
him  who  had  taken  Jesus'  place  in  their  little  band  :  he 
only  speaks  in  the  words  of  Peter,  —  he  acts  and  suffers 
with  him. 

Concerning  the  other  Apostles  the  Acts  give  still  fewer 
details ;  we  are  given  to  understand  that  their  ministry 
in  Jerusalem,  while  not  equal  in  importance  to  that  of 
Peter,  nevertheless  bore  rich  fruit.  ''And  with  great 
power  did  they  bear  witness  to  the  Resurrection  of  Our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  Grace  was  mighty  among  all  the 
faithful."  ^  "  Every  day  they  ceased  not  to  teach  and 
to  proclaim  Jesus," ^  "in  the  houses,  yea,  even  in  the 
Porches  of  the  Temple,"  fortifying  their  words  "  with 
many  signs  and  wonders."  ^  The  work  of  preaching  so 
absorbed  all  their  efforts  that  they  left  the  temporal  cares 
of  the  Church  to  the  Deacons,  in  order  to  devote  them- 

1  Acts  V.  15.  2  Acts  iii.  1-11 ;  iv.  1-21 ;  viii.  14. 

3  Acts  iv.  33.  4  Acts  v.  42.  &  Acts  ii.  43. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF   THE  APOSTLES.  189 

selves  unhindered  to  prayer  and  teaching.  In  the  latter 
duty,  their  main  thought  was  how  best  to  preserve  the 
unity  commanded  by  Jesus,  wishing  to  be,  for  their  own 
part,  simply  His  "  Witnesses."  ^  The  Acts  do  not  speak 
of  the  preaching  of  James,  or  John,  or  Thomas,  but  of 
"  the  Doctrine  of  the  Apostles."  ^  From  this  its  collective 
form  their  testimony  gathered  its  irresistible  force,  —  it 
was  the  very  language  of  the  Master,  almost  as  powerful 
as  when  it  fell  from  the  lips  of  Jesus. 

Their  anxiety  to  stand  as  one  body,  one  voice,  and  one 
man  in  everything  they  did  under  Peter's  headship  and 
direction,  is  a  feature  that  is  constantly  manifesting  it- 
self. The  Apostles  everywhere  appear  as  acting  in  com- 
mon ;  when  arrested  and  dragged  before  the  Sanhedrin, 
they  suffer  their  unrighteous  scourging  together ;  all  are 
present  at  the  election  of  the  Deacons,  and  together  they 
lay  their  hands  over  them  ;  when  persecution  scatters  the 
flock,  they  remain,  as  a  united  College,  in  the  Holy  City.^ 
This  community  of  thought  and  action  sets  the  Apostolic 
body  in  such  a  striking  light  that  in  looking  at  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem  we  can  see  nothing,  so  to  say,  but 
this  one  fact.  Thus,  when  Saint  Luke  describes  the 
feeling  caused  by  Cornelius'  conversion/  he  says,  "the 
Apostles,  and  the  brethren  who  were  in  Judea,  learned 
that  even  the  Gentiles  had  received  the  word  of  God."  In 
his  mind,  the  word  "  Apostles  "  was  enough  to  designate 
the  Mother  Church,  as  distinguished  from  the  Christian 
communities  scattered  over  Judea. 

Such  is  the  Apostolic  College,  from  all  we  can  gather 
from  the  first  chapters  of  the  Acts,  —  a  body  occupied 
solely  in  directing  and  instructing  the  Church  of  Jerusa- 
lem. This  government  by  twelve  head  men  had  the  one 
great  advantage,  that  outwardly  it  was  in  conformity  with 
the  customs  of  the  Synagogues.  In  fact,  we  know  that  the 
latter  had  at  their  head  a  council  of  elders,  called  either 
priests,  pastors,  or  overseers.^     The  number  of  these  dig- 

1  Acts  i.  8,  22 ;  ii.  15,  32 ;  v.  32,  etc. 

2  Acts  ii.  42;  v.  28.  ^  Acts  v.  18,  29,  40;  vi.  2,  6;  viii.  2. 

*  Acts  xi.  1.  5  Kitto's  Cyclopcedia :  Synagogue,  3. 


190  SAINT  PETER. 

nitaries,  which  varied  according  to  the  importance  of  the 
city  or  community,  always  comprised  a  President,  as- 
sisted by  two  Councillors,  three  Almoners,  who  took  care 
of  the  poor,  with  the  Angel  of  the  Congregation,  who  took 
charge  of  divine  service  and  interpreted  to  the  people 
from  the  Hebrew  of  the  Holy  Books.  Consequently,  no 
Jew  would  feel  any  surprise  at  seeing  Peter  acting  as  the 
chief  man  among  his  brethren,  or  when  hearing  him 
speak  of  the  Twelve  as  Priests,  Pastors,  Bishops,  Angels 
of  the  Church,  or  to  find  that  the  Deacons  acted  as  almo- 
ners, whose  duty  was  to  give  relief  to  the  needy.  Though 
persecuted  again  and  again  for  its  teachings,  the  Church 
at  Jerusalem  was  never  an  object  of  suspicion  on  account 
of  its  external  forms ;  and  for  twelve  years  it  preserved 
them  as  we  have  described  above. 

But  after  this  lapse  of  time  we  find  in  the  Acts  that 
their  affairs  are  no  longer  directed  by  the  Apostles  alone. 
When  Paul  and  Barnabas  bring  the  offerings  of  the  An- 
tioch  Christians,  they  hand  them  over  "to  the  Elders;"  ^ 
and  the  latter  wield  such  authority  that  at  the  first 
Council  of  Jerusalem  they  are  named,  along  with  the 
Apostles,  as  heads  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  and  judges 
in  matters  of  doctrine.^  A  document  of  the  first  cen- 
turies gives  us  the  reason  for  this  change.  Apollonius,  a 
man  worthy  of  belief,  —  such  is  the  opinion  of  Saint 
Jerome,^  — "  had  been  informed  by  the  Elders  of  the 
command  which  the  Lord  had  given  the  Apostles  that 
they  should  leave  the  Holy  City  twelve  years  after  the 
Ascension."  At  the  end  of  the  second  century  Clement 
of  Alexandria  sets  down  the  same  commandment  of  the 
Lord,  as  preserved  by  tradition,  under  this  form  :  — 

1  Acts  xi.  30. 

2  *'  Statuerunt  ut  asceuderent  ad  apostolos  et  presbyteros  in  Jerusalem 
super  hac  quaestione.  —  Suscepti  sunt  ab  Ecclesia  et  ab  apostolis  et  seniori- 
bus.  —  Convenerunt  apostoli  et  seniores.  —  Placuit  Apostolis  et  senioribus 
cum  omni  Ecclesia.  —  Apostoli  et  seniores  fratres,  his  qui  sunt  Antiochiae 
.  .  .  salutem"  (Acts  xv.  2,  4,  6,  22,  23). 

3  "  Yjj.  disertissimus  (iWoyiixcoTaTos)  scripsit  ad  versus  Montanum  .  .  . 
insigne  et  longum  volumen  "  (S.  Jerome,  De  Viris  Illustribus,  xl.).  Apollo- 
nius wrote  about  the  year  210. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF  THE  APOSTLES.  191 

"  If  any  man  in  Israel  be  willing  to  do  penance  and 
believe  in  God  for  My  Name's  sake,  his  sins  shall  be  for- 
given him  ;  but  after  twelve  years  you  shall  depart  from 
Jerusalem,  going  forth  over  the  world,  lest  any  one  should 
say,  '  We  have  not  heard  the  word.'  "  ^ 

The  hour  had  now  come  when  they  were  to  carry  "  even 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth  "  ^  that  testimony  which  the  Mas- 
ter had  bidden  them  to  reserve  at  first  "  for  Jerusalem, 
Judea,  and  Samaria."^  The  Apostles  resolved  to  sepa- 
rate and  go  forth  to  evangelize  the  world.  Everything 
seems  to  show  that  their  departure  preceded  the  Passover 
of  42,  for  at  that  period  the  Acts  mention  only  three 
of  them  as  remaining  in  Jerusalem,  —  James,  the  brother 
of  John,  who  was  soon  to  perish  by  the  sword ;  Peter, 
not  long  after  imprisoned  by  Agrippa ;  and  James,  son  of 
Alpheus,  to  whom,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Head  of  the 
Twelve  bade  his  hosts  report  his  deliverance  by  the 
Angel.*     Thus  the  Church  in  the  Holy  City  passed  into 


1  I  have  translated  this  passage  accordiug  to  the  punctuation  adopted 
by  Crave  and  Grabe :  "  Propterea  dicit  Petrus  Dominum  dixisse  apostolis  : 
si  quis  ergo  velit  ex  Israel  duci  poenitentia  et  propter  nomen  meum  credere 
in  Deum,  remittentur  ei  peccata.  Post  duodecim  annos  egredimini  in 
mundum,  ne  quis  dicat :  Non  audivimus "  {Stromata,  vi,  5 :  Patrologie 
grecque,  t.  ix.  p.  263).  These  words,  here  put  in  S.  Peter's  mouth,  are 
probably  borrowed  from  some  apocryphal  writing  ;  but  the  fact  that 
Clement  and  Apollonius  agree  that  the  Apostles  stayed  in  Jerusalem  for 
these  twelve  years,  plainly  indicates  the  existence  in  the  second  century  of 
a  well-authorized  tradition,  going  back,  so  says  Eusebius  (Historia  Eccle- 
siastica,  v.  18),  to  the  elders,  who  had  heard  it  from  Apostolic  men  and 
Peter  himself. 

■2  Acts  i.  8.  3  Acts  i.  8. 

'^  It  is  most  likely  that  the  founding  of  the  Church  of  Antioch  took 
place  in  the  year  40,  and  before  the  Vision  at  Joppa  (see  page  — ).  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Apostles  never  thought  of  adventuring  the  Pagan  world 
until  after  the  revelation  then  made  to  Peter ;  consequently  the  date  of 
their  separation  cannot  be  earlier  than  41.  Many  Martyrologies  set  down 
the  feast  of  the  Separation  of  the  Apostles  for  the  fifteenth  of  July :  "  Ex 
Beda  Plautiniano,  Adonis  appendice,  et  auctuariis  Usuardi  colligo  illius 
Divisionis  memoriam  Idi})us  Julii  annua  festivitate  celebratam  fuisse " 
(Acta  Sanctorum,  fifteenth  of  July).  It  is  just  possible  that  in  the  above 
date  we  have  an  indication  of  the  season  of  the  year  to  which  Antiquity 
attributed  this  event.  The  feast  of  the  Separation  of  the  Apostles,  instituted 
before  the  twelfth  century,  was  celebrated  by  very  many  churches,  and 
especially  at  Paris,  in  the  College  de  Montaigu. 


192  SAINT  PETER. 

the  hands  of  the  "  Elders,"  under  the  authority  of  James, 
who  from  that  time  became  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem. 
Hegesippus,  and  after  him  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Euse- 
bius,  and  Saint  Jerome,  all  certify  to  this  fact.^  The 
Chronicle  of  Alexandria  records  that  Peter  himself  en- 
throned ^  the  new  Bishop  before  his  departure  for  Eome  ; 
but  there  is  anterior  testimony,  —  that  of  the  first  Eoman 
Martyrologies,^  —  which  attributes  this  act  to  the  whole 
College  of  the  Twelve  ;  for  it  fixes  the  27th  of  December 
as  the  feast  of  the  Ordination  of  Saint  James  hy  the 
Apostles.^ 

Here  we  mark  for  the  first  time  the  government  of  one 
shepherd  over  a  whole  flock ;  and  to  Saint  James  belongs 
the  honor  of  having  been  the  first  Bishop  of  the  oldest  of 
all  Churches.^  Undoubtedly,  when  founding  the  see 
of  Antioch,  Peter  had  given  his  flock  a  distinct  outline 
of  episcopal  rule,  but  without  filling  out  the  idea  inspired 
in  him  by  his  Master,  with  any  degree  of  fulness ;  for 
he  quitted  this  new  community  very  soon,  leaving  it  to 
be   governed  in  his  absence  by  a  college  of  "Prophets 

1  Clement  and  Hegesippus,  quoted  by  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica, 
ii.  1;  xxiii. :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx.  pp.  133,  195;  S.  Jerome,  Z)e  Viris 
IHustribiis,  ii. :  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxiii.  p.  609. 

2  "O//  ivedpovio-ev  6  dyios  nerpos.  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xcii.  p.  592.  The 
Chronicon  Paschale,  or  Alexandrinum,  a  summary  of  the  world's  history 
from  the  Creation  down  to  the  twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Heraclius 
(630),  appears  to  have  been  composed  somewhat  about  the  last-named 
date,  by  the  aid  of  earlier  documents. 

3  Acta  Sanctorum,  die  1^  Maii,  t.  xiv.  p.  24. 

4  Like  his  companions,  James  had  received  from  Jesus  HimseK  the 
priestly  office  in  its  plenitude.  The  terms  ordain  and  enthrone  cannot,  there- 
fore, be  construed  too  rigorously  here,  but  rather  as  borrowed  from  the 
customs  of  the  period  in  which  the  Author  of  the  Chronicle  and  the  Mar- 
tyrologies  was  writing.  Inaccurate  as  they  may  seem,  these  expressions 
are  worthy  of  note,  for  they  show  that  the  ancients  recognized  the  innova- 
tion implied  in  the  ordination  which  made  James  pastor  of  tlie  Church  of 
Jerusalem.  This  novelty  seemed  so  exceptional  that  it  wat  commonly 
attributed  to  the  Saviour  Himself.  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecdesiastica,  vii. 
19),  S.  John  Chrysostom  {Horn.  38  in  1  Cor.  xv.  7),  S.  Epiphanius  {Hcereses, 
Ixxviii.  7),  and  Nicephorus  Callistus  (2  Histor.  38),  all  assert  that  Jesus 
ordained  James  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  Eusebius,  together  with  some  later 
Fathers,  would  seem  to  have  read  this  tradition  in  an  apocryphal  work 
called  the  Recognitions  (Recognitiones,  i.  43). 

^  S.  Jerome,  In  Epist.  ad  Galat. :  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxvi.  p.  331. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF  THE  APOSTLES.  193 

and  Doctors."^  And  thus  Jerusalem,  which  had  been 
the  cradle  of  the  Church,  beheld  also  the  growth  of  its 
foundations,  with  the  establishment  of  that  Hierarchy 
which  was  to  spread  everywhere  after  the  death  of  the 
Apostles,  thus  making  the  Christian  Society  the  most 
solid  edifice  of  all  time. 

In  James  they  had  the  perfect  model  of  a  Bishop.  His 
life  beyond  reproach,  his  faithfulness  to  the  traditions,  the 
authority  breathing  in  his  language,  with  all  outward 
dignity,  and  animated  by  the  spirit  of  prayer,  his  saint- 
liness  might  well  make  an  impression  on  all  beholders. 
Nevertheless,  beneath  the  Apostle's  perfect  life,  so  Chris- 
tian in  every  sense  of  the  word,  one  feels  the  influence  of 
Judaism ;  and  this  fact  gives  a  singular  note  to  the  charac- 
ter of  Jerusalem's  first  Shepherd,  which  is  unprecedented 
in  the  Apostolic  age.  The  rigorous  life  to  which  he  sub- 
jected himself  from  childhood  was  precisely  that  of  the 
Nazirites,  —  abstinence  from  flesh,  wine,  and  fermented 
liquors.  Never  had  a  razor  touched  his  hair ;  he  used 
neither  baths  nor  oil ;  he  wore  no  sandals ;  while  his  only 
garment  was  a  tunic  under  his  linen  mantle. ^  His  limbs 
were  as  if  dead,  says  Saint  John  Chrysostom,^  and  he  re- 
mained so  long  kneeling  that  his  knees  were  hardened 
like  the  callous  hide  of  the  camel.  The  Law  was  a  fit- 
ting rule  of  life  for  so  stern  a  nature  ;  he  loved  its  implac- 
able discipline,  bloody  rites,  and  minute  Prescriptions 
which  shackled  body  and  soul ;  all  his  life  long  he  never 
lost  this  predilection  for  it,  which  even  the  new  spirit  that 
came  with  Jesus  could  not  destroy.  In  the  Council  of 
Jerusalem  we  shall  find  him  upholding  the  legal  Obser- 
vances; seven  years  later,  he  imposes  his  respect  for  circum- 
cision and  the  Mosaical  customs  upon  Saint  Paul,  at 
which  time  he  obtains  a  promise  from  the  same  Apostle 
that  he  would  purify  himself  legally  in  the  Temple  in 
the  company  of  four  Nazirites.*     The  Church  at  Jerusa- 


1  Acts  xiii.  1.  2  Eusebius,  Historia  Eccksiastica,  ii.  23. 

3  S.  John  Chrysostom,  Horn.  5  in  Mat. 

4  Acts  XV.  13-21 ;  xx.  20-26. 

13 


194  SAINT  PETER. 

lem,  formed  thus  after  the  example  of  its  pastor,  remained 
Jewish  in  all  outward  aspects  to  the  very  last,  —  that  is, 
to  the  year  70  after  Christ. 

Among  the  Gentiles,  this  clinging  to  a  moribund  rule 
of  life  would  have  fettered  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel ; 
in  the  Holy  City  it  was  an  efficient  aid.  Many  Israelites 
who  would  have  been  repelled  and  angered  by  Paul's 
freedom  of  speech,  yielded  to  the  influence  of  a  man  of 
their  own  blood,  who,  like  the  holy  men  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, spoke  the  language  of  their  Sacred  Books,  exalt- 
ing "  the  royal  Law,  the  perfect  Law,  which  condemns 
the  untruthful,  a  Law  so  holy  that  to  violate  one  point 
thereof  makes  a  man  guilty  of  breaking  the  whole."  ^ 
James  showed  the  penitents  who  came  to  him  how  per- 
fect was  the  agreement  between  the  New  Faith  and  the 
Oracles  of  their  Prophets,^  but  without  asking  them  to 
renounce  their  allegiance  to  Moses ;  so  it  came  about 
that  thousands  of  Jews  were  converted  by  his  preaching, 
all  of  whom  remained  filled  with  zeal  for  the  Law,  faith- 
ful to  the  circumcision,  worshipping  in  the  Temple  of 
the  God  of  Israel,  "  that  Father  of  lights  Who  had  re- 
vealed Himself  to  them  in  His  Son  Jesus."  ^  Certainly 
there  were  other  higher  Mysteries,  —  and  most  of  all  the 
Breaking  of  the  Bread,  —  to  bring  them  together  in  the  Sup- 
per Eoom ;  but  even  there  everything  was  modelled  after 
the  manner  of  a  service  in  the  synagogues.  In  order  to 
give  an  outward  evidence  of  the  Priesthood  with  which 
he  was  invested,  James  had  chosen  the  garb  of  the 
priests  of  Jehovah,  —  a  linen  tunic,  without  folds,  drawn 
together  about  his  loins.  To  add  to  the  dignity  of  his 
presence,  he  went  so  far  as  to  adopt  one  of  the  insignia  of 
the  High  Priest,  —  the  golden  plate  bearing  in  Hebrew 
characters  the  words  "  Holiness  of  Jehovah."  *  Strange 
as  this  custom  may  seem,  there  are  very  weighty  autho- 
rities who  attribute  it  to  Saint  Mark  and  the  Apostle 


1  James  i.  25 ;  ii.  8,  9,  10,  12.  2  Acts  xv.  15. 

^  James  i.  17. 

*  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  xxix.  4 ;  Ixxviii.  14. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF  THE  APOSTLES.  195 

John  as  well.^  However,  James  did  not  wear  this  sym- 
bolical ornament  before  the  Jews,  who  would  not  have 
tolerated  snch  an  act ;  he  used  it  only  in  the  privacy  of 
Christian  assemblies.  There,  too,  he  took  his  seat  upon 
the  Episcopal  throne  that  Eusebius  speaks  of,  which  was 
venerated  down  to  the  fourth  century.^ 

This  faithfulness  to  the  Law,  taken  together  with  his 
exceptional  uprightness,  won  for  James  the  reverent  re- 
spect of  all  Jerusalem.  During  twenty  years,  Jews  and 
Christians  rivalled  each  other  in  their  admiration  for  this 
ascetic  worn  to  a  shadow  by  a  life  of  self-denial,  as  they 
saw  him  pass  by  daily,  with  bare  feet,  speaking  always 
with  burning  faith  "  of  that  Door,  which  is  Jesus  cruci- 
fied," ^  whereby  man  must  pass  into  the  Presence  of 
Jehovah.  Every  one  spoke  of  him  as  "  The  Just,"  "  The 
Bulwark  of  the  People."  ^  They  would  throng  about  him 
just  to  touch  the  hem  of  his  tunic  ;  ^  it  was  related  that 
once,  in  a  time  of  drought,  he  had  stretched  forth  his 
hands  Heavenward,  and  immediately  rain  fell  on  the 
thirsty  earth.^  He  was  ever  praying  ;  prostrate  on  his 
knees  in  the  Temple,  he  made  unceasing  intercession  for 
the  people  ;  when  he  could,  he  made  his  way  to  the 
limits  of  the  Holy  Place,  while  Hegesippus  declares  ''  that 

1  Polycratus  of  Ephesus,  who  wrote  at  the  close  of  tlie  second  century, 
certifies  as  to  the  truth  of  this  fact  in  S.  John's  case.  Eusebius,  flistoria 
Ecclesiastica,  v,  24  :  Patrologie  grecgue,  t.  xx,  p.  494,  So  far  as  concerns 
S.  Mark,  we  have  only  the  testimony  of  later  and  less  reliable  documents. 
See  Tillemont,  Memoires :  S.  Jacques  le  Mineur,  art.  iv. 

-  Eusebius,  Ilisloria  Ecclesiastica ,  vii.  19  ;  Patrohgie  qrrcque,  t.  xx. 
p.  681. 

3  This  expression,  original  with  him  and  repeatedly  animadverted  to  by 
the  Scribes  and  Pharisees  (Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ii.  23),  doubt- 
less recurred  very  frequently  in  tlie  sermons  of  S,  James. 

'*  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ii.  23. 

^  S.  Jerome,  In  Gal.  i.  5,         ^  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  Ixviii.  14. 

■^  Els  TO,  ayia,  in  other  words,  into  the  galleries  set  apart  for  the  Levites, 
and  not  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  as  Rufinus  and  Epiphanius  believed,  —  an 
hypothesis  altogether  impossible.  This  passage  from  Hegesippus  is  cer- 
tainly good  evidence,  and  was  accepted  unhesitatingly  by  Eusebius  and 
S.  Jerome ;  but  it  has  been  wrongly  concluded  tliat  therefore  S.  James 
belonged  to  a  Levitical  family.  The  saintly  life  of  the  Apostle,  and  the 
extraordinary  veneration  displayed  towards  him  by  all  the  citizens,  are 
quite  sufficient  to  explain  the  great  privilege  which  he  enjoyed.     So  then 


196  SAINT  PETER. 

he  even  entered  therein,  and  the  Levites  dared  not  expel 
this  son  of  Israel,  whom  they  found  in  their  Porches, 
face  downward  on  the  ground,  lost  in  God. 

This  form  of  government  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem, 
under  the  distinct  authority  of  a  single  Shepherd,  for  a 
long  time  continued  to  be  an  exceptional  fact.  The 
Apostles,  indeed,  although  scattered  over  the  world,  kept 
their  authority,  in  common,  not  over  one  region,  but 
over  the  whole  body  of  Christian  folk.  In  this  arrange- 
ment, which  is  peculiar  to  the  first  years  of  the  Church, 
there  was  all  that  was  necessary  for  its  government  by 
the  Apostles,  because  for  this  end  they  were  given  a 
sovereign  Grace,  —  that  of  the  Apostleship.  The  heav- 
enly prerogatives  which  it  carried  with  it,  will  suffice  to 
show  us  how  this  gift  of  God  to  certain  chosen  servants 
supplied  the  place  of  the  whole  Hierarchy.  These  men, 
we  must  remember,  were  the  custodians  of  the  Faith,  in- 
fallible Doctors,  and  universal  pastors  of  the  people : 
such  are  the  principal  notes  which  mark  the  difference  be- 
tween the  Apostles  and  those  who  received  the  Christian 
Priesthood  from  their  hands. 

The  last  words  of  Jesus  before  He  rose  up  into  Heaven 
were,  "  You  shall  be  My  Witnesses,"  ^  —  Witnesses  to 
all  My  teaching.  This  the  Master's  doctrine,  they  had 
received  during  His  Ministry  and  the  forty  days  which 
followed  the  Resurrection ;  this  they  received  once  again 
at  Pentecost,  and  at  all  times,  according  to  the  Saviour's 
promise,  the  Holy  Ghost  was  with  them  to  move  their 
minds  to  a  right  understanding  of  the  Truth. ^  And  this 
indicates  that  God's  Spirit  not  only  enlightened  their 
minds  as  to  those  words  of  Jesus  which  still  remained 
obscure  in  their  memory,  it  went  further,  and  guided 
them  step  by  step  in  their  utterance  of  the  Message,  and 


he  entered  these  precincts  "  to  pray,  not  to  sacrifice :  orandi,  non  sacrifi- 
caudi  causa."  This  addition  to  the  text  of  Hegesippus,  which  we  read  in 
a  manuscript  in  the  Church  of  l^eims,  shows  in  what  sense  our  forefathers 
construed  it.  See  D.  Ruinart,  Acta  Martijnm  Sincera  :  Martyrium 
S.  Jacobi,  p.  5. 

1  Acts  i.  8 :  ii.  32.  2  John  xiv.  26. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF   THE  APOSTLES.  197 

gave  them  to  know  things  that  were  to  come.^  This 
whole  body  of  revelations,  covering  the  period  of  the 
Apostles'  lives,  all  together  make  up  the  Deposit  of 
Faith,  whereof  they  are  the  authentic  mouthpiece,  and 
which  they  have  transmitted  to  their  successors.  They 
were  chosen  of  God  to  distribute  this  His  treasure 
throughout  the  world :  hence  their  name  of  A'postles, 
Envoys,  endowed,  as  they  were,  for  the  fulfilling  of  their 
mission,  with  such  lofty  powers  that  they  never  dreamed 
of  communicating  them  to  others  on  their  own  responsi- 
bility. On  two  occasions  it  became  necessary  to  com- 
plete the  number  of  the  Apostolic  College.  On  the  first 
event  happening,  Peter  prayed  the  Lord  to  point  out  the 
man  of  His  choice,  and  the  lot  fell  on  Mathias.  Later 
again,  the  Holy  Ghost  in  Person  bade  them  set  apart 
Barnabas  and  Paul  for  the  office ;  and  we  know  how  insis- 
tently the  latter  glories  in  the  fact  that  he  was  called, 
not  by  man,  but  by  God  Himself.  That  Paul  thus  in- 
dicates his  claim  to  this  high  privilege,  is  only  because 
he  regards  it  as  the  mark  of  his  Apostleship,  —  the  title 
which  conferred  on  him  the  extraordinary  prerogatives 
reserved  to  the  Twelve. 

Besides  their  commission  to  guard  the  Faith,  —  which 
carried  with  it  infallibility  in  the  teaching  of  it,  —  the 
Apostles  were  universal  pastors  ;  that  is  to  say,  they 
had  full  power  over  the  whole  earth  to  bind  and  to  loose, 
to  found  Churches,  to  ordain  pastors  and  priests,  —  in  a 
word,  to  perform  all  spiritual  functions  whatsoever.  There 
were  no  limits  set  to  their  authority,  save  the  pre-emi- 
nence of  Peter,  who  alone  held  the  Keys,  and  was  the  sole 
foundation  wall,  giving  the  Church  its  firmness  ;  the  only 
one  charged  to  confirm  his  brethren,  to  feed  the  sheep 
and  the  lambs.  And  so,  albeit  the  Apostles  enjoyed  the 
same  rights  as  he,  though  they  were  infallible  like  him, 
and  were  given  the  power  of  ruling  the  whole  world, 
nevertheless  they  possessed  these  powers  only  when  in 

1  '05rj7rjcr€t  v^Jl.a.i  4v  rfj  d\r{6cia,  irdffy  .  .  .  koL  to.  epxofx^i^a  duayyeXel 
vfuu  (John  xvi.  13). 


198  SAINT  PETER. 

communion  with  Peter  and  under  his  Headship.  Thus, 
forming  one  single  body  under  one  and  the  same  Head, 
they  linked  together  all  the  Churches  founded  by  them 
unto  the  Centre  of  Unity. 

This  community  of  action  is  especially  noteworthy  in 
the  first  chapters  of  the  Acts,  where  we  are  told  of  but 
two  distinct  ranks  in  the  Church,  —  the  disciples,  and 
above  them  the  Twelve,  governing  together.  At  the 
death  of  Ananias  and  Saphira,  we  find  for  the  first 
time  some  indications  of  a  ministry  exercised  under  their 
orders.  Certain  young  men  perform  a  duty  which,  later 
on  in  the  Catacombs,  was  done  by  clerks  called  "  Grave- 
diggers  ;  "  ^  they  carried  forth  the  dead  bodies  and  buried 
them.  But  these  are  clearly  but  material  tasks,  and 
the  same  is  true  of  the  powers  granted  to  the  Deacons, 
according  to  the  first  design  in  appointing  them.  Distri- 
bution of  alms  and  the  superintendence  of  the  com- 
mon tables,  were  the  usual  daily  cares  of  these  men, 
whom  Saint  Luke  never  speaks  of  as  "  Deacons,"  but  "  the 
Seven." 

Nevertheless,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that,  though  the 
Apostles  reserved  the  principal  duties  of  the  Priesthood 
to  themselves,  they  were  already  thinking  of  confiding  its 
less  important  acts  to  the  care  of  the  seven  elect,  for 
they  chose  such  as  were  known  to  all  as  upright  and 
holy,  and  then  laid  hands  upon  them.  Very  soon,  in- 
deed, these  men,  after  being  consecrated  to  these  humble 
ministrations,  take  their  part  in  much  higher  functions : 
they  are  teaching,  exhorting  the  faithful,  and  step  for- 
ward to  take  very  perilous  positions.  Stephen  makes 
his  way  into  the  most  fanatical  synagogues,  to  preach  the 
Christ  there.^  Philip  travels  as  far  as  Samaria,  proclaim- 
ing the  Gospel  tidings  and  giving  baptism.^  The  admin- 
istering of  this  Sacrament  naturally  devolved  on  them, 
when  the  Twelve  ceased  to  confer  it  themselves.     Thus, 

1  See  Krauss,  Real  Encijdopddie  der  Christlichen  Alterthumer,  Fossores. 
Sig.  de  Rossi  thinks  that  at  first  lYiQ  fossores  belonged  to  the  order  of 
Porters. 

2  Acts  vi.  9-14.  *  Acts  viii.  5,  12. 


THE  DISPERSION   OF   THE  APOSTLES.  199 

as  we  have  seen,  when  Peter  converts  Cornelius  and  his 
family,  he  deems  it  enough  to  command  others  to  bap- 
tize them.i  And  so  everywhere,  at  Csesarea  as  well  as  in 
Jerusalem,  we  begin  to  descry  something  like  an  order  of 
Christian  Levites,  under  obedience  to  the  Apostles,  and 
giving  them  active  aid. 

It  is  not  so  easy  to  distinguish  the  two  higher  degrees 
of  the  Hierarchy,  —  the  Priesthood  and  the  Episcopate. 
The  line  of  demarcation  between  these  two  ministries, 
which  later  on  we  find  so  sharply  defined,  seems  hard  to 
trace  out  in  the  course  of  the  New  Testament.^  In  the 
Acts,  the  early  Epistles  of  Saint  Paul,  and  in  those  of 
Saints  Peter  and  James,  the  same  persons  are  called 
sometimes  Bishops,  sometimes  Priests  or  Deacons.^  The 
name  of  "  Apostles  "  is  given  to  simple  helpers,  some- 
times to  women."^  Peter  speaks  of  himself  as  a  Priest.^ 
This  confusion  of  titles  shows  plainly  that,  outside  of 
Jerusalem,  the  Hierarchy  was  not  as  yet  established. 
The  Apostles,  as  we  have  said  before,  while  reserving  to 
themselves  universal  jurisdiction,  —  in  other  words,  the 
power  of  ruling  the  whole  Church,  —  only  entrusted  to 
the  ministers  they  left  behind  them  in  the  new-born 
Christian  communities,  the  duty  of  preaching,  offering 
the  Holy  Sacrifice,  and  conferring  the  Sacraments.  With 
this,  doubtless,  was  connected  some  rights  of  administra- 
tion, for  no  Christian  congregation  ever  existed  in  a  state 
of  anarchy ;  but  this  right  was  established  in  various 
ways,  and  shared  according  to  circumstances. 

Wherever  there  chanced  to  be    some  disciple  of   the 

1  Acts  X.  48. 

2  In  setting  forth  the  historical  development  of  the  Christian  Priest- 
hood, the  fact  has  not  been  lost  sight  of  that  the  order  and  subordination 
of  the  ministers  composing  it  is  of  divine  institution,  and  that  Jesus  in- 
spired the  Twelve  to  put  over  each  Church  a  hierarchy  which  included, 
first,  ^  a  Bishop,  their  governing  head,  beneath  him  the  priests,  then  the 
inferior  ministers  {Concilium  Tridentinum,  sess.  xxiii.  can.  vi.).  The  Apos- 
tles knew  that  this  was  to  be  its  definitive  constitution,  but  they  compre- 
hended also  that  this  body,  though  completely  organized  in  its  germ,  must 
grow  very  gradually,  according  as  circumstances  demanded. 

3  1  Cor.  iii.  5;  2  Cor.  iii.  6,-  Acts  xx.  17,  28,  etc. 

4  2  Cor.  viii.  23;  Rom.  xvi.  7.  &  1  Peter  v.  1. 


200  SAINT  PETER. 

Lord,  who  had  received  the  Good  News  from  His  lips, 
and  had  meditated  upon  it  for  many  years,  such  a 
one  was  given  the  highest  rank  as  a  matter  of  course. 
With  the  aid  of  a  few  Deacons  he  taught  and  directed 
the  Church.  But  it  happened  oftenest  of  all  that  a  body 
of  Christians  received  only  such  care  as  the  Apostles 
could  bestow  on  it  when  on  their  journeys,  and  thus  all 
were  but  novices  in  the  Faith  :  how  then  could  they  select 
the  one  man  capable  of  governing  them?  The  easiest 
and  surest  method  seemed  to  be  to  choose  a  certain 
number  of  Elders,  whose  combined  wisdom  and  virtue, 
together  with  their  recollections  of  the  Apostles'  preach- 
ing, would  suffice  to  constitute  a  ruling  authority  for 
the  Church.^  The  fire  of  Christian  charity,  then  burn- 
ing so  brightly,  swept  away  all  rivalry  and  ambition 
which  might  have  given  rise  to  serious  disorders  in 
these  bodies  of  ministers. 

Everything  points  to  the  conclusion  that  the  majority 
of  these  dignitaries,  as  they  had  received  the  fulness  of 
sacerdotal  power,^  performed,  under  the  Apostles'  juris- 
diction, the  functions  now  reserved  to  the  Episcopate. 
Indeed,  the  Elders  of  Antioch  ordain  Paul  and  Barnabas  ,  ^ 
the  head  men  of  the  Church  of  Ephesus  are  called  in 
the  Acts  Priests  and  Bishops ;  *  later  on  we  shall  find 
Saint  Paul  writing  to  the  Bishops  and  Deacons  of  the 
Philippians  with  no  mention  made  of  Priests,  while  in 
his  letter   to  Timothy  he  reminds  his  disciple    that  he 

1  "  When  the  Apostles  first  began  to  preach,"  says  S.  Epiphanius,  "  they 
did  not  create  priests  and  bishops  everywhere,  but  in  certain  places  only 
priests,  elsewhere  a  Bishop  alone.  When  they  could  find  no  one  worthy 
of  the  episcopal  authority,  they  ordained  priests,  who  ministered  to  the 
wants  of  the  Church  with  the  aid  of  the  deacons.  When  but  one  person 
could  be  found  worthy  of  the  episcopal  dignity,  and  there  was  a  lack  of 
subjects  for  the  priesthood,  they  were  content  to  confide  the  Church  to  the 
care  of  this  Bishop"  (Hceres,  Ixxv.). 

2  By  this  word  is  meant  the  sum  of  the  spiritual  powers  conferred  by 
the  sacrament  of  Holy  Orders,  especially  that  of  consecrating  priests  and 
bishops,  and  thereby  perpetuating  the  fecundity  of  the  Christian  Priest- 
hood. Together  these  rights  constitute  "the  power  of  Orders,"  distinct 
from  "  the  power  of  jurisdiction,"  whereb}^  the  Church  governs  her  subjects 
and  binds  them  by  her  laws. 

3  Acts  xiii.  1-3.  ^  Acts  xx.  17,  28. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF   THE  APOSTLES.  201 

had  been  consecrated  by  the  laying  on  of  the  Priests' 
hands.  ^  The  "  Elders "  and  Priests  here  referred  to 
must  therefore  have  been  given  the  power  of  exercising 
every  ecclesiastical  function :  they  confirmed  the  faithful 
and  ordained  Priests  ;  but  they  did  not  have  jurisdiction 
over  any  one  flock  which  was  intrusted  to  their  care 
exclusively ;  and  hence  they  were  not,  properly  speaking, 
Bishops  in  the  full  sense  of  the  word.  It  was  not  until 
their  life-work  was  drawing  to  a  close  that  the  Apostles 
gave  each  Church  a  pastor  of  its  own,  assisted  by  subordi- 
nate ministers,  and  thus  constituted  the  Hierarchy  very 
nearly  as  we  find  it  to-day .^ 

By  that  time,  some  such  regularly  established  authority 
became  necessary  in  order  to  continue  the  Apostolic 
ministry  and  transmit  to  posterity  the  Deposit  of  Faith. 
Heretofore,  on  the  contrary,  besides  the  difficulty  alluded 
to  above,  of  finding  men  capable  of  taking  the  whole 
power  in  their  hands,  their  anxiety  not  to  offend  against 
the  customs  of  the  Synagogue  led  them  to  leave  the 
Christian  congregations  to  the  direction  of  a  body  of 
Elders ;  ^  and  in  fact  every  Christian  gathering  was  gen- 
erally a  mixed  assembly  of  Pagan  and  Jewish  con- 
verts. Which  of  these  classes  could  be  expected  to 
furnish  a  Bishop  who  would  be  acceptable  to  all,  free 
from  prejudices,  and  able  to  preserve  perfect  harmony 
between  the  different  parties  in  his  flock  ?  To  choose 
a  man  from  the  number  of    those    who    still    observed 

1  Philip,  i.  1 ;  1  Tim.  iv.  4.  Some  trace  of  this  primitive  liturgy  has 
come  down  to  us  in  the  ceremonies  of  Ordination,  where  all  the  priests 
present  join  the  Bishop  in  laying  their  hands  upon  the  newly  ordained. 

2  "  Et  si  episcopalis  ordo  jure  divino  in  Ecclesiam  introductus  est,  non 
eodem  tamen  illo  jure  decretum  est  ut  unus  in  singulis  civitatibus  et  eccle- 
siis  esset  episcopus,  sed  Ecclesios  auctoritate,  conciliorumque  sanctionibus, 
quarum  ex  apostolica  traditione  origo  descendit "  (Petavius,  Dissertatio- 
num  Ecc/esiasttc.arum,  lib.  i.  cap.  iii.  .5). 

3  If  it  be  a  fact  —  unlooked-for  and  contradictory  as  it  may  seem  — 
that  Jerusalem,  the  very  stronghold  and  centre  of  Judaism,  was  the  only 
city  at  that  time  which  possessed  a  completely  constituted  Hierarchy,  it 
was  because  James  was  so  zealous  for  the  Law  that  he  could  not  be  sus- 
pected of  desiring  its  overthrow,  —  most  of  all  it  was  because  the  virtue  of 
the  holy  Apostle  had  so  impressed  his  fellow-citizens  that  no  Jew  would 
feel  any  surprise  at  seeing  him  attended  and  revered  as  a  common  father. 


202  SAINT  PETER. 

the  prescriptions  of  the  Law,  would  have  been  a  virtual 
sacrifice  of  the  liberty  of  the  children  of  God  born 
among  the  Gentiles  ;  while  to  have  chosen  one  of  the 
latter  class,  would  have  been  looked  upon  as  an  affront 
to  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  who  in  their  chagrin  at 
seeing  the  Pagans  made  co-heirs  with  them  in  the 
Kingdom,  would  have  found  it  still  harder  to  bear  if 
they  had  had  to  accept  as  their  leader  a  man  whose 
nation  they  looked  upon  as  reprobate  and  condemned. 
The  surest  means  of  surmounting  these  difficulties  was 
to  choose  from  the  two  parties  a  college  of  Priests  sub- 
ordinate to  the  Apostles'  authority  and  controlled  by 
them. 

One  circumstance  in  particular  rendered  the  exercise 
of  this  government  an  easy  matter,  though  shared  among 
so  many  heads,  —  that  was  the  outpouring  of  singular 
and  special  grace,  which  ever  since  Pentecost  never 
ceased  to  vivify  the  Church.  These  gifts  of  God,  which 
the  Apostles  communicated  by  the  laying  on  of  hands, 
abounded  in  every  community  and  in  all  alike,  pastors 
and  people,  with  such  striking  effect,  with  such  plenti- 
ful fruits  of  holiness,  that  greater  respect  was  paid  to  this 
power  than  to  the  various  duties  of  the  ministry.  "  In 
His  Church,"  says  Saint  Paul,  "  God  hath  established,  first 
Apostles,  secondly  Prophets,  thirdly  Doctors,  after  that 
the  power  of  working  miracles,  then  the  graces  of  heal- 
ing the  sick,  giving  aid  to  the  needy,  interpretation,  and 
diversity  of  tongues."  ^  Not  one  word  about  obedience 
to  authority  or  the  priestly  dignity.  Evidently  these 
spiritual  gifts  were  then  the  life  of  the  Church,  and 
esteemed  above  everything  else.  Each  one  received  some 
grace  peculiar  to  himself,  which  he  employed  for  the  good 
of  his  brethren ;  each  one  spoke  in  the  meetings  of  the 
disciples.  One,  who  was  a  Prophet,  would  reveal  what  he 
had  seen  in  his  ecstasy  ;  another  interpreted  strange 
tongues ;  while  the  Doctor  and  the  Evangelist  taught 
them  what  was  the  true  and  what  the  false  doctrine. 
"  But  all  these  things  one  and  the  same  Spirit  worketh, 

1  1  Cor.  xii.  28. 


THE  DISPERSION  OF  THE  APOSTLES.  203 

dividing  His  gifts  according  to  His  good  pleasure."  ^ 
Under  such  extraordinary  conditions  no  need  of  an  organ- 
ized ruling  body  was  realized.  Indeed,  what  could  the 
leaders  of  a  Christian  body,  —  itself  born  of  the  breath  of 
God's  Spirit,  —  what  else  could  they  do  but  bow  before 
the  wondrous  effects  of  Grace,  simply  leaving  to  the 
Apostles  the  responsibility  of  trying  the  spirits,  whence 
they  came  ?  In  this  mighty  wind  from  Heaven  which 
was  bearing  the  Church  on  its  first  course,  it  was  fitting 
that  one  sovereign  hand  should  hold  the  helm.  Only 
when  this  first  speed  slackened,  when  the  signs  and 
wonders  declined  somewhat  in  splendor,  then  only  the 
Twelve  were  moved  to  intrust  the  direction  of  the  Chris- 
tian communities  to  a  regular  order  of  pastors. 

We  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  watching  this  trans- 
formation, step  by  step,  in  the  work  of  Saint  Paul ;  in 
fact  it  is  from  him  we  get  all  these  details  in  the  history 
of  the  Primitive  Church,  for  just  as  his  ministry  is  more 
easily  studied  in  the  twenty  years  which  are  to  follow, 
so  that  of  his  brother  Apostles  fades  into  the  darkness. 
Outside  of  Peter,  John,  and  James  of  Jerusalem,  the  rest 
of  the  Twelve  have  left  so  few  traces  of  their  individual 
work  that  a  few  lines  will  suffice  to  tell  all  we  know  of 
them. 

On  leaving  Jerusalem  they  preached  from  town  to 
town,  until  drawn  onward  from  one  Jewish  colony  to 
another,  scattered  to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth,  they 
finally  reached  the  most  distant  lands.  Origen  recounts 
that  Saint  Andrew  spread  the  Gospel  to  Scythia,  along 
the  banks  of  the  Danube  and  by  the  Black  Sea,  while 
Saint  Thomas  penetrated  into  that  part  of  the  Parthian 
realm  lying  between  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  ^  In  the 
Indies,  or,  to  speak  more  exactly,  in  the  southern  part  of 
Arabia,^  an  Alexandrian  philosopher  named  Pantsenus 
found  the  Hebrew  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew,  which  had 

1  1  Cor.  xii.  11. 

2  Origen,  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Commentaries  on  Genesis,  quoted 
by  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  1 ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx.  p.  216). 

3  Seep.  218. 


204  SAINT  PETER. 

been  brought  thither  by  Saint  Bartholomew.^  Simon  the 
Zealot  is  credited  with  a  still  wider  field  for  his  Apos- 
tleship.  Nichephorus  and  the  Greek  calendar  writers 
describe  his  travels  along  the  African  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  from  Alexandria  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercu- 
les, thence  crossing  the  ocean  to  carry  the  Gospel  to 
Great  Britain.  But  this  tradition  is  hardly  worthy  of  our 
notice,  since  it  is  contradicted  by  the  testimony  of  the 
oldest  Martyrologies,  which  bear  the  name  of  Saint  Jerome. 
There  we  read  that  Simon  preached  and  was  martyred  in 
Persia.^  There  is  the  same  division  of  opinion  about 
Saint  Matthew's  career :  Eufinus  and  Socrates,  with  other 
historians,  speak  of  him  as  having  labored  in  Ethiopia ; 
while  Saints  Paulinus  and  Ambrose,  the  Martyrologies 
by  Saint  Jerome  and  the  Menologies,  assign  him  to  the 
region  of  the  Parthians  and  Medes.^ 

There  is  less  uncertainty  as  to  Saint  Philip.  He  evan- 
gelized Phrygia,  died  there,  and  was  buried  in  the  city  of 
Hierapolis.  A  Bishop  of  that  Church,  Papias  by  name, 
relates  that  he  saw  the  Apostle  and  heard  his  daughters 
tell  the  story  of  how  he  raised  a  person  from  the  dead 
in  their  time.*  Clement  of  Alexandria  informs  us  that 
several  of  these  girls  were  married ;  ^  and  Polycratus  of 
Ephesus  says  that  two  of  them  lived  a  life  of  virginity 
and  were  entombed  with  their  father.  "And  indeed," 
adds  this  writer  of  the  second  century,  "  these  were  great 
lights  in  the  Church  of  Asia."  ^ 

Saint  Jude,  the  Saviour's  cousin,  is  especially  noted  for 
his  Catholic  Letter.  Hegesippus  speaks  of  the  martyr- 
dom   of    his   grandsons ;  '^    hence    he  was    married,   and 

1  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica,  v.  10 ;  Patrologie  grecgue,  t  xx. 
p.  455. 

'^  Tillemont,  Memoires :  S.  Simon,  t.  i.  p.  424. 

3  Id.,  S.  Matthieu,  t.  i.  p.  3. 

*  Papias,  quoted  by  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecdesiastica,  iii.  39 ;  Patrologie 
grecqne,  t.  xx.  p.  298). 

^  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stromata,  iii.  6 ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  viii. 
p.  1158. 

^  Polycratus,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia  Ecdesiastica,  iii.  3 ;  Patrolo- 
gie grecgue,  t.  xx.  p.  280). 

■*  Hegesippus,  quoted  by  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecdesiastica,  iii.  20;  Pa- 
trologie grecque,  t.  xx.  p.  252). 


THE  DISPERSION  OF  THE  APOSTLES.  205 

following  the  example  of  Jesus,  had  holy  women  in 
his  company,  who  served  him  and  assisted  him  with  their 
goods.  From  all  appearances  it  would  seem  that  Saint 
Paul  is  speaking  of  him,  and  not  of  his  brother  James  of 
Jerusalem,  when  he  says,  "  Have  we  not  power  to  carry 
about  with  us  a  woman  who  may  be  our  sister,  as  do  the 
Lord's  brethren  ? "  ^  The  only  detail  we  have  of  Saint 
Matthew's  life  is  found  in  Clement  of  Alexandria,  which 
is  that  "  he  never  ate  meats,  but  partook  only  of  beans, 
fruits,  and  herbs."  ^  As  for  Saint  Mathias,  all  we  have 
is  a  single  sentence  from  his  lips  on  the  necessity  "  of 
subduing  the  flesh  by  mortification."  ^ 

It  is  plain  to  be  seen  that  we  know  almost  nothing 
about  the  majority  of  the  Twelve.  Their  ministry  is  lost 
in  the  darkness  of  the  ages,  and  the  same  obscurity  en- 
velops their  death.*  In  the  fourth  century  only  the 
tombs  of  four  Apostles  ^  were  known,  —  at  Eome  those 
of  Saints  Peter  and  Paul,  that  of  Saint  John  at  Ephesus, 
and  of  Saint  Thomas  at  Edessa.  The  three  first  expired 
in  the  places  where  their  ashes  now  repose.  But  Saint 
Thomas's  body  was  transported  from  the  Indies,  where 
he  suffered  martyrdom,^  to  Mesopotamia,  apparently 
by  the  efforts  of  Thaddeus,  to  whom  he  intrusted  the 
duty  of  evangelizing  the  country."^ 

We  say  nothing  here  as  to  those  great  disciples  of  the 
Christ,  —  Peter,  James  son  of  Alpheus,  John  and  Paul ; 
for,  very  different  from  the  rest  of  the  Apostles,  their 
deeds  and  the  field  of  their  preaching  are  known,  and  it 
is  by  following  in  their  footsteps  that  we  shall  trace  the 
history  of  the  new-born  Church. 

1  1  Cor.  ix.  5. 

2  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Pcedaqogus,  ii.  1 ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  viii. 
p.  406. 

3  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stromata,  iii.  4. 

*  In  the  second  century  Heracleon  (Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stromata, 
iv.  9;  Patrologie  grecque,  t,  viii.  p.  1282)  wrote  that  SS,  Mathias,  Philip, 
Matthew,  and  Thomas  died  a  natural  death ;  but  his  testimony  contradicts 
by  far  the  greater  number  of  authors  and  martyrologies  that  recount  their 
last  sufferings  and  execution. 

^  S,  John  Chrysostom,  In  Hehr.,  xxvi. 

6  Tillemdht,  Me'moires :  S.  Thomas,  t.  i.  p.  396. 

7  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  i.  13. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

SAINT  Matthew's  gospel. 

I.  —  The  Evangelical  Preaching. 

When  a  branch  grows  forth  on  the  parent  stem,  even 
though  it  be  destined  to  absorb  all  the  sap  and  life  of  the 
latter  later  on,  still  meanwhile  its  organs  differ  in  no  wise 
from  those  which  help  to  nourish  the  trunk,  —  it  is  of 
the  same  fibre,  with  the  same  channels  reaching  down  to 
the  very  roots.  So  was  it  with  the  Church.  We  have 
seen  how  its  Hierarchy  was  modelled  after  that  of  the 
Synagogue ;  its  methods  of  teaching  were  borrowed,  in 
like  manner,  from  the  Doctors  of  Israel.  Tradition  handed 
down  by  word  of  mouth  was  its  distinctive  trait.  "  Put 
nothing  in  writing,"  their  old  masters  had  said ;  and  all 
obeyed  their  precept,  even  Hillel  and  Gamaliel,  as  well 
as  the  rigorist  Shammai.  To  repeat  the  lesson  word  for 
word  was  the  mode  of  instruction,  which  Papias  has  so 
aptly  termed  "  the  living  and  lasting  Voice."  ^  In  every 
Jewish  community  this  voice  of  the  Eabbi  could  be 
heard,  ever  repeating  the  same  precepts  of  the  ancients, 
applying  the  same  commandments  of  the  Law  to  individ- 
ual cases,  and  giving  the  rules  for  the  interpretation  of 
sacred  literature.  It  was  the  doctor's  glory  that  he  pos- 
sessed all  his  learning  by  memory,  without  owing  any- 
thing to  books.  One  written  thing  alone  sufficed,  —  the 
Bible,  the  unsullied  spring  of  Truth,  the  brightness  of 
the  Wisdom  of  God.  Any  commentary  by  the  hand 
of  man  written  upon  these  inspired  pages  would  have 

^  Zdoa-ns  (poovrjs  Kol  /jLcvoia-ns.  Papias,  in  Eusebius  (Historia^Ecclesiastica, 
iii.  39  ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx.  p.  297). 


THE  EVANGELICAL  PREACHING.  207 

seemed  like  a  profanation ;  no  master  ever  set  down  his 
thoughts,  no  scholar  wrote  any  notes ;  their  doctrine  was 
transmitted  from  mouth  to  mouth.  It  was  not  until  after 
the  fall  of  the  Temple,  when  they  began  to  fear  lest  the 
treasures  they  had  gathered  through  the  ages  should  be 
scattered  and  lost, —  then  only  could  they  bring  themselves 
to  consent  that  the  lessons  which  the  scribes  of  Israel 
had  recited  for  the  last  two  centuries  should  be  gathered 
together  in  the  Talmud. 

It  is  hard  for  us  to  imagine  how  they  could  have  re- 
collected such  a  mass  of  decisions  and  maxims  with  any 
degree  of  accuracy.  But  the  memory  has  infinite  re- 
sources, and  when  spurred  to  it  by  Faith,  has  accomplished 
marvels.  In  India,  the  Vedas  for  a  long  time  remained 
as  an  oral  tradition,  and  its  thousands  of  verses  were  all 
known  by  heart.  So  too  with  the  Koran  in  the  beginning 
of  Islamism,  while  even  in  our  day  very  many  of  the 
Mussulmans  quote  it  without  using  the  text.  The 
schools  of  Jerusalem,  and  consequently  the  Doctors  of 
the  Primitive  Church,  had  no  other  method  of  teach- 
ing. The  disciple's  heart  was  the  only  book  whereon 
they  inscribed  the  Master's  lessons ;  but  they  remained 
there  graven  in  ineffaceable  characters. 

"  While  still  young,"  writes  Saint  Irenseus  to  Flo- 
rinus,^  "I  saw  thee  in  Lower  Asia,  with  Polycarp, 
diligently  seeking  his  approbation.  Even  yet  I  can 
point  out  the  spot  where  the  blessed  Polycarp  used  to 
sit  and  teach.  I  see  him  walking  and  coming  in  among 
us ;  his  manner  of  living  and  his  outward  demeanor  are 
well  remembered  by  me.  I  can  hear  him  telling  how  he 
had  lived  familiarly  with  John  and  other  men  who  had 
been  in  the  Lord's  company.  He  would  repeat  their 
words  and  everything  he  had  heard  from  them  touching 
the  Christ,  His  miracles,  and  His  doctrine.  As  he  had 
gathered  these  traditions  from  the  very  persons  who  had 
touched  the  Word    of   Life,  ^  Polycarp  never  made  any 

1  S.  Irenaeus,  quoted  by  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecclesiastica,  v.  20 ;  Patrolo- 
gie  grecqne,  t.  xx.  p.  485). 

^   IIop^  aVTOTTTUIV  TTJS  C^TjS  Tov  Xo'jov  irapei\T](l>u)s. 


208  SAINT  PETER. 

statement  which  was  not  m  accordance  with  the  Scripture. 
For  my  part,  I  listened  carefully  to  these  lessons,  which 
strengthened  the  grace  of  God  within  me.  I  imprinted 
them,  not  upon  paper,  but  in  my  heart,  and  by  the  same 
grace  of  God  I  constantly  repeat  all  these  memories  and 
turn  them  over  in  my  mind."  An  Ebionite  document  of 
the  second  century  attributes  the  same  custom  to  Saint 
Peter.  "  In  the  middle  of  the  night,"  it  makes  him  say, 
"  I  wake  up  of  myself,  nor  can  I  go  back  to  sleep  there- 
after. This  is  the  result  of  a  habit  I  formed  of  repeating 
to  myself  the  words  of  the  Lord,  in  order  to  retain  them 
faithfully  in  my  memory."  ^ 

In  confining  themselves  to  oral  teaching,  the  Apostles 
were  not  only  following  the  customs  of  their  nation,  they 
were  fulfilling  the  Master's  precept.  "  Go  forth  and 
preach  the  Gospel."  ^  For  very  differently  from  Moses 
bringing  back  the  Law  graven  on  tables  of  stone  from 
Mount  SinaT,  and  ordering  the  Jews  to  keep  it  ever  written 
before  their  eyes,  the  Twelve  had  received  from  Jesus 
nought  but  the  living  word  of  the  Father,  with  His  bid- 
ding that  they  should  bear  it  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
Of  set  purpose,  the  Master  chose  them  out  of  Galilee,  a 
rude  and  uncultured  province,  knowing  well  that  the  art 
of  writing,  rare  enough  everywhere  in  the  East,  was  a 
most  uncommon  accomplishment  among  fishermen  of 
Genesareth.  So  by  vocation  as  well  as  by  race  customs 
and  early  bringing  up,  they  all  became  simply  preachers 
of  the  word. 

The  first  chapters  of  the  Acts  give  us  some  inkling  as 
to  the  usual  form  of  their  teaching.  In  Christian  sanc- 
tuaries, as  in  the  Jewish  assemblies,  two  very  different 
sorts  of  instruction  were  to  be  heard,  —  the  "Halaka," 
and  the  "Hagada,"  the  dogmatic  interpretation  of  the 
text,  and  the  moral  homily  thereon.  The  "Halaka" 
formed  the  principal  part  of  the  divine  service  in  the 
Synagogues.     "  In  every  city,"  says  Saint  James,  "  Moses 

1  The  Recognitiones  (ii.  1),  composed,  according  to  M.  Renan,  about  the 
year  135. 

2  Mark  xvi.  15. 


THE  EVANGELICAL  PREACHING.  209 

is  read  and  preached  every  Sabbath  day."  ^  The  scribes 
treated  this  commentary  as  if  it  was  meant  to  be  all  a 
piece  of  dry  and  tedious  casuistry,  making  it  a  series  of 
decisions  which  laid  an  unbearable  yoke  on  every  action 
of  man's  life.  Certainly  this  was  not  the  Christians' 
manner  of  using  the  Scripture,  for  in  every  line  of  it  they 
found  something  to  remind  them  of  Jesus.  For  them 
Isaiah  sang  the  Saviour's  birth  of  a  Virgin ;  Micheas 
pointed  out  His  crib  in  Bethlehem  of  Juda ;  when  those 
words  of  Osee  were  read,  "  I  have  brought  back  My  Son 
out  of  Egypt,"  some  one  would  exclaim,  "  It  is  He,  re- 
turning from  the  banks  of  the  Nile  in  the  arms  of  Mary  ! " 
He  was  the  Corner-Stone  foretold  in  the  Psalm ;  and 
again,  that  Stumbling-Block  of  which  Isaiah  speaks  was 
Jesus.  2  His  Passion  shone  forth  in  all  its  details,  and 
every  act  in  the  Divine  drama  lived  again  in  the  minds 
of  the  faithful  hearers,  overwhelmed  with  wonder  and 
love :  they  recognized  Judas  and  the  thirty  shekels,  the 
stupefying  drink  which  our  Lord  refused,  the  garments 
divided  by  lot,  the  feet  and  hands  pierced  with  nails,  the 
awful  thirst,  the  sponge  soaked  in  vinegar,  the  bones  left 
unbroken,^  —  everything  had  been  foretold.  What  tears 
were  shed  as  they  listened  to  these  divine  oracles  they 
had  revered  so  long  without  understanding  the  Mystery 
enshrined  therein  !  The  Old  Testament,  read  in  this  new 
light,  still  keeps  its  place  in  our  Liturgy ;  the  Law  and 
the  Prophets  are  recited  at  the  beginning  of  Holy 
Mass,  just  as  they  once  were  in  the  first  Churches  of 
Jerusalem ;  under  the  name  of  the  Epistle  they  precede 
the  Gospel  in  the  same  way  that  the  "  Halaka  "  preceded 
the  homily  in  the  Synagogue. 

In  fact,  the  "  Hagada,"  the  second  form  of  Judaic  preach- 
ing, was  likewise  in  use  among  Christian  gatherings.  But 
what  a  difference  between  the  Eabbis'  sermonizing  and 
these  words  of  the  Apostles  which  have  become  our 
Gospel !     The  Twelve  had  but  one  single  end  in  view,  — 

1  Acts  XV.  21. 

2  Is.  vii.  14;  Mich.  v.  2;  Os.  xi.  1  ;  Ps.  cxvii.  22;  Is.  vii.  14. 

3  Zach.  xi.  12;  Ps.  xxi.  17,  19;  Ixviii.  22;  Exod.  xii.  46. 

14 


210  SAINT  PETER. 

to  inspire  greater  love  for  Jesus  in  the  disciples'  hearts  ; 
and  for  that  they  had  no  need  to  do  more  than  rehearse 
His  words  and  deeds.  Assuredly  they  did  not  neglect 
"  the  Holy  Law  "  of  Israel,  "  which  converteth  the  soul,"  ^ 
and  they  repeated  it  to  the  faithful  in  that  language  of 
the  Psalms  and  the  Prophets  which  is  to-day  the  proper 
speech  of  Christian  piety ;  but  the  great  end,  the  turning 
point  of  their  discourse,  the  Good  News  which  they  were 
bringing  to  the  world,  was,  using  the  words  of  Ignatius 
of  Antioch,  "  the  Flesh  of  Jesus,"  ^  God  Incarnate  for  the 
salvation  of  Humanity.  The  Truth  has  taken  our  flesh 
so  to  "  dwell  amongst  us  ; "  and  it  behoved  them  to  show 
mankind  just  how  God  had  revealed  Himself  to  them, 
conversing  like  a  Man  with  men.  "  The  Living  Word 
which  was  from  the  beginning.  Him  we  have  heard, 
we  have  seen  Him  with  our  eyes,  we  have  gazed  upon 
Him,  our  hands  have  touched  Him,  for  the  Life  hath 
made  itself  manifest.  We  have  seen  Him,  and  we  do  bear 
witness  of  Him ;  Him  we  announce  to  you,  that  Life 
Eternal,  Which  was  with  the  Father  and  hath  manifested 
Himself  to  us."  ^  In  this  testimony  of  Saint  John  we 
find  the  substance  of  the  Homily  as  it  was  generally 
preached  by  the  Twelve.  Here  the  didactic  order  of  the 
Philosophers  is  as  unknown  as  are  the  Eabbis'  futile 
discussions.  The  disciples  of  the  Master  were  content 
to  be  nothing  more  than  His  Witnesses,  repeating  what 
He  had  said. 

However,  we  must  not  fancy  that  this  preaching  was  a 
mere  echo,  a  string  of  parables,  sentences,  and  precepts  of 
the  Lord  put  together  according  to  each  one's  taste.  No 
collection  of  His  discourses,  however  divine,  could  have 
given  an  idea  of  all  that  Jesus  was  to  them,  for  the 
Saviour's  Ministry  had  this  peculiar  character  that  the 
action  ever  followed  the  word ;  what  He  taught  He  forth- 
with put  into  practice.  Thereby  giving  "breath  and 
life  "  ^  to  His  lessons.  He  transformed  them  into  deeds 

^  Ps.  xviii.  8. 

2  S.  Ignatius,  Epist.  ad  Philippensr^;,  v. 

^  1  John  i.  1-3.  *  John  vi.  64. 


THE  EVANGELICAL  PREACHING.  211 

more  persuasive  than  any  exhortation.  And  accordingly 
to  make  the  Saviour  known  aright,  the  Apostles  took  care 
to  fill  out  His  teachings  with  a  portrayal  of  the  circum- 
stances which  had  accompanied  them,  setting  forth  "  that 
which  Jesus  began  to  do  and  to  preach."  ^  Thus  their 
own  preaching  came  to  be  truthful  biography,  reflecting 
as  in  a  mirror  the  living  figure  of  Him  Who  is  the  Pat- 
tern proposed  for  all  mankind.  Only  to  recount  the 
Life  of  the  Master  was  enough  to  thrill  their  souls  with 
love,  and  spread  the  conquest  of  God's  grace.  They  never 
tired  of  returning  to  this  Theme,  and  consequently  their 
preaching  very  early  assumed  a  definite  form,  which  is 
easily  recognized,  not  only  in  the  three  first  Gospels,  but 
in  the  Book  of  the  Acts  as  well. 

The  first  and  foremost  object  of  this  Narrative  was 
always  to  establish  the  fact  of  the  Eesurrection  beyond 
all  shadow  of  doubt,  for  the  principal  duty  of  their  Apos- 
tleship  was  to  attest  the  triumph  of  the  Christ  over  the 
power  of  death.  This  Peter  declared  to  his  brethren 
when  assembled  in  the  Supper-Eoom ;  ^  but  at  the  same 
time  he  reminded  them  that  as  this  victory  was  but  the 
fruit  of  a  long  combat,  every  incident  of  the  Saviour's 
public  life  had  been  a  preparation  for  its  glorious  issue. 
So  then  to  be  what  Peter  called  "  a  Witness  of  the  Eesur- 
rection," 3  one  must  have  a  personal  knowledge  of  the 
doings  and  sayings  of  the  Saviour  during  the  three  years 
in  which  He  manifested  Himself  to  the  world,  and  con- 
sequently must  have  "  followed  Him  from  the  Baptism 
of  John  up  to  the  Ascension."  ^  The  beginning  and 
end  of  the  Apostolic  testimony  are  here,  as  we  see,  very 
clearly  marked  out.  The  biography  of  Jesus  opened  with 
the  appearance  of  His  Forerunner ;  then  came  the  Bap- 
tism of  the  Christ,  His  Temptation,  and  His  Ministry  in 
Galilee.  Out  of  feeling  for  the  Jews,  they  passed  over 
the  description  of  His  appearance  in  Jerusalem,  and  the 
obstinate  hard-heartedness  of  the  Holy  City ;  they  only 
told  how  He  entered  there  as  a  conqueror  five  days  before 

1  Actsi.  1.  2  Actsi.  21,22. 

3  Actsi.  22.  4  Actsi.  21.  22. 


212  SAINT  PETER, 

His  death.  But  after  that  event  the  pious  narrator  fol- 
lowed his  Divine  Master  step  by  step,  recording  day  by 
day,  hour  by  hour.  His  words,  His  sufferings.  His  last 
cry  of  anguish,  everything  that  would  heighten  the  con- 
trast of  the  marvels  which  consummated  and  crowned 
His  Sacrifice.  "  He  is  risen,  He  is  not  here ! "  ^  this 
the  Angel's  Message  was  the  fitting  climax  to  which  the 
Story  tended;  this,  more  than  all  else,  was  the  Glad 
Tidings,  the  Gospel  ^  foretold  by  Isaiah.  ^ 

With  its  grand  outlines  drawn  so  clearly,  the  whole 
framework  of  the  Gospel  Story  was  at  first  filled  in  by 
each  Apostle  according  to  the  inspiration  of  the  moment, 
the  opportunity  or  the  needs  of  his  audience.  But  the 
repeated  reiteration  of  the  same  narrative  very  soon  gave 
it  a  uniform  character,  particularly  for  what  concerned 
the  Saviour's  teaching.  The  Apostles  had  been  promised 
that  the  Holy  Spirit  would  recall  to  their  minds  every- 
thing that  Jesus  had  said,  *  that  is  to  say,  not  the  very 
w^ords  used  by  the  Master,  but  the  exact  meaning  of  His 
thought.  As  for  many  years  they  were  preaching  the 
Gospel  in  the  same  city,  and  could  lend  each  other  mutual 
assistance,  the  Twelve  bent  all  their  efforts  to  reprodu- 
cing as  exactly  as  possible  what  they  had  heard.  The 
precepts  of  the  Christ,  coming  thus  from  their  mouths, 
took  on  a  hallowed  form,  very  rightly  regarded  as  the 
utterance  of  the  Divine  Word,  and  consequently  treasured 
up  and  repeated  with  great  care.  Not  only  the  discourses 
of  Jesus,  but  certain  important  facts,  such  as  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Last  Supper  and  the  principal  acts  of  the 
Passion,  in  like  manner  assumed  an  unchangeable  form. 
But  for  the  rest  of  the  Story,  they  allowed  themselves 
perfect  liberty  as  to  its  treatment ;  the  Narrative  con- 
tinued ever  varying,  sometimes  more,  sometimes  less 
circumstantial,  according  as  memories  crowded  back  upon 
them,  and  feeling  was  more  or  less  intense. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  deny  that  in  this  evangelical 

1  Matt,  xxviii.  6. 

2  In  Greek,  evayy^Xiov;  from  ed,  "well,"  and  dyyeWeiv,  "to  announce." 

3  Is.  Ixi.  1 ;  Luke  iv.  18.  '^  John  xiv.  26. 


THE  EVANGELICAL  PREACHING.  213 

preaching  we  have  an  oral  Gospel,  the  first  form  and  the 
model  of  those  we  now  possess.  Indeed,  the  four  sacred 
writers,  known  by  the  name  of  Evangelists,  had  only  one 
plan  in  mind,  —  that  of  setting  down  the  verbal  teaching  of 
the  Apostles.  This  Saint  Luke  affirms  at  the  outset ;  he 
is  about  to  follow  the  footsteps  of  the  "  eye-witnesses  of 
the  Word,"  ^  and  to  write  down  what  they  had  recounted 
in  spoken  words,  in  order  to  "catechise  "  ^  the  first  Chris- 
tians. "  As  a  faithful  companion  of  Paul,"  says  Saint 
Irenseus,  "  he  put  down  in  a  book  the  Gospel  preached  by 
the  Apostle."  ^  This  evidence  is  confirmed  by  the  whole 
body  of  traditions.  Saint  Mark's  work  had  precisely  the 
same  origin,  being  a  summary  of  the  Good  News  which 
Saint  Peter  proclaimed  to  the  w^orld.  At  the  opening  of 
the  second  century,  Papias  learned  this  fact  from  the 
priest  John,  who  had  lived  with  the  Apostles ;  ^  after 
him,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  together  with  all  the  Fathers, 
speak  of  it  in  the  same  way.^ 

With  such  weighty  authorities  for  it,  the  fact  can  be 
regarded  as  settled ;  but  were  they  wanting,  the  Gospels 
of  Saints  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  set  side  by  side  and 
compared,  would  suffice  to  give  us  an  idea  of  how  the 
Good  News  was  told  in  the  Primitive  Church,  —  that 
spoken  Gospel,  which  served  as  a  pattern  for  them  in 
their  work.  These  three  documents  are  very  properly 
called  the  "  Synoptic  Gospels,"  because,  as  there  is  a  cer- 
tain conformity  in  the  arrangement  of  the  main  events, 
they  can  be  put  side  by  side,  so  that  one  can  embrace  all 
the  facts  at  a  glance.  Furthermore,  their  agreement  does 
not  consist  merely  in  chronicling  the  same  events  in  the 
same  order ;  often  it  results  in  their  using  similar  expres- 
sions. To  explain  such  harmonious  treatment,  only  two 
hypotheses  are  tenable,  —  either  that  the  Evangelists 
copied  from  each  other,  or  that  they  all  give  a  free  repro- 
duction of  the  same  original  text. 

1  Oi  (ztt'  dpxvs  avTOirrai  .   .   .  rod  \6yov  (Luke  i.  2). 

2  Luke  i.  4.  ^  S,  Irenaaus,  Hcereses,  iii.  1. 

^  Papias,  quoted  by  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  38). 
^  Clement  of  Alexandria,  quoted  by  Eusebius  (Historia  Ecclesiastica, 
vi.  14). 


214  SATNT  PETER. 

The  first  supposition  is  generally  abandoned,  for  it 
makes  no  account  either  of  the  divergences  or  the 
points  of  agreement  which  we  discover  in  the  "  Synop- 
tic Writers."  Why  should  one  Evangelist,  writing  at  a 
later  date,  have  neglected  certain  circumstances  related 
by  his  predecessor?  What  reason  could  there  be  why 
one  of  them  should  have  adopted  the  expression  used 
by  another  for  a  part  of  a  phrase,  and  curtly  omit  what 
followed  ?  How  could  the  two  later  have  allowed  so  many 
seeming  contradictions  to  stand  between  their  narratives 
and  the  one  they  had  before  their  eyes  ?  To  such  diffi- 
culties as  these  there  is  no  plausible  solution. 

Thus  we  are  bound  to  admit  that,  as  Saint  Epiphanius 
has  pointed  out,  the  first  three  Witnesses  who  have  re- 
vealed to  us  the  Life  of  the  Christ,  drew  their  materials 
from  the  one  same  source.^  About  this  mooted  point, 
modern  writers  have  given  their  imagination  full  sway. 
Some  have  conjectured  that  a  Greek  version  of  the 
Gospel  Story,  which  soon  went  out  of  use,  furnished 
the  historians  of  Jesus'  Life  with  those  details  which 
they  appropriated  in  common.  According  to  others,  the 
primitive  Gospel  was  written  in  Aramean,  and  the  free 
translation  made  by  the  sacred  writers  gives  the  reason 
why  their  works  show  so  many  contradictory  passages 
along  with  so  much  that  is  similar  in  all.  An  hundred 
combinations  of  these  various  conjectures  have  been 
proposed  in  order  to  solve  the  problem ;  but  the  more 
ingenious  and  better  adapted  to  fit  the  question  they 
may  seem,  the  less  we  can  credit  them :  for  who  will 
believe  that  in  the  age  of  the  Apostles,  in  Judea,  where 
the  only  learned  task  was  that  of  hearing  and  repeat- 
ing immutable  traditions,  these  Evangelists  could  have 
made  their  extracts,  compared  and  discarded  texts  bor- 
rowed from  this  and  that  source,  quite  after  the  fashion 
of  our  scientific  scholars  ?  How  are  we  to  be  convinced 
that  from  the  threads  so  laboriously  collected  they  could 
have  woven  a  cloth  of  such  stout  weft  that  it  needed 
all  the  subtlety  of  our  modern  critics  to  pierce  the  secret 

1  'E|  ouT^s  TTJs  Trrjyrjs  SipixrivTai  (S.  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  li.  6). 


THE  EVANGELICAL  PREACHING  215 

of  its  texture  ?  On  the  other  hand,  is  it  not  enough  to 
read  one  of  these  narratives  without  prejudice  to  recog- 
nize the  fact  that  this  is  no  tedious  effort  of  some 
compiler  of  facts,  but  a  work  wrought  by  one  man's 
hand  and  at  one  time,  inspired  to  the  doing  of  it  by 
memories  which  the  first  Christians  held  in  common  ? 

For  the  rest  we  must  beware  of  exaggerating  the 
harmony  between  these  writers.  In  their  general  plan 
the  three  narratives  move  in  nearly  parallel  lines  :  the 
Mission  of  John  Baptist,  the  Baptism  of  Jesus,  His 
Temptation,  the  return  into  Galilee,  the  Saviour's  Min- 
istry in  that  province.  His  journey  Jerusalemward,  the 
entry  into  the  Holy  City,  His  preaching  during  the 
following  days,  the  Passion,  and  the  Eesurrection,  —  these 
in  like  manner  have  their  place  in  each  Gospel.  But 
if  we  go  farther,  and  calculate  the  number  of  minor 
incidents  which  go  to  fill  up  these  divisions,  we  find  that 
in  most  cases  ^  the  narrator  has  not  scrupled  to  omit 
or  to  add  certain  details.  Still  more  rarely  do  the  His- 
torians of  Jesus  employ  the  same  words  in  reporting  the 
same  facts.  Their  agreement,  infrequent  as  it  is  in  the 
purely  narrative  portions,  has  a  valid  and  plain  reason 
for  its  existence  in  the  teachings  and  conversations  of  the 
Lord,  when  there  is  a  question  of  some  Prophecy  fulfilled 
in  Him,  or  when  they  are  treating  of  some  great  event, 
like  the  Institution  of  the  Eucharist,  certain  circum- 
stances in  the  Passion,  the  Multiplication  of  Loaves,  —  all 
figuring  forth  the  most  sacred  of  the  Christian  Mysteries. 
Even  in  these  portions,  though  there  are  many  verbal 
coincidences,  the  number  of  words  changed  or  omitted 
without  any  motive  proves  that  each  author  retained  his 
own  independent  method,  even  as  to  those  points  where 
a  formal  tradition  would  have  seemed  rather  to  restrict 
them  to  a  more  scrupulous  fidelity  to  what  they  had 
heard. 

But  over  and  above  this  freedom  which  they  allowed 

1  An  examination  of  any  Harmony  of  the  Synoptic  Writers  will  suffice 
to  show  the  reader  that  only  two  fifths  of  the  facts  related  are  common  to 
all  three  Evangelists. 


216  SAINT  PETER. 

themselves  in  the  preaching  and  compiling  of  the  Gospel, 
there  is  another  cause  which  explains  many  of  the  diver- 
gences we  find  in  their  work ;  they  arose  in  great  part 
from  the  fact  that  the  Good  News  was  delivered  to  very 
various  audiences,  even  in  Jerusalem.  As  the  majority 
of  pilgrims  from  the  Dispersion  understood  Greek  only, 
they  were  obliged  to  preach  the  Saviour  to  them  in  that 
language.  And  thus  from  the  very  first,  the  Twelve  were 
led  to  give  a  twofold  version  of  the  Life  of  Jesus,  —  one  in 
Aramean  for  the  native-born  Christians  of  Jerusalem,  the 
other  in  Greek  for  the  Israelite  strangers  who  knew  no 
Hebrew.  We  have  seen  how  the  latter,  after  changing 
many  of  their  customs  and  opinions  from  frequent  con- 
tact with  the  Pagans,  came  to  differ  very  widely  from 
their  brethren,  still  strictly  observant  of  the  Mosaical 
rites.  To  meet  and  conquer  minds  of  such  opposite  ten- 
dencies, it  was  necessary  for  the  Apostles  to  adapt  their 
preaching  to  their  various  needs.  Thus  it  came  about 
that  with  a  theme  common  to  all  three  Synoptic  Writers, 
we  find  certain  individualities  which  distinguish  one  from 
the  other,  —  a  personal  treatment,  which,  taking  Saint 
Matthew's  Gospel,  will  give  us  an  insight  into  the  Hebraic 
preaching  in  Jerusalem. 


II. —  The  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew. 

As  long  as  the  Apostles  remained  in  the  Holy  City,  no 
one  dreamed  of  asking  them  to  set  dow^n  in  written  words 
the  Good  News  they  were  repeating  day  after  day ;  for 
how  could  a  book  replace  these  living  fervid  Witnesses  ? 
The  need  of  such  a  substitute  was  not  felt  till  the  time 
came  for  them  to  separate.  It  would  seem  that  Matthew 
was  especially  noted  for  the  charming  character  of  his 
recital  of  the  Divine  Story,  his  talent  for  adapting  the 
deeds  and  words  of  Jesus  to  the  understanding  of  the 
children  of  Israel,  above  all  for  the  pains  he  took  to  show 
how  the  Master  was  foretold  and  prefigured  in  the  Old 
Testament.    For  all  these  reasons,  his  story  of  the  Gospel 


SAINT  MATTHEW'S   GOSPEL.  217 

stood  in  high  repute  among  the  Jews.  The  latter  obtained 
his  promise  that  before  leaving  them  "  he  would  set  down 
in  writing  the  Gospel  which  he  had  preached  to  them, 
and  thus  supply  the  want  which  would  be  felt  in  his 
absence."  ^  Such,  according  to  Eusebius,  was  the  origin 
of  the  first  manuscript  containing  the  Life  of  the  Christ. 
His  testimony  is  but  an  echo  of  Tradition.  From  the 
time  of  the  Apostles,  in  fact,  we  have  an  unbroken  line  of 
Fathers  who  declare  that  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew 
was  written  in  Aramean  and  destined  for  the  use  of  the 
Hebrews. 

The  first  to  attest  this  fact  is  a  Bishop  who  lived  in  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century,  Papias  of  Hierapolis,  the 
friend  of  Saint  Polycarp.  A  man  versed  in  tradition,  he 
had  gathered  together  from  older  men  who  had  conversed 
with  the  Apostles,  and  in  particular  with  the  Priest  John, 
many  bits  of  testimony  which  he  solemnly  affirms  "  are 
true."  2  Here  is  what  he  says  concerning  our  Gospel. 
"  Matthew  composed  the  Oracles  in  Hebrew,  and  each  one 
interpreted  them  as  best  he  could."  It  is  the  opinion  of 
the  best  critics  that  the  word  "  Oracles  "  is  used  here  to 
designate  the  long  discourses  ^  which  are  a  peculiar  feature 
of  Saint  Matthew's  work.  The  Bishop  of  Hierapolis 
marks  three  distinct   periods    in    the    diffusion    of   this 

^  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  24. 

2  Aia^e$aioi'iJ.€t/os  virep  avrCov  d\rj66iav.  Papias,  quoted  by  Eusebius 
(Flistoria  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  39). 

^  Schleiermacher  and  others  give  this  word  a  restricted  meaning,  and 
translate  it  by  "  certain  utterances  of  the  Lord."  But  it  is  manifest  that 
\6yia  has  a  larger  signification.  In  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (iii.  2),  ra 
\6yia  rov  Qeov  refers,  not  merely  to  the  Law,  but  to  the  whole  body  of 
Scripture,  and  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (v.  12)  the  same  word  em- 
braces "  all  divine  Eevelation."  It  cannot  be  said  that  Papias  means  by 
Tcc  Xoyia  simply  a  collection  of  sentences  without  an  accompanying  narra- 
tive. Certainly,  when  commenting  upon  the  \6yia  KvpiaKa,  he  would  have 
no  occasion  to  treat  of  anything  in  his  Preface  save  what  nearly  concerned 
his  subject.  His  expression  applies  very  aptly  to  a  Gospel  comprising  both 
the  deeds  and  words  of  Christ.  Speaking  of  S.  Mark,  he  says  that  his 
work  contained  ra  virh  rod  Xpicrrov  ^  Aex^eWa  ^  TrpaxOevra  Compare 
Plato,  Phctido,  2.  But  this  did  not  deter  him  from  calling  the  same  book 
'S.vvra^is  twv  KvpiaKQiv  Koywv.  Indeed,  Papias'  own  work,  entitled,  Aoyiwv 
KvpiaK&v  i^-nyria-eis,  contained  the  narratives  as  Avell.  See  Routh,  Rel. 
Sacrce,  p.  7  et  seq. 


218  SAINT  PETER. 

Gospel :  the  first  when  only  the  Hebrew  text  was  in 
existence ;  during  the  second  each  reader  exercised  all  his 
learning  in  translating  it  as  he  went  along ;  finally,  after 
alluding  to  these  efforts  of  days  gone  by,^  Papias  gives  us 
a  third  epoch,  which  is  his  own,  when  these  individual 
essays  at  interpretation  had  yielded  place  to  an  authentic 
translation,  accepted  by  all  in  place  of  the  original/^ 

The  same  tradition  was  held  by  the  Church  of  Alexan- 
dria. About  the  middle  of  the  second  century  Pantsenus, 
one  of  the  Doctors  of  that  city,  was  sent  by  the  Bishop 
Demetrius  to  preach  along  the  borders  of  the  Eed  Sea  in 
Araby  the  Blest.  ^  But  he  found  "  that  certain  of  the 
dwellers  in  that  region  already  knew  of  the  Christ,  and 
possessed  the  Gospel  of  Matthew.  In  olden  times  Bartho- 
lomew had  brought  them  the  Good  News,  and  left  in 
their  hands  this  Book  of  the  Apostle  written  in  Hebrew 
characters,  and  this  they  had  preserved  up  to  that  day."^ 
Pantsenus  certainly  had  no  doubts  as  to  the  authenticity 
of  this  document ;  his  teaching  in  regard  to  the  matter 
has  been  handed  down  to  us  by  Origen,  one  of  his  dis- 
ciples :  "  Here  is  what  I  have  learned  from  tradition  con- 
cerning the  four  Gospels,  the  only  ones  of  incontestable 
authority  in  the  Church  of  God  which  is  under  Heaven. 
Matthew,  who  was  first  a  Publican,  afterwards  an  Apostle 
of  Jesus  Christ,  wrote  the  first ;  he  intended  it  for  the 
use   of   those  who  came  over  from  Judaism,  and  com- 

^  "HpH-fjuevae,  and  not  cp/nrivcvei. 

2  Hence  it  follows  that  the  second  generation  of  Christianity  already 
possessed  the  authentic  translation  of  S.  Matthew's  Gospel  as  it  stands  in 
our  modern  editions. 

3  The  text  of  Eusebius  has  it  that  he  started  forth  to  preach  in  the 
Indies,  but  by  this  name  the  ancients  sometimes  designated  Araby  the 
Blest  (Mosheim,  De  Rebus  Christ  ante  Constant'in.  M.  Commentarii,  6206). 
According  to  the  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis,  this  region  was  peopled  by  the 
children  of  Chus  and  Joktan.  Now,  the  Syrians  and  Hebrews  call  the 
former  Chusites,  the  latter  Indians  (Assemani,  BibUothec  Orient.,  t  i.  p. 
3.59).  On  the  western  coasts  of  Arabia,  washed  by  the  Eed  Sea,  there 
were  numerous  Jewish  communities  which  could  only  have  used  a  Hebrew 
version  of  the  Gospel.  And  it  was  there,  so  Socrates  asserts,  that  Bar- 
tholomew preached  the  Gospel,  "  in  India,  which  is  nigh  unto  Ethiopia  " 
(Historia  Ecdesiastica,  i.  19);  "in  India  called  the  Blest,"  adds 
Sophronius. 

4  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica,  v.  10. 


SAINT  MATTHEW'S   GOSPEL.  219 

posed  it  in  the  Hebrews'  language."  ^  Along  about  the 
same  time,  Saint  Irenseus  speaks  of  it  in  the  same  terms 
to  the  Christians  of  Lyons.  ^  To  their  testimony  we  may 
add  that  of  Eusebius,  Saint  Epiphanius,  Saint  Jerome,^ 
and  the  Fathers  of  later  times  ;  all  are  unanimous  as  to 
the  point  in  question,  and  we  must  come  down  to  the 
sixteenth  century  to  find  in  Erasmus  the  first  one  to 
gainsay  them.  Following  his  example,  certain  modern 
writers  strive  hard  to  prove  that  Saint  Matthew  wrote  in 
Greek  ;  but  none  of  their  arguments  will  bear  a  searching 
examination. 

Whether  we  attach  little  or  no  weight  to  the  voice  of 
tradition  in  this  matter,  the  character  of  the  work  alone 
is  enough  to  show  what  sort  of  readers  Saint  Matthew 
had  in  mind.  Always  beneath  the  Greek  version  one  feels 
the  presence  of  a  Jewish  author,  writing  in  his  native 
Semitic  speech.  The  first  page  contains  one  of  those  ge- 
nealogies, ^  so  common  in  the  Old  Testament,  where  sym- 
metry of  numerical  form  is  one  of  the  first  objects  in  view. 
From  the  opening  of  the  Gospel  down  to  its  last  line,  the 
author's  dominant  thought  is  to  show  his  readers,  who 
rest  all  their  hopes  in  the  Messiah's  coming,  and  put  their 
whole  trust  in  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  that  Jesus  em- 
bodied all  that  these  Seers  had  foretold,  and  thereby 
manifested  Himself  as  their  Saviour  and  Christ.  It  would 
seem  that  no  events  had  any  importance  in  his  eyes  unless 
they  verified  some  prediction,  while  the  deeds  and  words 
of  the  Master  are  chosen  with  the  single  aim  of  showing 
that,  "  These  things  were  done  that  it  might  be  fulfilled 
which  the  Lord  spake  by  the  Prophets." 

Furthermore,  the  audience  our  writer  is  addressing  is 
not  one  of  Jews  merely,  but  of  Jews  who  speak  the  Ara- 
mean  tongue,  —  witness  the  many  words  of  that  language, 

1  Origen,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vi.  25). 

2  S.  Irenseus,  Hcereses,  iii.  1. 

3  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  24;  S.  Epiphanius,  Hcereses, 
xxix.  9 ;  S  Jerome,  Prcefat  in  Matt.  De  Viris  lUusfribus  3. 

4  In  Hebrew,  Sepher  Toledoth.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  in  this 
genealogy  the  transcriptions  of  proper  names  are  not  always  those  which 
we  find  in  the  Septuagint, 


220  SAINT  PETER. 

such  as  raka,  corhona,  ^  employed  without  further 
explanation ;  note  the  interpretations  he  gives,  which 
suppose  a  knowledge  of  Hebrew,  as,  for  example,  of  the 
name '  Jesus,  and  Nazarene.  ^  It  is  no  less  plain  to  be 
seen  that  these  Israelites  were  living  in  Jerusalem  before 
its  destruction,  and  that  they  were  daily  witnesses  of  the 
sacred  ceremonies,  the  Temple,  the  Altar  laden  with  its 
offerings,  ^  "  the  City  of  the  Great  King "  just  as  the 
Saviour  knew  it,  its  courts,  ^  its  prejudices,  ^  the  Laws 
peculiar  to  Palestine,  with  the  political  and  social  orga- 
nization of  Judea  while  it  was  still  intact.  Scribes  and 
Pharisees  are  seated  in  the  chair  of  Moses,  broadening 
their  phylacteries  and  the  fringes  of  their  garments.  To 
them  belong  the  first  places  in  the  banquets,  the  front 
seats  in  the  synagogues,  and  the  tithes  of  mint,  anise,  and 
cumin.  They  pray  noisily  at  the  street-corners,  standing 
upright  and  surrounded  by  a  crowd  which  greets  them 
with  cries  of  "  Eabbi !  Eabbi  I  "  Around  about  the  walls, 
and  in  the  valleys  of  Hinnom  and  Josaphat,  these  hypo- 
crites erect  white  tombs  to  the  ancient  Prophets  ;  they 
adorn  the  sepulchres  of  the  righteous  dead,  and  mean- 
while they  whip  the  living  saints  in  their  synagogues, 
crucifying  and  killing  those  whom  the  Lord  sends  to 
them  in  His  Name.^  The  Jerusalem  of  the  time  of  Agrippa 
stands  forth  so  strikingly  in  Saint  Matthew's  work  that 
the  Eationalists  have  not  ventured  to  give  it  a  later  date 
than  the  years  which  followed  immediately  upon  the 
destruction  of  the  Holy  City. "     Otherwise  they  would 

1  Matt.  V.  22  ;  xxvii.  6.  2  M^tt.  i.  21 ;  ii.  23. 

3  "  If  thou  offer  thy  gift  at  the  altar.  .  .  .  Whosoever  shall  swear  by 
the  gold  of  the  Temple  ...  by  the  altar  ...  by  the  gift  which  is  thereon  " 
(Matt.  V.  23;  xxiii.  16,  18). 

4  Matt.  V.  22. 

^  The  word  ''  Gentiles  "  is  always  used  in  a  bad  sense ;  the  Apostles  are 
commanded  not  to  go  among  them.  The  Samaritans  are  an  abhorred 
race,  etc. 

6  Matt,  xxiii.  2,  6,  7,  14,  23,  27,  29,  34 ;  vi.  2,  5, 

'''  "  As  near  as  we  can  conjecture,  it  was  about  the  year  75  when,  for 
the  first  time,  the  hand  of  man  attempted  to  sketch  certain  features  of  that 
figure  before  which  eighteen  centuries  have  knelt  and  adored.  .  .  .  The 
language  used  was  the  same  wherein  the  very  words  of  Jesus  were  first 
conceived,  —  those  words  which  we  all  know   by  heart ;   that  is,  it  was 


SAINT  MATTHEW'S   GOSPEL.  221 

be  at  a  loss  to  explain  how  the  vanished  city  could  have 
left  so  vivid  a  memory  in  the  minds  of  men. 

These  critics  have  only  one  reason  for  assigning  the 
compilation  of  the  First  Gospel  to  a  later  date  than  the 
year  70 :  ^  that  reason  is  that  they  find  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  foretold  therein  ;  and  as  every  Prophecy  is 
an  historical  impossibility,  to  their  thinking,  we  must 
suppose  that  the  event  had  already  occurred.  This  argu- 
ment is  not  enough  to  counterbalance  the  evidence  of 
antiquity,  which  agrees  in  dating  the  appearance  of  Saint 
Matthew's  text,  not  only  before  the  time  when  Titus 
devastated  Judea,  but  considerably  earlier.  In  fact,  the 
general  feeling  among  the  Fathers  seems  to  be  that  the 
Apostle  composed  his  Narrative  some  ten  years  after 
the  Ascension,  2  when  he  was  making  ready  to  leave 
the  Holy  Land.  It  is  impossible  to  explain  why  Mat- 
thew, if  he  had  been  living  among  Gentiles  who  neither 
spoke  nor  understood  Hebrew,  should  have  written  in 
that  language ;  whereas  at  the  time  when  he  was  still 
in  Jerusalem  his  reason  for  doing  so  is  easily  conceived. 
It  was  to  the  Christians  of  that  city,  to  whom  his  depar- 
ture was  such  a  blow,  that  he  left  the  Glad  Tidings  he 
had  preached  to  them,  and  "  thereby  left  a  substitute  in 
his  absence."  ^ 

When  assigning  so  early  a  date  to  this  Gospel,  we  have 
in  mind  the  Aramean  text  alone,  now  lost  to  us.  As  to 
the  Greek  translation,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the 

written  in  the^Syro-Chaldaic,  then  called,  by  an  abuse  of  terms,  Hebrew  " 
(Renan,  Les  Evangiles,  p.  97). 

1  These  two  verses  from  the  last  chapters  in  S.  Matthew  are  sometimes 
quoted  as  indicating  a  later  date :  "  And  for  this  cause  that  field  has  been 
called,  even  to  this  our  day,  Hakeldama;  that  is.  The  Field  of  Blood" 
(xxvii.  8).  "  And  this  saying  is  spread  abroad  among  the  Jews  even  unto 
this  day"  (xxviii.  15).  Everything  goes  to  show  that  these  two  remarks 
were  added  at  some  later  date,  when  the  original  Aramean  was  translated 
into  Greek, 

2  Theophylactus  and  Euthymius  hold  for  the  eighth  year  after  the 
Ascension ;  Nicephorus  and  the  Chronicle  of  Alexandria,  the  fifteenth,  — 
45.  As  regards  the  passage  in  S.  Irenaeus  which  seems  to  give  61  as  the 
year  in  which  this  Gospel  was  composed,  "  when  Peter  and  Paul  were 
preaching  the  Gospel  in  Rome,"  see  Appendix  III. 

^  Eusebius,  Histona  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  24. 


222  SAINT  PETER. 

time  of  its  publication  with  any  degree  of  assurance. 
Papias  and  the  other  Fathers  of  the  second  century  had 
it  before  them,  and  quote  it  as  the  authentic  work  of 
Saint  Matthew.  Hence  we  know  that  it  was  made  in  the 
first  century,  but  without  any  evidence  to  indicate  the 
year  or  the  author  of  this  part  of  the  work.  Saint  Jerome 
confesses  that  he  could  discover  nothing  bearing  on  this 
point.  ^  Some  credit  it  to  Saint  John,  ^  others  to  Saint 
Barnabas,^  others  again  to  Saint  James.*  Papias  in- 
forms us  that  at  first  each  one  translated  the  Aramean  as 
best  he  could.  How  did  it  happen  that  so  many  versions 
should  have  disappeared  without  leaving  any  trace  ? 
What  translator  enjoyed  such  a  reputation  that  his  work 
should  have  superseded  all  the  others  ?  To  these  ques- 
tions we  can  find  but  one  simple  and  plausible  answer, 
—  to  wit,  that  Saint  Matthew  himself  was  the  author  of 
both  texts.  The  same  reasons  which  led  the  Hebrews  of 
Jerusalem  to  beg  him  for  a  summary  of  his  preaching, 
must  have  induced  the  communities  of  Greek  Christians 
which  he  afterwards  established  to  beseech  him  to  grant 
them  the  same  favor,  and  certainly  he  would  not  have 
refused  their  request. 

We  can  get  some  inkling  as  to  the  manner  in  which 
this  translation  was  made  from  what  we  know  of  the 
Apostles'  preaching  of  the  Good  News.^  Saint  Matthew's 
work  may  be  divided  into  two  parts,  —  first,  the  general 
plan,  and  certain  details  proper  to  it;  and  secondly, 
numerous  extracts  from  his  spoken  version  which  he  had 
selected  and  then  inserted  in  this  frame-work.     Now,  in 


1  S.  Jerome,  De  Viris  Illustribus,  iii. 

2  Theophylactus,  Enthymius. 

3  Isidore  of  Seville,  Chron.,  272. 

4  Synopsis  SacrcB  Scripturce  in  the  Works  of  S.  Athanasius,  vol.  ii. 
p.  202,  The  last-mentioned  tradition  is  rather  curious  in  that  it  describes 
the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  —  an  Israelite  of  the  Israelites  —  circulating 
among  the  Greeks  of  his  flock  a  work  which  S.  Matthew  destined  for  the 
use  of  Hebrews  alone. 

^  Here  I  have  drawn  largely  upon  the  labors  of  the  many  learned  schol- 
ars who  have  thrown  so  much  light  on  the  origins  of  the  Gospel ;  notably 
Westcott's  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Gospels,  and  Norton's  Genuineness 
of  the  Gospels,  etc. 


SAINT  MATTHEW'S   GOSPEL.  223 

Jerusalem  the  preaching  was  of  a  twofold  description,  — 
one  in  Aramean  for  the  Israelites  who  used  that  tongue, 
the  other  in  Greek  for  the  Hellenist  Jews,  both  similar 
at  bottom,  but  presenting  some  divergent  characters  ;  for 
instance,  in  the  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  where 
the  Hebrews  referred  to  their  original  text,  whereas  the 
Greeks  followed  the  Septuagint.  Since  Saint  Matthew 
wrote  his  first  Narrative  in  the  Aramean  tongue,  he  must 
have  taken  all  he  wished  to  preserve  of  the  Apostles' 
preaching  from  the  oral  Gospel  of  the  Hebrews ;  but  the 
material  of  all  these  extracts  was  to  be  found,  word  for 
word,  in  the  oral  Gospel  of  the  Greeks,  which  was  a 
faithful  reflection  of  the  former.  Thus,  then,  when  it  was 
simply  a  question  of  the  one  same  text  delivered  daily  in 
two  different  languages.  Saint  Matthew  had  only  to  sub- 
stitute one  idiom  for  the  other  in  order  to  put  his  work 
into  the  hands  of  Hellenists ;  and  a  translation,  properly 
speaking,  became  necessary  only  for  those  parts  of  his 
Gospel  which  belonged  exclusively  to  himself.  ^ 


1  Certainly  this  is  but  an  hypothesis,  yet  a  very  likely  one,  since  it 
explains  how  the  Greek  copy,  the  only  one  which  has  come  down  to  us, 
preserves  all  the  charm  and  vividness  of  the  original.  Also  it  gives  a 
reason  for  the  verbal  coincidences  in  S.  Matthew  with  the  text  of  SS.  Mark 
and  Luke,  who  alike  drew  the  substance  of  their  story  from  the  spoken 
Greek  Gospel.  But  what  goes  still  further  to  support  our  supposition  is 
this  peculiarity ;  to  wit,  that  all  the  quotations  which  S.  Matthew  makes 
from  the  Old  Testament  follow  the  Hebrew  text  (Matt.  i.  23;  ii.  15,  18; 
iv.  15,  16;  viii.  17;  xii.  18-21;  xiii.  35;  xxi.  5;  xxvii.  9,  10),  while  those 
in  the  discourses  which  are  spoken  by  the  Saviour  or  other  personages,  are 
conformed  to  the  Septuagint  Version  (Matt.  iii.  3 ;  iv.  4,  6,  7,  10 ;  xv.  4,  8, 
9;  xix.  5,  18;  xxi.  42;  xxii.  32,  39,  44;  xxiii.  39;  xxiv.  15;  xxvii.  46). 
Just  this  would  be  the  case  according  to  the  supposition  adopted  above. 
Certainly,  when  translating  into  Greek  those  passages  of  his  work  which 
belonged  exclusively  to  himself,  S.  Matthew  would  prefer  to  revert  to  the 
Hebrew  text,  which  he  possessed  in  the  original  Aramean,  for  all  his  own 
quotations  from  Scripture ;  on  the  contrary,  when  he  had  only  to  transfer 
to  his  earlier  work  those  precious  gems  of  thought  which  he  treasured  in 
common  with  all  who  knew  the  spoken  Greek  Gospel,  he  would  prefer  to 
keep  them  just  as  the  people  were  accustomed  to  hearing  them,  giving  all 
the  quotations  according  to  the  Septuagint.  The  fact  that  he  borrowed 
thus  from  the  oral  Gospel  of  the  Greeks  is  made  still  more  manifest  be- 
cause in  cases  where  S.  Matthew  adopts  the  Septuagint  wording,  SS.  Mark 
and  Luke  do  so  likewise;  and  when  the  first  makes  any  change,  the  other 
Synoptical  writers  do  so  too. 


224  SAINT  PETER 

Saint  Matthew's  work,  after  being  put  into  an  available 
form,  remained  the  only  one  in  use  in  countries  speaking 
the  Greek  tongue  ;  that  is  to  say,  among  the  Gentiles  and 
Jews  scattered  over  the  world  outside  of  Palestine.  The 
original  Hebrew  version  was  left  to  the  disciples  of  the 
Holy  City,  who  preserved  it,  without  alteration,  up  to  the 
year  134.  In  that  epoch  the  Jewish  Church  of  Jerusa- 
lem, after  being  banished  from  the  city,  together  with  all 
the  children  of  Israel,  finally  ceased  to  exist ;  ^  in  its 
place  there  grew  up  a  community  of  Christian  colonists, 
Greek  in  race  and  speech.  The  Aramean  Gospel,  there- 
fore, continued  to  be  used  only  by  a  certain  number  of 
Hebrews,  who  stubbornly  insisted  upon  mingling  the 
practices  of  Mosaism  with  the  New  Faith.  These  Juda- 
isers  took  refuge  beyond  Jordan,  and  there  were  known 
by  the  name  of  Nazarenes.  In  the  time  of  Saint  Justin, 
their  attachment  to  the  Law  was  tolerated  by  some,  con- 
demned by  others  ;  but  keeping  aloof  from  the  Church 
and  without  any  regular  Hierarchy,  they  soon  dwindled 
to  an  obscure  sect.  Saint  Epiphanius,  who  is  the  first  to 
rank  them  in  the  number  of  heretics,  says  "  that  what 
separated  them  from  the  Christians  was  their  obstinacy 
in  keeping  the  Circumcision,  the  Sabbath,  and  the  rest  of 
the  Mosaical  Observances."  ^ 


1  It  is  true  that  in  70  the  faithful  of  Jerusalem  had  withdrawn  with 
S.  Simeon,  their  shepherd,'  over  beyond  Jordan,  but  they  returned  to  the 
ravaged  city  as  soon  as  Titus  had  departed.  They  re-entered  it  firm  in 
their  Christian  faith,  and  no  heresy  had  its  rise  among  them  before  the  year 
108 ;  they  still  clung  to  Jewish  customs.  During  the  century  of  their 
Church's  existence,  they  had  fifteen  Bishops,  all  of  the  circumcision,  all 
faithful  to  the  Law  (Eusebius,  Hisiona  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  32 ;  iv.  5,  6,  22 , 
S.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Catech.  xiv.  15;  S.  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  Ixa^.  20). 
As  there  was  nothing  to  distinguish  them  from  other  Jews  to  Roman  eyes, 
they  were  included  in  the  proscription  which  befell  the  children  of  Israel 
after  the  defeat  of  Barcochebas  (135).  Those  whom  Adrian's  soldiers  were 
unable  to  slay  or  sell,  were  forbidden  to  approach  Jerusalem ;  only  once  a 
year,  and  at  a  great  price,  they  extorted  permission  to  enter  and  weep  over 
the  Holy  City,  which  the  Conqueror  had  pillaged  and  stripped  of  every- 
thing, even  its  name,  —  for  the  decree  had  gone  forth  that  thereafter  it 
was  to  be  known  as  ^lia  Capitolina.  This  rigorous  banishment  put  an 
end  to  the  Jewish  Church  of  Jerusalem. 

2  S.  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  xxix.  7. 


SAINT  MATTHEW'S  GOSPEL.  225 

In  their  hands  Saint  Matthew's  Hebrew  Gospel  did  not 
remain  long  intact.  Without  going  so  far  as  to  alter  and 
mutilate  ^  the  text,  as  the  Ebionites  did,  they  made  very 
many  additions  to  it.  We  have  seen,  from  the  example 
of  Papias  and  Saint  Irenseus,  with  what  care  men  gathered 
up  every  word  of  Jesus  and  His  Apostles.  The  Nazarenes 
went  farther,  and  inserted  many  traditions  into  their 
Hebrew  Gospel.  However,  they  did  not  accept  them 
lightly  or  without  consideration  ;  for  the  Fathers,  without 
conceding  any  canonical  authority  to  these  fragments, 
nevertheless  quote  them  with  respect.  Hegesippus,  a 
man  of  scrupulous  orthodoxy,  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
and  Origen,  often  allude  to  the  Gospel  of  the  Nazarenes  ;  ^ 
Saint  Epiphanius  contents  himself  with  saying  that  it  is 
very  complete.  ^  Saint  Jerome  went  further :  finding 
it  at  Aleppo,  he  copies  and  translates  it ;  and  although  he 
calls  it  "  rather  the  Gospel  according  to  the  Apostles, 
than  according  to  Saint  Matthew,"  *  he  does  not  fail  to 
recommend  its  use.^  Such  fragments  as  we  possess  do 
not  justify  his  esteem  for  it ;  the  influence  of  Gnosticism 


^  S.  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  xxx.  3, 13.  Nej/o^evjUeVqt*  koI  7]Kp(i3Tit]pia(TiM^v(p. 
They  had  abbreviated  the  genealogies.  S.  Jerome  says  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  Gospel  of  the  Nazarenes  began  with  the  two  first  chapters  as  we 
have  them  in  the  Greek  text  of  S.  Matthew. 

2  Eusebius,  Histona  Ecclesiastica,  iv,  22 ;  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stro- 
mata,  ii.  9  ;  Origen,  In  Mat.  xv.  14. 

3  S.  Epiphanius,  Hcereses,  xxix.  7,  9. 

*  S.  Jerome,  because  he  found  this  text  at  Berea  (Aleppo)  among  the 
Nazarenes  of  that  city,  at  first  believed  that  he  had  in  his  possession  the 
original  Aramean  version  of  S.  Matthew.  "  Ipsum  Hebraicum  habetur 
usque  hodie  in  Csesariensi  Bibliotheca,  quam  Pamphilus  Martyr  studiosis- 
sime  confecit.  Mihi  quoque  a  Nazareeis  qui  in  Bersea  urbe  Syrias  hoc 
volumine  utuntur,  describendi  facultas  fuit "  {De  Viris  Ilhistribus,  iii.).  But 
a  few  years  later  he  modified  his  opinion,  and  expressed  himself  thus :  "  In 
Evangelio  quo  utuntur  Nazarsei  et  Hebionitae,  quod  nuper  in  Graecum  de 
Hebraso  sermone  transtuliraus,  et  quod  vocatur  a  plerisque  Matthaei  au- 
thenticum"  (In  Matt.  xii.  13).  And  still  later,  in  his  Dialogue  against  the 
Pelagians  (iii.  2) :  "  In  Evangelio  juxta  Hebrseos,  quod  Chaldaico  quidem 
Syroque  sermone,  sed  Hebraicis  litteris  conscriptum  est,  quo  utuntur  usque 
hodie  Nazareni,  secundum  Apostolos,  sive,  ut  plerique  autumant,  juxta 
Matthaeum,  quod  et  in  Csesariensi  habetur  Bibliotheca." 

^  S.  Jerome,  In  Matt.  xv.  14 ;   Contra  Pelag.  iii.  1. 

1.5 


226  SAINT  PETER. 

is  plainly  felt  in  the  tedious   turns  of  the  sentences  and 
the  vagueness  of  the  thoughts.^ 

The  Greek  text,  on  the  contrary,  faithfully  depicts 
Jesus  as  He  was  preached  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem. 
Here  is  no  misty  verbiage,  no  long  preambles  ;  the  word 
stands  forth  simple  and  luminous,  in  vivid  sentences  such 
as  the  Oriental  mind  loves,  and  with  scanty  regard  for 
dates  or  the  order  of  events.  All  the  author  cares  for  is 
to  make  us  see  and  hear  the  Master,  in  the  streets  of  Jeru- 
salem, upon  the  mountain  and  by  the  shores  of  the  lake, 
evermore  evoking  the  memory  of  the  Prophets  who  from 
His  Birth  to  the  tomb  had  foretold  of  Him,  the  Messiah 
and  King  of  Judea.  Whether  this  likeness  of  Jesus  was 
drawn  fifteen  years  after  His  death,  as  we  believe,  or 
twenty-five  years  later,  as  our  opponents  contend,  it  mat- 
ters little  after  all.  Jesus  lived  as  no  man  ever  lived  in 
the  memory  of  His  companions.  It  was  one  of  them  who 
wrote  the  text  which  has  remained  unchanged  since 
then.2  This  one  man  alone  stands  between  us  and  the 
Christ  as  His  holy  interpreter,  —  this  Publican  who  loved 
Him  so  dearly  as  to  leave  all  to  follow  Him,  and  here 
paints  Him  for  us  in  words  of  love. 

1  A  collection  of  them  is  to  be  found  in  Grabe  {Spicilegium  Patrum) 
and  in  Anger  {Sj/nops'is  Evangelica).  A  slight  comparison  of  certain  pas- 
sages—  as,  for  instance,  Matt.  iii.  14-17  ;  x.  2-4  ;  xviii.  21,  22  —  will  suffice 
to  show  how  far  the  Nazarenes'  Gospel  disfigures  and  weakens  the  force 
of  the  original. 

•2  "  Y^jQ  jjig^y  fggi  certain  that,  even  if  we  now  possessed  the  Hebrew 
Gospel  as  S.  Jerome  saw  it,  our  Matthew  would  still  be  preferred  to  it ; 
for  our  Matthew,  indeed,  has  been  preserved  intact  since  its  definitive  com- 
pilation in  the  last  years  of  the  first  century,  while  the  Hebrew  Gospel, 
owin^  to  the  absence  of  any  jealous  orthodoxy  to  act  as  guardian  of  the 
text  m  the  Judaizing  churches  of  Syria,  had  suffered  by  overmuch  hand- 
ling from  century  to  century,  in  so  far  that  in  the  end  it  was  not  much 
superior  to  any  other  apocryphal  document"  (Renan,  Les  j^vangiles, 
p.   104). 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

the  teaching  of  the  chukch  of  jerusalem. 

The  Apostles'  Creed. 

The  Church  had  lived  for  now  fourteen  years,  and  by 
virtue  of  that  never-ceasing  progress  which  is  the  very 
law  of  life,  her  growth  had  developed  until  she  had  put 
forth  all  that  was  needful  for  her  existence,  not  only  out- 
ward forms,  such  as  her  Hierarchy,  worship,  and  methods 
of  government,  but  most  of  all  the  truth  which  illumi- 
nated her  path,  the  divine  guide  of  Revelation.  Wonderful 
as  was  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  Pentecost  Day, 
it  had  not  shown  them  in  a  flash  of  light  all  they  were 
to  discern  later  on.  We  have  seen  how  his  ecstasy  at 
Joppa  unveiled  to  Peter's  gaze  many  things  which  had 
hitherto  seemed  mysterious  to  him,  —  the  Gospel  freed 
from  the  servitude  of  the  Law,  and  Gentiles  entering  into 
the  new  Kingdom  of  Jesus  without  passing  through  the 
narrow  door  of  Judaism.  Yet  other  points  of  doctrine 
were  still  wrapped  in  shadow,  and  only  emerged  into  the 
full  light  successively  and  one  by  one.  "  When  the 
Spirit  of  Truth  shall  have  come,"  the  Master  had  said,^ 
"  He  will  lead  you  into  the  knowledge  of  the  whole 
truth."  This  pouring-forth  of  the  Spirit,  begun  on  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  was  to  continue  until  the  death  of  the 
last  of  the  Twelve.  During  all  this  period,  —  that  is  to 
say,  during  more  than  sixty  years,  for  Saint  John  did  not 
die  until  the  end  of  the  first  century,  —  the  domain  of 
Faith  never  ceased  to  extend  its  boundary-lines.  Step  by 
step,   God's    Spirit   guided    each    Apostle    through   this 

^  John  xvi.  13  :   'OSriyqad  ufxas  ets  iraaav  riju  dAi706jai'. 


228  SAINT  PETER. 

supernatural  world,^  according  as  circumstances  and  the 
needs  of  the  disciples  demanded  His  aid.  When  Peter 
and  Paul  were  taken  from  them,  the  light  of  the  New 
Day  was  certainly  far  advanced  and  the  noontide  bright- 
ness drawing  on  ;  nevertheless  John  was  empowered  to 
shed  a  clearer  radiance  on  the  heritage  which  they  left 
to  the  Church.  It  is  the  Jesus  Whom  he  depicts  for  us, 
Who  alone  can  say,  "  It  is  finished ;  I  am  the  Alpha  and 
Omega,  the  Beginning  and  the  End."  ^  Thus,  then,  it  was 
not  until  the  second  century  that  the  Church  was  in  pos- 
session of  the  whole  truth  which  had  been  promised  to 
her ;  only  then,  and  under  their  implicit  form,  did  she 
hold  all  the  dogmas  which  shall  be  proclaimed  unto  the 
end  of  time.  ^  Let  us  beware,  however,  of  fancying  that 
this  slow  growth  of  Revelation  left  the  Apostles  in  a 
state  of  confusion  or  uncertainty  at  times  ;  the  Holy 
Ghost  laid  bare  the  essential  truths  of  Faith  that  early 
morning  in  the  Upper  Chamber.  Doubtless  it  was  but  the 
dawn  ;  yet  the  dawning  light  knows  no  change,  and  needs 
only  time  to  grow  and  spread  abroad  till  it  is  broad  day. 

This  gradual  manifestation  of  the  truth  is  more  and 
more  perceptible,  the  longer  one  studies  the  works  of  the 
Apostles.  In  the  two  letters  written  towards  the  close  of 
his  life,  Peter  has  a  different  manner  of  speaking  from 
that  which  we  note  in  his  discourses  in  the  Acts.  When 
he  stepped  forth  in  the  Supper  Room  he  confined  himself 
to  affirming  the  Resurrection  of  Jesus,  with  intrepid  spirit 
calling  to  witness  the  testimony  of  the  Prophets  who 
had  foretold  the  sufferings,  death,  and  triumph  of  the 
Saviour,  He  is  eloquent  only  when  he  utters  the  excla- 
mations of  a  soul  transported  by  grace.     "  Better  by  far 

1  "  Nou  utique  ipso  die  Pentecostes,  seel  tempore  adventus  Spiritus 
sancti  paulatim  ac  per  gradus  inducti  sunt  iu  omuem  veritatem,  ut  ex 
manifestis  factis  et  ex  ipsis  verbis  constat:  Inducet  in  omuem  veritatem. 
Joan.  xvi.  12-15"  (Franzeliu,  De  Divina  TradiVwne,  sect.  iv.  th.  xxil. 
p.   272). 

2  Apoc,  xxi.  6;  xxii.  13. 

3  "  Quamvis  tempore  apostolico  revelatio  catholica  uondum  fuerit  con 
clusa,  attamen  nulla  nova  revelatio  in  depositio  fidei  suscipienda  erat,  quae 
non  esset  ab  ipsis  Apostolis  vel  promulgata  vel  confirmata"  (Franzelin, 
De  Dlvina  Traditione,  p.  276). 


THE  APOSTLES'   CREED.  229 

to  obey  God  rather  than  man  ! "  "  We  cannot  but  speak 
that  which  we  have  heard  and  seen  ! "  ^  Thirty  years 
later,  the  Apostle  dictated  the  pages  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment which  bear  his  name,  wherein  we  hear  his  great 
voice  resounding  with  a  majesty  like  that  of  Paul :  there 
is  a  like  abundance  of  thoughts,  the  same  forcefulness  in 
his  words,  and  a  depth  of  meaning  not  to  be  fathomed  by 
our  minds. 

Evidently,  during  this  long  lapse  of  time  Peter  was 
not  content  to  remain  inactive,  relying  on  the  greatness 
of  his  estate.  His  first  task  was  to  search  the  Scriptures, 
w^hich  he  and  John  had  understood  so  little  even  on  the 
day  of  the  Eesurrection.^  Whether  he  applied  himself 
to  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  or  the  Hagiographies,  every- 
where he  would  find  the  Name  of  Jesus,  and  thus  be  able 
to  show  forth  the  truth.  In  those  early  days,  his  teach- 
ing reduced  itself  to  that  single  thought;  when  the 
Princes  and  Doctors  of  Israel  have  him  brought  before 
them,  they  see  in  him  only  "  a  man  of  the  common  folk 
and  without  education ; "  ^  these  arrogant  scholars,  de- 
spising the  people,  are  astonished  that  an  ignorant  Gali- 
lean dare  answer  them  with  such  audacity.  The  Gospel 
of  Saint  Mark,  which  is  but  the  echo  of  Peter's  preach- 
ing, gives  us  a  clear  idea  of  how  the  Apostle  delivered 
his  Message  in  the  middle  stage  of  his  career  as  a  preacher. 
But  his  two  Epistles  disclose  a  still  more  surprising  pro- 
gress for  the  last  years  of  his  life ;  the  humble  Fisher- 
man is  become  the  man  who,  with  a  word,  sheds  a 
flood  of  light  upon  the  whole  theology  of  Grace :  "  Unto 
us  Jesus  Christ  hath  given  great  and  precious  promises, 
in  order  that  through  them  you  may  participate  in 
the  Divine  Nature."  ^  These  gracious  admonitions  are 
his  too :  "  Purify  your  souls  by  obedience  to  the  truth. 
.  .  .  Love  one  another  earnestly  from  a  pure  heart,  being 
born  again,  not  of  a  corruptible  seed,  but  of  an  incor- 
ruptible, —  by  the  word  of  God,  Who  liveth  and  re- 
maineth  forever."  ^     And,  again,  does  not  this   picture 

i  Acts  V.  29 ;  iv.  20.  2  John  xx.  9-10.  ^  ^^ts  iv.  13. 

4  1  Peter  i.  4.  s  1  Peter  i.  22-23. 


230  SAINT  PETER. 

of  the  first  heretics  show  that  the  Apostle's  words  have 
become  as  miglity  as  his  thoughts  ?  "  Fountains  without 
water,  clouds  tossed  by  the  storm,  to  whom  the  mists 
of  darkness  are  reserved  for  evermore;  speaking  words 
puffed  up  with  vanity,  they  allure,  by  the  covetous- 
ness  of  the  flesh  and  by  their  lewdness,  those  who  a 
little  before  had  escaped  unto  men  tainted  by  error; 
promising  them  liberty,  whereas  they  are  slaves  of  cor- 
ruption, for  he  is  a  slave  to  him  by  whom  he  is  van- 
quished." ^  Nothing  that  the  Gospels  or  the  Acts  relate 
of  Peter  could  have  prepared  us  for  such  commanding 
power.  This  transformation  is  indeed  wholly  the  work 
of  Grace,  whose  movements  were  never  more  wondrous 
than  in  Peter's  case. 

We  witness  the  same  splendid  spectacle  in  the  career 
of  Paul.  And  the  development  of  his  mind  is  all  the 
more  striking,  inasmuch  as  we  can  follow  it  from  day  to 
day,  from  his  conversion  up  to  the  last  hours  of  his  life. 
Those  great  doctrines  to  which  he  gave  a  definite  form 
are  only  in  their  germ  in  the  discourses  delivered  during 
his  first  Mission  journeys.  His  combats  with  the  Juda- 
isers  bring  his  teachings  to  their  full  maturity.  This  is 
the  middle  period  in  his  Apostolic  career,  —  the  time  of 
his  letters  to  the  Galatians,  Romans,  and  Corinthians. 
Then  Gnosticism  appears,  and  Jesus  manifests  Himself 
to  Paul  with  a  new  and  brighter  radiance,  which  illu- 
mines every  page  of  his  later  Epistles. 

And  so  it  was  with  the  other  Apostles.  Little  by  little 
the  Holy  Spirit  opened  up  to  their  gaze  the  Faith  which 
they  were  to  leave  to  the  world.  This  it  did  in  a  three- 
fold manner,  accomplishing  first  in  its  fulness  their  pre- 
sentation of  the  teachings  of  Jesus  ;  then  recalling  to 
their  minds  those  other  lessons  which  the  Twelve  remem- 
bered only  imperfectly;  and  finally  adding  to  the  doc- 
trines uttered  by  the  Saviour  those  which  it  was  the 
Paraclete's   mission   to   reveal   to  them.  ^     The   Master 

1  2  Peter  ii.  17-19. 

2  "  Efficientia  Spiritus  sancti  est  quidem  multiplex,  sed  quatenus  spec- 
tatur  munus  a  Christo  impositum  authentice  docendi  et  testificandi,  quod 


THE  APOSTLES'    CREED.  231 

had  foretold  this  in  express  terms  :  ^  "  The  Comforter,  the 
Holy  Spirit,  Whom  the  Father  will  send  in  My  Name, 
He  will  teach  you  all  things  and  bring  all  things  to  your 
minds,  whatsoever  I  have  said  unto  you.  ...  I  have  yet 
many  things  to  say  to  you,  but  you  cannot  bear  them 
now.  But  when  He,  the  Spirit  of  Truth,  shall  have  come. 
He  will  bring  you  unto  the  knowledge  of  all  truth." 

It  follows  from  this  that  Eevelation  has  likewise  its 
History,  though  interwoven  with  that  of  the  inspired 
Witnesses,  —  a  divine  History,  since  God  dictated  to  them 
the  truths  they  were  to  teach  ;  a  human  history,  because, 
under  the  mysterious  workings  of  the  Spirit,  the  Apostles 
still  retained  everything  that  was  individual  to  them, 
—  style,  genius,  character.  The  irresistible  breath  of  the 
Most  High  enveloped  the  sacred  writer,  and  bore  him 
where  it  listed,  but  without  extinguishing  his  personal- 
ity. It  exalts  his  life  and  gives  a  power  to  his  every 
act  such  as  is  unknown  to  us  ;  but  it  is  always  a  man 
who  thinks  and  speaks  and  utters  the  word  of  God. 
The  preaching  of  the  Twelve  is  therefore  the  faithful 
expression,  waxing  more  perfect  from  day  to  day,  of  the 
Divine  Eevelation.  Do  we  know  this  preaching  so  well 
in  all  its  details  and  at  every  point  of  time  as  to  be 
able  to  trace  a  complete  chart  of  the  manifestations  of 
dogma?  Assuredly  not.  In  the  Deposit  of  Faith  have 
come  down  to  us,  under  a  twofold  form.  Oral  Tradition 
and  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament.^  Now,  only  in 
the  latter  do  we  find  the  historical  movements  portrayed, 
with  a  series  of  facts  and  discourses,  wherein  we  can  follow 

est  proprium  Apostolorum,  eis  immediate  promittitur  Spiritus  Veritatis,  ut 
doceat  omnia,  et  suggerat  omnia  quascumque  dixerat  eis  Christus ;  ut 
doceat  omnem  veritatem,  etiam  earn  quam,  Christo  adhuc  cum  eis  visibili- 
ter  versante,  nondum  potuerant  portare  "  (Franzelin,  De  Divina  Tradi- 
tione,  sect.  i.  cap.  i.  th.  v.  p.  31). 

1  John  xiv.  26;  xvi.  12-13. 

2  In  Session  iv.  (Canon  of  Scripture),  the  Council  of  Trent  teaches  that 
it  behoves  us  to  recognize  two  sorts  of  traditions  in  the  Deposit  of  Faith,  — 
certain  ones  which  are  to  be  referred  to  our  Lord  Himself ;  others  to  the 
Apostles,  inspired  by  the  Holy  Spirit :  "  Omnem  salutarem  veritatem  et 
disciplinam  contineri  in  libris  scriptis,  et  sine  scripto  traditionibus,  quae, 
ipsius  Christi  ore  ab  Apostolis  acceptie,  aut  ab  Apostolis,  vSpiritu  saucto 
dictante,  quasi  per  manus  traditoe,  ad  ikjs  usque  pervenerunt." 


232  SAINT  PETER. 

the  development  of  beliefs.  There  is  nothing  of  the  kind 
in  oral  traditions.  The  Church  simply  transmits  them 
to  us  as  the  voice  of  the  Apostles,  without  attempting 
to  tell  us  at  what  hour  this  or  that  inspired  word  was 
spoken. 

So,  then,  in  order  to  follow  the  course  of  the  current 
which  never  ceased  to  grow  in  volume  and  power  until  it 
filled  up  the  measure  of  Eevelation,  we  should  have  to 
have  been  present  at  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles,  along 
with  the  early  Christians.  To-day,  with  only  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  progress 
of  doctrine,  we  can  but  venture  our  conjectures,  and  even 
then  with  extreme  caution,  for  the  greater  number 
of  the  Epistles  are  occasional  documents,  written  un- 
der peculiar  circumstances  and  for  a  particular  object. 
To  maintain  that  they  contain  everything  which  was 
taught  to  the  faithful  would  be  to  delude  oneself  to  no 
purpose. 

In  this  respect  we  get  more  light  from  the  Gospels. 
Though  they  do  not  contain  in  express  terms  all  the 
truths  afterwards  made  known  to  the  Apostolic  body, 
they  at  least  give  us  their  substance,  and  show  us  what 
points  of  doctrine  were  commonly  held  at  the  time  of 
their  appearance.  Thus  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew 
marks  the  highest  point  in  the  revelations  made  to  the 
Church  about  the  year  42.  Taken  together  with  the 
twelve  chapters  of  the  Acts  which  contain  the  history  of 
these  first  years,  it  forms  a  twofold  piece  of  evidence, 
sufficient  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  preaching  heard  at 
Jerusalem  and  the  Faith  professed  by  the  disciples 
there. 

According  to  a  tradition  for  long  years  held  in  high  re- 
pute, we  have  in  our  possession  a  still  more  precise  sum- 
mary of  the  doctrine  of  that  date.  "  We  have  received  it 
from  our  fathers,"  says  the  priest  Rufinus,i  a  contempo- 
rary of  Saint  Jerome,  "how  that  after  the  Ascension, 
when  the  Holy  Spirit  had  come  down  in  tongues  of  fire 
upon  the  Apostles,  ...  it  was  ordained  by  the  Lord  that 

1  Rufinus,  Comment,  in  Symholum,  2;  Patrologie  latiney  t,  xxi.  p.  338. 


THE  APOSTLES'   CREED.  233 

each  one  should  go  forth  to  preach  to  the  various  na- 
tions. Before  separating,  they  compiled  in  common  a 
rule  for  their  future  instructions,  that  so  they  might  not 
set  forth  a  different  belief  unto  them  whom  they  should 
call  to  the  faith  of  the  Christ.  They  gathered  together, 
therefore,  and  being  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  they 
communicated  their  opinions  one  to  another,  then  com- 
posed this  abridgment  of  the  truths  which  they  were  to 
publish,  and  resolved  that  it  should  be  given  as  a  rule  to 
the  believers."  While  Eufinus,  living  on  the  Adriatic 
sea-board,  thus  sets  forth  the  tradition  of  the  Church  of 
Aquileia,  Saint  Ambrose  uses  much  the  same  terms  in 
speaking  to  the  Christians  of  Milan.  "  The  twelve  Apos- 
tles, he  says, ^  "like  skilful  workmen,  well  knew  how 
to  construct  this  Key.  I  call  this  Symbol  ^  a  key 
which  opens  the  dark  realms  of  the  demon,  that  so  the 
light  of  the  Christ  may  shine  therein."  At  the  end  of 
the  fourth  century,  therefore,  it  was  generally  believed  in 
the  north  of  Italy  that  the  Apostles'  Creed  was  com- 
posed by  them  before  their  separation ;  that  is  to  say, 
about  the  same  time  that  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Matthew 
was  written.  Saint  Ambrose  adds  that  this  Credo  was 
preserved  in  all  its  purity  by  the  Holy  Eoman  Church.^ 
This  is  the  form  in  which  Eufinus  has  handed  it  down 
to  us :  — 

I  believe  in  God  the  Father  Almighty, 

And  in  Christ  Jesus  His  only  Son,  our  Lord, 

Who  was  born  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 

Was  crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate,  and  buried. 

The  third  day  He  arose  from  the  dead. 

Ascended  into  Heaven, 

Is  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father, 

1  S.  Ambrose,  Serm.  xxxviii, 

2  The  Fathers  give  to  the  word  "  Symbol,"  as  designating  the  formu- 
lary of  our  Faith,  the  same  significance  it  has  in  Classical  Greek,  —  "a  pre- 
concerted mark  "  (from  (xvix^dw^iv,  to  cast,  or  put  together),  "  a  distinctive 
sign,"  or  "  password."  "  Symbolum  Graece  indicium  dici  potest  .  .  .  indi- 
cium vel  signum  .  .  .  ut  si  forte  occurreret  quis  de  quo  dubitatur,  iuterro- 
gatus  Symbolum  prodat,  si  est  hostis  an  socius  "  (Rufinus,  Expositio  in 
Symbol.;  S.  Augustine,  Seivn.  ccxiv.  12,  etc.). 

3  S.  Ambrose,  Ep'ist.  xlii.  5. 


234  SAINT  PETER. 

And  in  the  Holy  Ghost, 
The  Holy  Church, 
The  forgiveness  of  sins. 
The  resurrection  of  the  flesh.  ^ 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  ancient  formula  differs  in 
several  points  from  our  Creed.  To  the  first  article,  "  God 
the  Father  Almighty,"  the  attribute,  "  Creator  of  visible 
and  invisible  things,"  ^  was  added  by  Saint  Augustine,  and 
in  the  sermons  of  his  disciples  received  its  present  form, 
"  Creator  of  Heaven  and  Earth."  ^  The  wording  "  con- 
ceived by  the  Holy  Ghost,  born  of  the  Virgin  Mary,"  * 
which  is  much  clearer  and  more  precise  than  the  terms 
of  the  Roman  Creed,  "  born  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  the 
Virgin  Mary,"  does  not  appear  until  the  fifth  century  in 
a  Credo  attributed  to  Faustus  of  Riez.^  This  same  Credo 
contains  the  additions,  "  Who  suffered  "  and  "  died  ; " 
to  the  words  "  is  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father," 
it  adds  the  qualification  "  God  Almighty  ; "  it  applies  the 
note  "  Catholic  "  to  the  Church  ;  pronounces  the  two  dog- 
mas of  "  the  resurrection  of  the  body,"  and  "  life  everlast- 
ing ;  "  ^  in  a  word,  it  gives  to  the  ancient  Roman  "  Symbol " 

1  "Credo  iu  Deum  Patrem  omnipotentem,  —  Et  in  Christum  Jesum 
unicum  filium  ejus  Dominum  nostrum,  —  Qui  natus  est  de  Spiritu  sancto, 
ex  Maria  Virgine,  —  Crucifixus  sub  Pontio  Pilato  et  sepultus,  —  Tertia 
die  resurrexit  a  mortuis,  —  Ascendit  ad  coelos,  —  Sedet  ad  dexteram 
Patris,  —  Inde  venturus  est  judicare  vivos  et  mortuos,  —  Et  in  Spiritum 
sanctum,  —  Sanctam  Ecclesiam,  —  Remissionem  peccatorum,  —  Carnis 
resurrectionem "  (Rufinus,  Patrofogie  latine,  t.  xxi.). 

2  "  Visibilium  et  invisibilium  Creatorem  "  (S.  Augustine,  Sermo  cxxii.  1, 
ed.  Gaume,  t.  v.  pars  prior,  p.  1361 ).  The  holy  Doctor  borrowed  these  words 
from  the  formularies  of  the  East,  which  were  worded  with  the  idea  of 
refuting  the  Gnostic  theory  of  the  Demiurge. 

3  "  Creatorem  cceli  et  terras."  S.  Augustine,  Serm.  ccxl.,  ccxli.,  ccxlii., 
ed.  Gaume,  t.  v.  p.  2971  et  seq. 

■*  "  Conceptus  de  Spiritu  sancto,  natus  ex  Maria  virgine."  These  words 
are  in  ccxiii.  Sermon  of  S.  Augustine  (t.  v.  p.  1365) ;  but  the  authenticity 
of  this  document  is  doubtful. 

^  Caspari,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  Taufsymbols  iind  der  Glaubensregel. 
Faustus,  born  in  Britain  near  the  close  of  the  fourth  century,  was  succes- 
sively Abbot  of  Le'rins  and  Bishop  of  Riez,  in  Provence.     He  died  in  492. 

6  The  word  "  passus  "  and  the  article  "  vitam  aeternam  "  are  commented 
on  by  S.  Augustine,  and  consequently  must  have  been  in  the  Symbol  of 
the  African  Church.  S.  Augustine,  De  Symbolo,  ed.  Gaume,  t.  vi.  pp.  291 
et  930. 


THE  APOSTLES*   CREED.  235 

the  form  under  which  we  know  it  to-day,  always  except- 
ing the  article  "  he  descended  into  Hell,"  which  Eufinus 
read  a  hundred  years  earlier  in  the  Rule  of  Faith  of 
Aquileia,  but  is  not  to  be  found  in  this  version.^  The 
present  form  of  the  Credo  is  to  be  found  for  the  first 
time  in  the  sermons  attributed  by  mistake  to  Saint 
Augustine,  and  composed,  so  far  as  we  can  ascertain, 
about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century.^ 

These  changes,  which  each  Church  inserted  in  the 
Creed  so  freely,  show  that  this  formula  was  not  regarded 
as  unchangeable.  As  for  the  Scriptures,  on  the  contrary, 
the  slightest  alteration  was  considered  to  be  a  sacrilege. 
When  Tryphillus,  Bishop  of  Ledra,  in  Cyprus,  in  reading 
Saint  John  substituted  the  word  "bed"  for  " cot,"  ^  the 
latter  seeming  to  him  rather  vulgar,  at  once  Saint  Spiri- 
dion  started  up  from  his  episcopal  chair,  and,  before  the 
whole  people,  rebuked  him  for  his  affected  delicacy. 
Their  scrupulosity  went  so  far  as  to  make  them  unwill- 
ing to  accept  any  modifications  of  the  received  version  of 
the  Holy  Books.  This  is  the  reason  why  Saint  Jerome 
experienced  such  great  difficulty  in  getting  his  Vulgate 
accepted.  Saint  Augustine  himself  tried  to  dissuade  him 
from  making  this  translation,  and,  as  a  convincing  argu- 
ment, adduced  the  following  fact :  "  One  of  our  brethren 
in  the  Episcopate  endeavored  to  read  your  version  in  his 
Church.  He  quoted  a  passage  from  Jonas  in  words  other 
than  those  which  were  graven  on  their  memory,  having 
been  repeated  by  them  for  so  many  generations.  So 
great  a  tumult  arose  among  the  people,  the  Greeks  crying 
out  at  him,  and  exclaiming  that  it  was  a  forgery,  that 
the  Bishop  was  constrained  to  call  the  Jews  to  testify  in 

1  Rufinus,  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxi.  p.  356  :  "  Sciendum  quod  in  Ecclesiae 
Romause  Symbolo  non  habetur  additum  :  descendit  ad  inferna,  sed  neque  in 
Orientis  Ecclesiis  habetur  hie  sermo." 

2  S.  Augustine,  Opera,  Serm.  ccxl.,  ccxli.,  ccxlii.,  t.  v.  p.  2971  et  seq. 
The  third  of  the  above  sermons  was  held  in  great  esteem  in  Gaul ;  they 
were  read  three  times  to  tlie  catechumens  before  baptism  was  adminis- 
tered.    D.  Martene,  De  Antiquis  Ecclesice  Ritibus,  lib.  i.  p.  95. 

3  2kijUto5o  instead  of  Kpd^fiaTov.  Sozomenus,  Historia  Eccksiastica, 
lib.  i.  cap.  xi. :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  Ixvii,  p.  889. 


236  SAINT  PETER. 

his  favor.  The  latter,  whether  through  ignorance  or 
malice,  made  answer  that  they  read  the  text  in  the  origi- 
nal Hebrew  just  as  it  stands  in  the  Greek  and  Latin.  The 
Bishop  was  obliged  to  give  way  as  gracefully  as  he  could, 
lest  he  should  be  left  without  a  flock."  ^  Certainly  it  would 
be  difficult  to  give  a  more  striking  proof  of  attachment  to 
the  letter  of  Scripture  than  this  one  left  us  by  Saint 
Augustine ;  howbeit,  the  great  Doctor,  who  is  so  fearful 
of  the  least  alteration  of  the  Apostolic  traditions,  allows 
himself  almost  absolute  liberty  in  dealing  with  the  Creed. 
We  have  many  explications  of  the  Credo  from  his  pen, 
wherein  we  can  study  the  workings  of  his  thought  ;  in 
all  of  them  he  appears  bent,  not  on  preserving  it  as  an 
inviolable  text,  but  on  giving  a  more  perfect  form  to  this 
Eule  of  Faith. 

We  find  similar  liberties  taken  in  the  three  great  Me- 
tropolitan sees  of  the  East.  At  the  same  time  that  Eufinus 
gives  his  interpretation  of  the  Symbol  of  Antioch,  and 
tells  us  what  he  knows  concerning  that  of  Eome,  Cassian 
translates  a  part  of  the  formula  of  Antioch ;  again,  Saint 
Cyril  treats  of  the  one  in  use  in  his  Church  during  the 
fourth  century,  while  the  Coptic  creed,  older  than  all  the 
others,  bears  witness  to  the  accustomed  form  in  Alexan- 
dria. In  each  of  these  bits  of  evidence,  which  together 
declare  the  belief  of  all  Eastern  Christendom,  we  find  the 
same  Faith,  though  very  variously  expressed.  Long  com- 
mentaries are  appended  to  the  concise  dogmatic  statements 
of  the  Eoman  creed.  It  will  be  enough  to  quote  the  first 
article  in  these  Confessions,  in  order  to  show  how  freely 
each  Church  and  each  generation  treated  this  formal 
utterance  of  their  belief. 

"  I  believe  in  the  one  and  only  true  God,  Father 
Almighty,  Creator  of  all  creatures  visible  and  invisible  " 
(Creed  of  Antioch).  2 

"  I  believe  in  one  only  God,  Father  Almighty,  Who 
hath  made  Heaven  and  Earth,  things  visible  and  in- 
visible" (Creed  of  Jerusalem).^ 

1  S.  Augustine,  Epist.  Ixxi.  5,  ed.  Gaume,  t.  ii.  p.  240. 

2  Latin  translation  by  Cassian,  De  Incarnatione  Domini,  1,  vi.  c.  iii. 
8  From  the  CatecUstm,  by  S.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem. 


THE  APOSTLES'   CREED.  237 

"  I  believe  in  the  only  true  God,  Father  Almighty" 
(Creed  of  Alexandria).^ 

Eufinus,  who  with  us  remarks  these  notable  differ- 
ences, seeks  to  explain  their  origin.  ''  So  far  as  can  be 
ascertained, "  he  says,  "  it  was  owing  to  certain  heresies 
that  these  additions  were  made,  in  order  to  prevent  in- 
novations in  doctrine.  "  ^  But  he  assures  us,  at  the  same 
time,  that  Eome  never  acted  after  this  fashion,  and  that 
there  the  Creed  of  the  Apostles  was  cherished  in  its 
integrity.  For  this  he  gives  two  reasons :  first,  that 
"  no  heresy  had  had  its  birth  in  the  bosom  of  that  Church  ; 
and  further  because  she  had  always  kept  up  the  olden 
custom  of  having  the  Credo  recited  publicly  before  the 
catechumens  in  presence  of  the  whole  people.  Now,  no 
one  of  those  who  had  received  the  Faith  at  an  earlier 
date  would  have  tolerated  the  addition  of  a  single 
word. "  ^ 

Whatever  the  cause  of  these  variations,  they  are  in- 
contestable, and  make  it  impossible  for  us  to  accept 
without  reservation  the  tradition  which  credits  the 
composition  of  the  Symbol  to  the  Twelve  on  the  eve  of 
their  separation.  Furthermore,  the  time  was  not  one 
likely  to  produce  formularies.  The  Church,  being  still 
oriental  to  all  outward  seeming,  preached  and  medi- 
tated, without  feeling  any  need  of  dogmatizing  on  her 
beliefs.  The  disciples'  only  anxiety  was  to  treasure  up 
every  one  of  the  Master's  words,  and  thus  embrace  the 
whole  body  of  truth,  not  to  compress  it  into  a  precise 
form.  When  Eufinus  credits  the  Apostles  with  so  much 
anxiety  lest  they  should  fail  to  teach  the  one  same  doc- 
trine, after  their  dispersion,  he  forgets  that  the  Holy 
Spirit  spoke  by  their  mouth,  and  was  to  assist  them  to 
the  very  last  hour  of  their  lives.  So  then  we  conclude 
that  the  Creed  had  its  origin,  not  in  Jerusalem,  but,  at  a 
later  date,  in  Eome,  when  Peter  and  Paul  were  nearing 
the  close  of  their  lives. 

1  Constitutiones  Copticce,  ed.  H.  Tattam,  §  46. 

2  Rufinus,  Comment,  in  Symbolum  :  Pafrnlogie  latine,  t.  xxi.  p.  339. 

3  Ibid. 


238  SAINT  PETER. 

Here  place  and  time  alike  had  changed.  Difficulties 
and  divisions  came  to  trouble  the  unanimous  faith  of 
the  first  days.  "  Kavening  wolves  fell  upon  the  Shep- 
herds, nor  spared  the  flock ;  men  arose,  speaking  per- 
verse things  to  draw  disciples  after  them.  "  ^  The  doc- 
trines of  these  innovators  were  not  so  much  to  be 
feared  as  was  their  speech,  for  "  it  spread  like  a  canker, " 
masking  its  inward  corruption  "  under  a  profane  show  of 
new  words.  "  ^  To  shun  these  pitfalls  of  speech,  these 
uncertain  and  equivocal  expressions,  which  could  be 
made  to  teach  error  and  truth  alike,  ^  it  behoved  their 
leaders  to  arm  themselves  with  certain  fixed  terms, 
precise  in  their  significance  and  hallowed  by  use.  Hith- 
erto, the  Apostles'  preaching  had  aimed  solely  at  mak- 
ing Jesus  better  known  and  loved.  Now  the  hour  was 
come  for  embodying  their  teaching  in  a  few  essential 
dogmas,  which  all  could  commit  to  memory,  and  hold 
as  a  safeguard  against  heresy. 

To  this  work  Saint  Paul  applied  all  that  energy 
which  is  the  glory  of  his  character,  and  proceeded  to 
establish  this  "  Deposit  of  the  Faith, "  which  he  so  ear- 
nestly recommended  to  the  care  of  Timothy,  before 
his  death.  "  Preserve  the  summary  *  of  sound  words 
which  thou  hast  heard  from  me  in  the  faith  and  the 
love  which  is  in  the  Christ  Jesus.  Keep  the  good 
deposit  committed  to  thy  trust  by  the  Holy  Ghost  Which 
abideth  in  us.  "  So  then,  besides  the  ordinary  teaching 
of  the  Gospel  in  its  widest  extent,  Timothy  had  received 
from    Paul   an    abridgment,    a   summary  of  the  Faith. 

1  Acts  XX.  29,  30.  2  2  Tim.  ii.  17. 

^  T^s  j8e/8irjAous  K€vo(p(avlas  koI  dvTide<reis  ttjs  ipevScjvifiov  yvcixreoos 
(1  Tim.  vi.  20). 

*  2  Tim.  i.  13.  'fTroTvircaaii  signifies  the  abridgment  of  a  doctrine  or 
philosophy.  It  is  the  name  Sextus  Empiricus  gives  his  summary  of 
Pyrrhonism.  Uvppwuelai/  viroTvirijiaeav,  a  title  borrowed  from  OEneside- 
mes.  Proclus  had  called  his  epitome  of  Astronomy  by  the  same  name. 
"Passim  Sextus  negat  se  prolixius  posse  singula  persequi  .  .  .  quoniam 
viroTvirwTiKas,  hoc  est  compendiose,  summatim,  omnia  tradere  instituit. 
Itaque  crvvro^Kas  et  inrorvirwTiKcos  conjungit,  p.  65,  et  Simplicius  in  Categor., 
p.  196,  vTTOTvircoTiKijv  SiSatr/coA/aj/ opponit  tt?  aKpifiea-repa  -rrapaSoa-ei"  (Fa- 
bricius,  Adnof.  ad  Sextum  Empiricum,  p.  1). 


THE  APOSTLES'   CREED.  239 

Peter  alludes  to  this  formula  in  one  of  his  Epistles,  and 
at  the  same  time  tells  how  it  came  into  use  in  primitive 
times.  Speaking  of  the  men  saved  from  the  Deluge 
by  means  of  the  floods  which  floated  them  in  the  Ark, 
"This  same  water,"  he  adds,^  "is  for  a  figure  of  the 
Baptism  which  saveth  us.  Now,  baptism  consisteth,not 
in  a  cleansing  of  the  impurities  of  the  flesh,  but  in 
the  examination  2  of  a  good  conscience  towards  God."  ^ 
What  "  examination"  is  the  Apostle  speaking  of  here? 
We  have  seen,  in  the  passage  from  Eufinus  quoted  above, 
how  it  was  the  custom  at  Eome  to  put  certain  questions 
to  the  neophyte  before  baptizing  him,  that  so  he  might 
make  public  confession  of  his  faith  in  the  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost.  In  the  Coptic  Church,  at  Carthage, 
and  later  on  among  the  Gauls,  the  priest  questioned  the 
catechumen  on  the  essential  truths  as  well,  and  the 
latter  made  answer  to  each,  "  I  believe. "  Elsewhere 
he  declared  his  belief  of  his  own  motion,  but  everywhere 
some  profession  of  faith  preceded  the  sacramental  rite 
and  was  regarded  as  inseparably  united  to  it.^     There 

1  1  Peter  iii.  20-22. 

2  The  Greek  commentators  explain  the  word  iTrep(oT7)iJ.a  by  the  syno- 
nyms e'leVao-is,  iKC^Tr](ns,  and  the  Vulgate  translates  it  by  "  interrogatio." 
De  Wette  and  Huther  (in  Meyer's  Commentary)  recognize  the  fact  that 
this  is  an  allusion  to  the  baptismal  interrogation,  and  consequently  to  the 
Profession  of  Faith,  —  the  Credo  demanded  of  every  catechumen.  It  is 
worthy  of  note  that  three  articles  in  the  Apostles'  Creed  are  mentioned 
here  by  S.  Peter  as  making  part  of  "  this  interrogation  of  a  good  conscience 
before  God,"  this  interrogation  which  saveth  us  "  by  the  Resurrection  of 
Jesus,  Who  ...  is  ascended  into  Heaven  and  sittelh  at  the  right  hand  of 
God."  "  Anima  non  lavatione,  sed  responsione  sancitur,"  says  Tertullian 
{De  Resurrectione  Carnis,  48). 

^  S.  Peter  does  not  demand  simply  faith  in  God  :  irla-Tews  els  Qeov,  but 
a  still  deeper  .sentiment,  —  the  consciousness  that  the  soul  has  given  itself 
wholly  to  God;  (rvfeLB-na-eojs  els  ©eou.     Cf.  Acts  xxiv.  16. 

*  "  The  soul,"  says  Tertullian,  "  is  consecrated,  not  by  ablution,  but  by 
the  reply"  of  the  catechumen  {De  Resurrectione  Carnis,  xlviii.).  The  con- 
secration by  the  Symbol  is  of  such  importance  that  he  calls  baptism  "  the 
compact,  the  testimony  of  the  Faith,  the  promise  of  salvation."  "  Testatio 
fidei  et  signaculum  Symboli  .  .  .  Sponsio  salutis  "  {De  Bnp(ismo,v[.,  xi.,  et 
passim).  Origen  employs  analogous  terms:  "  The  Symbol  of  Purification  " 
{Contra  Celsum,  iii.  51).  Finally,  the  very  etymology  of  the  term  "Sym- 
bol," meaning  a  mark,  a  distinctive  character,  would  alone  establish  the 
fact  that  the  first  Christians  treasured  it  as  a  sign,  the  rallying  word  by 
which,  before  receiving  baptism,  the  soldier  of  Christ  pledged  himself  to 
combat  the  common  enemy. 


240  SAINT  PETER. 

is  nothing  to  show  that  this  mode  of  initiation,  cer- 
tainly practised  by  the  Church  in  the  third  century, 
could  have  been  introduced,  or  even  modified,  during 
the  preceding  hundred  and  fifty  years.  The  Credo  of 
the  baptismal  liturgy,  therefore,  must  be  referred  to 
Apostolic  times :  if  this  be  granted,  then  what  could 
be  more  natural  than  to  hold  that  the  "  examination  " 
which  Saint  Peter  speaks  of,  and  the  "  summary  "  recom- 
mended by  Saint  Paul,  allude  to  this  Christian  Creed  ? 
The  words  of  the  latter  to  Timothy  leave  hardly  any 
doubt  that  he  had  some  part  in  the  making  of  this 
abridgment.  It  seems  likelier  to  us,  however,  that  the 
plan  is  due  to  the  Chief  of  the  Apostles,  because  his 
letter,  written  from  Eome,  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  man- 
ner of  baptizing  as  it  was  administered  under  his  eyes 
and  by  his  orders ;  consequently,  it  is  more  natural  to 
attribute  the  idea  of  making  a  formula  of  belief  to 
him  rather  than  to  any  other,  as  he  was  founder  of  the 
Eoman  Church,  and  drew  his  inspirations  from  the  cus- 
toms and  traditions  of  the  people  among  whom  he 
lived. 

Indeed,  it  is  impossible  not  to  recognize  the  imprint  of 
the  Roman  genius  in  this  baptismal  examination  which 
he  speaks  of.  On  his  coming  to  that  city,  Peter  found  a 
very  different  society  from  any  which  he  had  frequented 
heretofore,  —  a  world  of  soldiers,  politicians,  and  law- 
makers, to  whom  external  forms  were  everything.  In 
the  army  discipline  was  inexorable  and  religion  was 
reduced  to  certain  rites  scrupulously  observed.  In  the 
law  there  was  the  same  slavery  to  the  letter;  just  such 
facts,  such  and  such  terms,  with  such  other  forms  of 
writing,  were  requisite  to  give  any  value  to  their  agree- 
ments. Every  day  the  Apostle  was  a  witness  to  their 
public  acts.  He  heard  the  sacramental  words  v/hich 
the  lawyers  decided  were  necessary  for  the  validity  of 
a  stipulation.  ^  He  listened  to  these  questions  and 
their  answers. 

1  Any  agreement  in  which  the  terms  fixed  by  custom  and  law  were  not 
employed,  was  regarded   as    null    and   void.      The  words   "  Polliceris '? 


THE  APOSTLES'    CREED.  241 

"  Do  you  promise  ?  " 

"  I   promise. " 

"  Do  you  pledge  your  word  ? " 

"  I  pledge  my  word. "  ^ 

The  sacred  and  irrevocable  form  which  these  few 
words  gave  to  their  engagements,  must  have  made  an 
impression  upon  his  mind ;  and  from  this  ceremony, 
apparently,  he  took  the  idea  of  adding  an  analogous 
form  of  consecration  to  the  ablution  of  Baptism,  —  that 
solemn  examination  which  we  find  in  use  from  the  ear- 
liest times.  "  Believest  thou  in  God,  the  Father  Al- 
mighty ? "     "I  believe, "  and  the  rest. 

As  it  was  continually  being  repeated  in  the  presence 
of  the  faithful,  who  never  allowed  the  slightest  changes 
to  be  made,  the  Eoman  formula  was  preserved  in  its  in- 
tegrity. Such  is  the  tradition,  as  we  have  seen,  left  us 
by  Rufinus  and  Saint  Ambrose ;  but  we  should  be  at  a 
loss  if  we  were  to  look  for  some  copy  of  this  Creed  of  an 
earlier  date  than  the  fifth  century  to  confirm  their  state- 
ments, for  it  was  forbidden  to  preserve  this  formula 
otherwise  than  in  the  memory.  Only  eight  days  before 
baptism  was  this  Profession  of  Faith  confided  to  the  ear 
of  the  catechumen,  who  must  needs  retain  it  word  for 
word  and  engrave  it  on  his  mind  without  help  of  writ- 
ten characters.  Accordingly,  the  Apostolic  Credo,  during 
eight  centuries,  remained  as  a  Mystery,  a  secret  known 
to  the  initiated  alone,  —  the  password  which  distin- 
guished a  true  believer  from  the  pretended  brother,  the 
heretic,  or  the  Jew  creeping  into  the  fold  to  slay  the 
sheep. 

We  shall  never  know  precisely  what  this  testimony 
which  they  so  carefully  concealed,  contained  in  the  be- 
ginning, and  what  it  grew  to  be  in  the  ages  to  follow. 
Hence  we  confess  that  it  is  impossible  absolutely  to 
identify  the  existing  Creed  with  the  primitive  formulci ; 

Polliceor,"  used  instead  of  "  Promittis  ?  Promitto,"  or  any  other  change 
in  the  consecrated  expressions,  robbed  the  contract  of  its  verbal  obliga- 
tion. "  Verbis  obligatio  fit  ex  interrogatione  et  responsione,  velut :  Dari 
spondes  ;  Spondeo,"  etc.     Gains,  iii.  §  92. 

^  Spondes?  Spondeo. — Promittis?  Promitto.  —  Fidejubes?  Fidejubeo. 

16 


242  SAINT  PETER. 

but  in  default  of  such  unassailable  certitude,  we  can 
appeal  to  a  probability  so  strong  as  to  support  us  in  our 
belief.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  useless  for  those  who 
deny  the  Apostolic  origin  of  our  Creed  to  pretend  that 
it  contains  doctrines  unknown  to  the  Apostles.  There 
is  not  a  single  dogma  of  the  Credo  which  is  not  found 
in  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  the  speeches  and  letters  of 
Saint  Peter,  and, even  more  notably,  in  Saint  Paul.  ^ 

In  the  second  place,  though  the  Fathers  of  the  first  cen- 
turies are  so  careful  to  keep  the  formula  of  initiation  a 
secret,  here  and  there  they  give  us  a  glimpse  beneath 
the  veil.  In  two  passages  in  the  letters  of  Saint  Ignatius 
of  Antioch  we  are  given  a  sketch  of  the  principal  acts 
of  the  Saviour  very  much  like  that  drawn  out  in  the 
Creed.  ^  Towards  the  end  of  the  second  century,  Saint 
Irenseus  speaks  very  often  of  the  Canon  of  the  Faith 
which  he  received  at  baptism,  and  which  was  always 
repeated  at  the  meetings  of  Christian  people.  He  gives 
a  few  fragments  from  it  in  five  parts  of  his  book,  from 
which  we  can  collect  the  following  Articles :  "  One  only 
God,    Father  Almighty;    one  only  Lord,  Jesus  Christ, 

^  The  series  of  texts  which  follows  are  almost  all  borrowed  from 
S.  Peter's  letters  or  his  speeches  in  the  Acts,  and  contain  the  whole  doc- 
trine of  the  primitive  Symbol  of  Rome,  "  Accipiens  a  Deo  Patre  hono- 
rem."  2  Peter  i.  17.  "Pater  Domini  nosiri  Jesn  Christi."  1  Peter  i.  3. 
"  Jesum  a  Nazareth  quomodo  unxit  eiim  Dens  Spiritu  sancto."  Acts  x.  38. 
"  Noli  timere  accipere  Mariam  .  .  .  quod  in  ea  nation  est  de  Spiritu  sancto 
est.  Ecce  virgo  in  utero  hahebit  et  panel  fil  mm"  Matt.  i.  20,23.  "Jesum 
quem  vos  crucifixistis."  Acts  ii.  36.  "  Quoniam  Christus  mortnns  est  pro 
peccatis  nostris  .  ,  .  quia  sepidtus  est  et  quia  resurrexit  tertia  die."  1  Cor. 
XV,  4.  "  Hunc  Dens  suscitavit  tertia  die."  Acts  x.  40.  "  Profectus  in 
coelnm."  1  Peter  iii.  22.  "  Jesum  stantem  a  dextris  Dei."  Acts  vii,  55, 
*'  Qui  est  iv  dextera  Dei."  I  Peter  iii,  22.  *'  Reddent  rationem  ei  qui  para- 
tns  est  jud tear e  viros  et  mortuos."  1  Peter  iv.  3,  "  Spiritu  saucto  misso  de 
coelo."  1  Peter  i.  12.  "  Salutat  yos  Ecc/esia."  1  Peter  v.  13.  "Secun- 
dum eum  qui  vocavit  vos  sanctum,  in  omni  conversatione  sancti  sitis.' 
1  Peter  i.  15,  "Sacerdotium  sanctum,  gens  sancta."  1  Peter  ii,  5,  9,  "  Ut 
exhiberet  ipse  sibi  Ecclesiam  non  habentem  maculam  ,  ,  ,  sed  ut  sit 
sancta."  Eph.  v,  27.  "  Baptizetur  unnsquisque  vestrum  in  remissionem 
peccatorum."  Acts  ii.  38.  "  Surget  corpus."  1  Cor.  xv,  44.  In  a  majority 
of  these  cases  the  verbal  coincidence  with  the  text  of  the  Creed  is  very 
striking. 

2  S.  Ignatius,  Ad  Trail,  ix.  et  x. ;  Ad  Smyrn.,  i.  et  iii.  These  letters 
were  written  about  the  year  107. 


THE  APOSTLES'    CREED.  243 

only  Son  of  God,  Who  hath  deigned  to  be  born  of  a 
Virgin,  suffered,  was  crucified  under  Pontius  Pilate, 
rose  again  from  the  dead,  ascended  into  Heaven,  whence 
He  shall  come  to  judge  the  whole  world  and  raise  all 
human  flesh  from  the  dead.  To  such  as,  having  sinned, 
shall  have  repented,  there  shall  be  given  life  incorrup- 
tible. The  Holy  Ghost,  by  the  mouth  of  the  Prophets, 
hath  foretold  these  things  divine.  "  ^  "  And  this, "  pur- 
sues the  holy  Doctor,  "  is  the  greeting  which  all  those 
who  belong  to  the  Christ  keep  written  in  their  hearts, 
without  paper  or  ink.  "  ^  In  this  summary,  only  one 
line  is  lacking  to  make  it  a  reproduction  of  the  primi- 
tive Creed  of  Rome,  —  that  is,   "  the  Holy  Church. " 

If  we  pass  over  from  Lyons  to  Carthage,  we  find  a 
contemporary  of  Saint  Irenaeus,  Tertullian,  writing  down 
what  he  calls  the  Rule  of  Faith,  in  three  different  pas- 
sages.^ Here  again  we  find  the  various  Articles  ex- 
pressed in  the  same  terms  as  in  the  Roman  Creed ;  but 
the  existence  of  "  the  Church  "  is  passed  over  in  silence, 
just  as  in  Saint  Irenseus'  Canon;  and  so,  too,  is  "the 
forgiveness  of  sins,"  whereof  the  Bishop  of  the  Gauls 
makes  mention.  In  both  cases,  these  omissions  were 
made  purposely,  in  order  to  conceal  the  knowledge  of 
the  whole  Creed  from  profane  readers ;  for  we  know  that 
the  Credo  of  the  African  Churches  contained  these 
dogmas,  which  Tertullian  does  not  mention  in  his  for- 
mularies. "  Three  times, "  says  this  Father,  "  are  we 
plunged  in  the  waters  of  baptism,  answering  somewhat 

1  S.  Irenaeus,  i.  3,  6;  10,  1  ;  iii.  4,  2;  iv,  23,  2. 

2  Ibid.  iii.  4,  2. 

3  Tertullian's  Three  Rules  of  Faith  are  to  be  found:  (1)  in  his  De  Priv- 
scriptionibus,  xiii. ;  (2)  in  the  book  styled  Adv.  Praxeam,  ii.,  and  (3)  in  the 
De  Virginibus  Velandis,  i.  If  we  take  the  last-mentioned  form  and  insert 
two  phrases  from  the  others,  we  shall  have  a  textual  copy  of  the  primitive 
Symbol  of  Rome :  "  Regula  quidem  fidei  una  omnino  est,  sola  immobilis 
et  irreformabilis,  credendi  scilicet  in  unicum  Deum  omnipotentem  .  .  . 
et  filium  ejus  Jesum  Christum  natum  ex  Maria  Virgine  (*'  delatum  ex 
Spiritu  ...  in  Virginem  Mariam  .  .  ."  De  Prcescriptionibus,  xiii,), 
crucifixum  Pontio  Pilato  ("sepultum  .  .  ."  Adv.  Praxeam,  ii.),  tertia 
die  resuscitatum  a  mortuis,  receptum  in  coelis,  sedentem  nunc  ad  dexte- 
ram  Patris,  venturum  judicare  vivos  et  mortnos  per  carnis  etiiini  resur- 
rectionem." 


244  SAINT  PETER. 

more  than  that  which  the  Lord  hath  decreed  in  the 
Gospel. "  ^  What  the  Lord  had  decreed  was  that  they 
be  baptised  in  the  Name  of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Spirit.  What,  then,  was  the  "  somewhat  more  "  they 
added  to  what  the  Lord  had  decreed  ?  Tertullian  him- 
self answers  the  question,  in  another  place  where  he  is 
not  giving  the  Eule  of  Belief.  "  Inasmuch  as  our  Pro- 
fession of  Faith  and  the  promise  of  our  salvation  have 
been  vouched  for  unto  us  by  the  Three  Divine  Persons, 
the  mention  of  the  Church  follows  necessarily ;  for 
where  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost  are,  there  is 
also  the  Church,  which  is  the  Body  of  the  Three  Divine 
Persons. "  ^  Like  the  dogma  of  the  Church,  that  of  the 
forgiveness  of  sins  is  also  to  be  found  in  the  African 
Creed.  Tertullian  mentions  it  in  the  following  passage, 
where  he  is  alluding  to  the  different  articles  of  the  bap- 
tismal profession  of  Faith :  "  Let  none  feel  astonished 
that  the  Lord  did  not  Himself  baptize.  For  in  what 
Name  would  He  have  baptized  ?  For  repentance  ?  But 
then  what  would  have  been  left  for  His  Forerunner  to 
do  ?  For  the  forgiveness  of  sins  ?  He  granted  that  with 
a  word.  In  His  own  Name  ?  Nay,  He  concealed  it  in 
His  humility.  In  the  Holy  Spirit?  It  was  not  yet 
come  down  to  us  from  the  Father.  In  the  Name  of  the 
Church  ?     She  was  not  yet  founded.  "  " 

Certainly,  not  one  of  the  pages  we  have  quoted  con- 
tains the  actual  Creed  of  the  Apostles,  but  they  suppose 
its  existence ;  and  if  we  take  into  consideration  that 
believers  were  forbidden  to  put  this  secret  formula  in 
writing,  we  must  confess  that  it  would  be  impossible 
to  discover  more  striking  evidences  of  it  than  those 
we  have  here. 

So,  then,  from  the  time  of  Eufinus  we  can  go  back 
from  century  to  century,  to  the  very  origin  of  the  Creed, 
and  recognize  the  work  as  being,  not  a  preconcerted  test 
made  by  the  Twelve  to  guide  them  in  their  preaching, 
but  as  the  ripe  fruit  and  abridgment  of  their  teaching. 

1  Tertullian,  De  Corona  Militis,  iii.  ^  Tertullian,  De  Baptismo,  vi 

8  Ibid.  xi. 


THE  APOSTLES'   CREED.  245 

The  Roman  influence,  and  consequently  Peter's  handi- 
work, seem  to  us  to  be  visible  in  it ;  and  for  that  rea- 
son, at  least,  this  Credo  deserves  its  title  to  Apostolicity. 
Nevertheless,  let  us  call  to  mind  the  fact  again,  that  it 
was  never  regarded  as  an  inspired  witness,  an  immu- 
table text,  in  the  same  sense  as  are  our  Holy  Books. 
It  was  a  formula  of  initiation,  a  Profession  of  Faith, 
hence  Christians  were  careful  in  preserving  its  exact 
terms ;  but  it  was  not  a  document  of  Revelation,  and 
hence  the  perfect  freedom  with  which,  outside  of  Rome, 
in  the  first  centuries,  and  later  on  in  Rome  itself,  they 
proceeded  to  modify  its  primitive  form. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

SAINT  PETER  AND  THE  JEWS  OF  ROME. 

After  his  deliverance  from  prison  by  the  Angel, 
Peter  did  not  tarry  for  any  length  of  time  in  the  dwel- 
ling of  John  Mark.  "  He  departed, "  says  the  Scripture, 
"  and  went  forth  into  another  place. "  ^  What  region 
or  what  city  are  designated  by  these  words  ?  The  Acts 
furnish  us  with  no  hint  on  the  subject ;  for  thereafter 
Peter  appears  only  once,  when  the  Head  of  the  Twelve 
gathers  together  a  few  of  his  brethren  to  consider  the 
affairs  of  the  Christians  at  Antioch.^  During  this  long 
interval  our  only  evidence  as  to  his  whereabouts,  is  the 
tradition  preserved  by  Eusebius,  which  tells  us  that, 
after  leaving  Jerusalem,  Peter  preached  the  Gospel  to 
Jews  scattered  through  Pontus,  Galatia,  Bithynia,  Cap- 
padocia,  and  proconsular  Asia.^  Going  from  town  to 
town,  after  the  fashion  of  needy  Jews,  he  asked  the 
hospitality  of  his  brethren  of  Israel,  and  in  return  spoke 
to  them  of  Jesus.  Doubtless  it  was  more  like  a  series  of 
conversations  than  set  sermons,  sometimes  carried  on  in 
their  houses,  sometimes  in  the  public  squares  and  market- 
places. Again  and  again  he  told  them  of  the  Saviour's 
Life,  wept  as  he  spoke  of  His  death  and  his  denial  of 
the  Lord,  and  bore  witness  to  the  truth  that  He  had 
died  only  to  rise  again  in  glory.  The  ardor  of  his  faith 
kindled  the  souls  of  men  everywhere,  and  Peter  then 
formed  the  numerous  communities  which  he  was  to  re- 
visit later  on,  and  to  whom  he  addressed  this  greeting : 
"  Peter,  Apostle  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  those  of  the  Disper- 

1  Acts  xii.  17.  2  Acts  xv.  7-31. 

^  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclestastica,  1.  iii.  c.  i. :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx. 
p.  216. 


HOME 

IN  THE  TIMEOF  THE 

APOSTLES 


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I  Capena  Gate 

II  Ca-IianHill 

HI  Isis  and  Serapi 

IV  Sacred  Way 

V  Eequiliue 

VI  AltaSemita 

VII  Via  Lata 

VIII  EomanForuir 

IX  Pliiminian  C 

X  Palatine 

XI  Circus  Maximus 

XH  Public  Pool 

XIII  Aventine 

XIV  Trastevere 


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II  n       Gute 

C/ELIANHILL        //  i. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      247 

sion,  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithy- 
nia,  who  sojourn  among  the  Gentiles.  .  .  .  May  grace 
and  peace  abound  among  you  more  and  more.  "  ^ 

We  have  no  details  as  to  the  establishing  of  these  first 
Christian  congregations  in  Asia  Minor ;  even  the  names 
of  the  towns  which  Peter  evangelized  are  unknown  to- 
day. Two  Churches  in  Pontus,  Amasea  and  Sinope, 
glory  in  the  belief  that  he  was  their  founder.  ^  This 
tradition,  taken  together  with  Saint  Epiphanius'  testi- 
mony that  the  Apostle  returned  several  times  to  revisit 
Bithynia  and  Pontus,  ^  gives  us  some  reason  to  believe 
that  he  traversed  chiefly  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea. 
From  Antioch  he  probably  went  up  to  these  regions  by 
way  of  Cappadocia,  returning  tlience  across  Galatia 
towards  one  of  the  harbors  whence  he  could  sail  for  the 
Italian  coasts.  Saint  Paul,  who  journeyed  over  Asia 
Minor  at  different  times,  never  followed  this  route,  ever 
faithful  to  his  rule  "  of  not  building  upon  the  founda- 
tions of  another ;  "  *  in  other  words,  not  to  preach  the 
Gospel  where  others  had  published  it  before  him. 

In  the  course  of  these  mission  journeys  it  is  said 
that  Peter  exercised  his  trade  of  a  fisherman.^  Like 
Paul,  and  like  all  the  Apostles,^  he  took  care  not  to 
become  a  burden  upon  any  one,  and  thus  maintained  the 
word  of  God  in  all  freedom,  respected  by  all,  without 
any  suspicion  of  sordid  or  ambitious  motives.  Howbeit, 
there  were  always  pious  hands  to  minister  to  his  needs, 
for  he  did  not  dwell  alone.  Saint  Paul  tells  us  that  cer- 
tain "  sisters  "  accompanied  the  Twelve,  notably  Peter  and 
the  cousins  of  the  Lord.'^  In  Israel  no  scandal  would 
arise  from  this,  for  the  people  were  accustomed  to  see- 
ing their  Eabbis  surrounded  by  fervent  followers,  who 
considered  services  rendered  to  their  masters  as  a  special 
source    of    favors    from    Heaven.^     Jesus    Himself   had 

1  1  Peter  i.  1. 

2  Tillemont,  Memoires :  S.  Pierre,  art.  xxviii.  t.  i.  p.  169. 

3  S.  Epiphanius,  xxvii.  6.  *  Rom.  xv.  20. 
5  Constitutiones  Apostolicce,  ii.  63. 

®  S.  Jerome,  Epistol.  iv.  ad  Rusticum.  '  1  Cor.  ix.  5. 

8  Gfrorer,  Das  Jahrhxmdert  des  Heils,  i.  144. 


248  SAINT  PETER. 

authorized  this  practice,  by  allowing  a  band  of  Galilean 
ladies  to  follow  Him  and  assist  Him  with  their  goods.'^ 

Their  aid  afforded  the  Apostles  very  precious  opportu- 
nities, since  it  made  it  possible  for  the  Gospel  to  find 
its  way  into  places  where  they  could  not  have  entered 
along  with  their  holy  companions.  The  latter,  gladly 
welcomed  by  the  women,  spoke  to  their  hostesses  of  the 
Saviour  who  had  raised  up  the  fallen  Magdalene  and  com- 
forted so  many  sorrow-stricken  mothers ;  thus  they  won 
them  over  to  the  Faith,  and  finally  to  baptism.  As  total 
immersion  was  then  the  ordinary  rite  of  this  Sacrament, 
it  was  more  in  keeping  with  their  ideas  of  decorum  that 
the  "  sisters  "  should  dip  the  catechumens  of  their  own 
sex  in  the  water.  We  may  believe  that  Peter's  own 
wife  was  one  of  the  number  of  those  who  aided  him. 
It  is  true,  the  Apostle  once  said  to  the  Lord,  "  Lo,  we 
have  left  all  things  to  follow  Thee, "  and  the  reply  of 
Jesus  shows  what  a  wide  meaning  He  attached  to  the 
words  "  all  things,  "  —  "  home,  brethren,  sisters,  father, 
mother,  wife. "  ^  But  though  the  wife  of  Simon  the 
fisherman  did  not  accompany  him  during  the  Master's 
lifetime,  yet  after  the  Resurrection,  united  to  him  now 
by  purely  spiritual  ties,  she  could  have  no  reason  for 
leaving  his  side.  Doubtless  she  is  the  one  whom  Saint 
Paul  speaks  of  as  "  the  sister  attached  to  Kephas. "  ^ 

With  this  devoted  little  band,  Peter  travelled  through 
the  provinces  of  Asia  enumerated  by  Eusebius.  Though 
he  founded  many  Churches  by  the  way,  he  made  no  long 
stay  in  any  of  them, —  indeed,  there  is  a  very  venerable 
tradition  to  the  effect  that  during  the  same  year  in 
which  he  escaped  from  Herod's  clutches,  he  arrived  at 
Rome,  and  there  established  the  Apostolic  See,  where  it 
was  to  remain  ever  after.  ^    He  must  have  set  sail  for  Italy 

1  Luke  viii.  2-3.  -  Matt.  xix.  27-29. 

^  1  Cor.  ix.  5.  According  to  a  tradition  recorded  by  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria {Stromafa,  vii.  11),  the  Apostle  lived  to  see  her  martyred  for  the 
Faith ;  and  as  she  passed  him  on  the  road  to  the  place  of  execution  he 
greeted  her  with  this  virile  farewell :  "  Woman,  remember  thy  Lord." 
Cf.  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  30. 

^  Appendix  TV.  S.  Peter  in  Rome. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      249 

from  the  eastern  coasts,  since  there  is  no  evidence  to  show 
that  he  travelled  across  Greece,  as  Saint  Paul  did  later 
on.  The  Israelitish  merchantmen  had  commercial  deal- 
ings with  distant  seaports,  and  it  was  an  easy  matter  for 
some  one  of  them  to  procure  a  passage  for  Peter  and  his 
associates.  On  reaching  the  outskirts  of  the  great  Capi- 
tal, this  little  company,  so  humble  and  mean  in  outward 
guise,  found  their  way  unnoticed  to  the  "  ghetto, "  where 
their  fellow-countrymen  were  crowded  together.  The 
mighty  city  had  little  notion  that  this  poor  Jew  was 
bringing  her  what  eight  centuries  of  victories  had  not 
been  able  to  effect, —  an  Empire  reaching  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth. 

The  Hebrews'  quarter  was,  accordingly,  Peter's  first 
abiding-place  in  Kome, —  the  first  field  wherein  he  was 
to  display  his  zeal ;  ^  and  a  vast  field  it  was,  for  the 
children  of  Israel  already  occupied  a  considerable  posi- 
tion in  the  town,  and  were  multiplying  from  day  to 
day.  Latin  literature  speaks  of  them  so  frequently  that 
we  have  only  to  collect  the  passages  referred  to,  in  order 
to  obtain  a  very  fair  notion  of  the  origin  of  their  com- 
munity, its  organization,  and  the  parts  of  the  city  to 
which  it  spread ;  indeed,  they  give  us  a  vivid  picture  of 
this  restless  race,  keen  in  the  pursuit  of  gain,  indus- 
trious and  eternal  as  the  city  wherein,  to  this  day,  it 
forms  a  people  separate  and  apart. 

The  Israelites  appear  for  the  first  time  in  Eome  160 
years  before  the  Christian  era.  Deputies  travelled 
thither,  in  the  name  of  Judas  Machabeus,  to  solicit  the 
protection  of  the  Senate.  The  response  of  the  Conscript 
Fathers,  graven  upon  brass,  is  translated  in  our  Holy 
Books.  The  terms  are  arrogant  enough,  —  conditions 
of  patronage  are  imposed  on  the  Jews,  and  obedience  to 
their  masters  prescribed  in  set  terms ;  as  their  recom- 

1  There  are  two  very  valid  reasons  for  this  hypothesis,  —  the  Lord's  com- 
mand, which  we  cannot  doubt  the  Apostles  always  fulfilled :  "  Go  first  to 
the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel "  (Matt.  x.  6) ;  and  S.  Paul's  words  to 
the  Galatians  (ii.  7) :  "I  was  made  aware  that  to  me  was  intrusted  the 
Gospel  of  the  Uncircumcision,  as  to  Peter  was  that  of  the  Circumcision." 


250  SAINT  PETER. 

pense,  the  Romans  engage  to  defend  tliem  against  their 
enemies.^  On  the  death  of  Judas,  Jonathas  could  only 
obtain  a  renewal  of  these  arrangements.^  Simon,  more 
fortunate  than  his  two  brothers,  succeeded  in  conclud- 
ing a  real  alliance.  ^  Lucius  Calpurnius,  Consul  in 
the  year  139  before  Christ,  addressed  letters  in  their 
behalf  to  all  kings  and  peoples  who  were  allies  of  the 
Kepublic.  Declaring  that  the  Jews  were  her  friends, 
Rome  took  their  country  under  her  protection,  and  pro- 
hibited all  nations  from  attacking  them  or  succoring 
such  as  made  war  against  them.  Orders  were  issued 
that  deserters  from  their  nation  should  be  handed  over 
to  Simon,  the  High  Priest,  to  be  punished  according  to 
the  Law."*  Even  while  the  leaders  of  the  embassy  were 
concluding  these  negotiations,  their  followers,  mingling 
with  the  citizens,  doubtless  tried  to  gain  some  prose- 
lytes ;  for  Valerius  Maximus  tells  us  that  in  that  same 
year  (139)  the  Prsetor  Hispallus  sent  back  certain  Jews 
to  their  homes  for  having  endeavored  to  attract  the 
Romans  to  the  worship  of  their  God,  —  urging  them  to 
adore  Jehovah  under  the  name  of  Jupiter  Sabazius 
(Sabaoth).  -^ 

For  eighty  years  after  this  there  is  no  mention  made 
of  the  Israelites  in  Rome,  and  we  must  come  down  to 
the  time  of  Pompey  to  find  them  definitely  settled  there. 
This  General,  after  taking  Jerusalem,  in  63  B.  c. ,  carried 

1  1  Mac.  viii.  17-32.  2  Mac.  xii.  1-4,  16. 

3  1  Mac.  XV.  16-24. 

4  The  letter  cited  in  the  First  Book  of  the  Machabees  cannot  be  re- 
garded as  an  exact  copy  of  the  original,  for  it  is  not  couched  in  the  cus- 
tomary forms  for  such  documents ;  only  one  Consul  is  referred  to,  and  only 
his  first  name  is  given ;  there  is  no  date  nor  any  allusion  to  the  Senate. 
But  if  these  omissions  are  enough  to  prove  that  the  sacred  writer  did  not 
transcribe  the  text  he  had  before  him  literally,  there  is,  however,  nothing 
to  suggest  a  suspicion  that  he  either  invents  or  alters  the  substance  of  the 
commands  transmitted  by  the  Consul.  Handbiich  zu  den  Apokryphen  des 
alien  Testaments,  von  Fritzsche  und  Grimm,  1  Buch  der  Maccabaer,  cap. 
XV.  16.     Kitto's  C fjdopoidia :  Lucius,  1. 

^  "  Dominus  Deus  Sabaoth "  :  "  The  Lord  God  of  hosts."  Valerius 
Maximus,  i.  3.  2.  "  Idem  [  praetor  Hispallus]  Judreos  qui  Sabazii  Jovis 
cultu  simulato  mores  Romanos  inficere  conati  sunt,  domos  suas  repetere 
coegit." 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      251 

away  many  captives.  From  that  time  to  the  day  when 
Herod  took  possession  of  the  throne  of  David  without 
a  struggle  (37  B.  c. ),  Judea  was  always  in  revolt,  and 
oftentimes  crushed  under  the  yoke  of  Koman  legions. 
At  each  new  defeat  prisoners  were  transported  to  the 
Capital,  and  often  in  great  numbers ;  for  it  is  recorded 
of  Cassius,  one  of  the  conquering  generals,  that  in  many 
cities  he  sold  the  entire  population  into  slavery.  ^ 

At  first  the  rich  were  glad  to  receive  these  Hebrew 
slaves,  noble  in  mien  and  of  great  parts ;  but  soon  their 
increasing  numbers  embarrassed  the  merchants,  who 
could  make  nothing  of  them.  It  seems  that  in  the 
wealthy  residences,  where  servants  were  crowded  to- 
gether by  the  thousand,  ^  some  uniform  order  of  life 
became  a  necessity.  Now,  nothing  could  force  the  Jews 
to  submit  to  this ;  neither  threats  nor  punishments 
could  induce  them  to  touch  what  was  common  and  un- 
clean. They  pushed  away  the  food  prepared  by  their 
companions,  as  polluted.  They  avoided  contact  with 
a  thousand  impure  objects.  On  the  Sabbath  days  they 
absolutely  refused  to  work.  Josephus  tells  of  a  captive 
priest  who  forced  himself  to  live  on  walnuts  and  figs.^ 
Such  inmates  disturbed  the  orderly  Roman  households, 
governed  with  as  much  discipline  as  one  of  the  Legions. 
So  Philo  informs  us  that  they  were  only  too  glad  to  get 
rid  of  their  Jews,  and  thus  these  purchased  their  free- 
dom at  a  low  price.  *  Once  free  from  constraint,  they  re- 
covered their  activity  immediately,  with  all  their  genius 
for  business,  and  soon  rendered  valuable  services  to  their 
former  masters,  now  become  their  patrons.  The  expe- 
rience of  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  their  ability 
under   these  altered    conditions,    resulted    in    such   an 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv.  11,  2;  Bellam  Judaicum,  i.  11,  2. 

2  "Toward  the  close  of  the  Republic  and  under  the  Empire,  it  was  no 
rare  thing  to  meet  with  wealtliy  IJomans  owning  many  thousands.  Under 
Augustus,  a  mere  freedman,  C.  C:ccilius  Isidorus,  although  he  had  lost  a 
considerable  part  of  his  fortune  during  the  civil  wars,  still  at  his  death  left 
4,116  slaves"  (Pliny,  Ristona Naturalis,  xxxiii.  47).  Allard,  Les  Esclaves 
Chretiens,  1.  i.  ch.  i.  p.  8. 

3  Josephus,  Vita,  iii.  *  I'hilo,  Legatio  ad  Caium,  .568. 


252  SAINT  PETER. 

increase  in  the  number  of  Israelites  released  by  their 
masters  that  the  Jewish  population  of  Kome  was 
commonly  designated  by  the  name  of  Freedmen,  — 
Liherti.  ^ 

The  deed  of  emancipation,  set  forth  in  solemn  forms, 
conferred  the  rights  of  a  citizen.  ^  All  their  brethren, 
rich  or  poor,  bond  or  free,  gathered  about  those  of  their 
race  who  had  received  this  privilege.  This  body  of  men, 
animated  by  the  same  spirit,  grew  larger  every  day. 
In  a  few  years  it  formed  in  the  heart  of  the  Eoman 
State  something  like  a  foreign  State  having  a  sepa- 
rate life  of  its  own,  and  at  the  same  time  so  con- 
siderable that  its  members  had  to  be  reckoned  with  in 
any  business  which  concerned  them  in  any  way.  As 
early  as  the  year  59  B.  c. ,  Cicero  expressed  his  fears  of 
them.  In  his  defence  of  Flaccus, —  accused,  among  other 
crimes,  of  forbidding  the  conveyance  of  the  sacred  trib- 
ute to  Jerusalem,  —  we  find  the  orator  complaining  that 
the  case  was  brought  up  for  trial  on  the  Aurelian  Steps. 
The  tribunal  known  by  this  name  occupied  a  part  of  the 
Forum  where  the  Jews  possessed  numerous  shops.  ^  At- 
tracted by  the  sound  of  discussions  which  concerned 
their  religious  tenets,  they  swarmed  into  this  court, 
which  was  arranged  in  the  form  of  an  amphitheatre,* 
and  followed  the  debate  with  all  their  usual  fanaticism. 
Cicero  felt  that  his  safety  was  threatened.  He  lowered 
his  voice  until  it  was  inaudible  to  the  public,  and  then, 
calling  Lelius'  attention  to  the  noisy  throng,  which  had 

^  Acts  vi.  9  ;  Philo,  Legatio  ad  Caium,  523 ;  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii. 
3,  5;  Tacitus,  Annales,  ii.  85. 

■2  Pauly,  Real  Encyclopcidie :  Manumissio. 

3  Nothing  so  angered  the  Jews  as  to  see  the  money  they  had  destined 
for  their  Temple  consecrated  to  profane  uses.  This  Cicero  recalls  in  his 
plea,  and  then  continues  in  this  wise  ;  "  It  was  in  order  to  expose  you  to 
their  much-dreaded  hatred  that  Lelius  selected  this  spot  for  the  seat  of 
justice  "  ("  Hoc  nimirura  est  illud  quod  non  louge  a  gradibus  Aureliis 
hjBc  causa  dicitur."  Pro  Flacco,  xxviii.).  This  reference  plainly  implies 
that  there  were  many  Jews  dwelling  near  the  Aurelian  Steps,  and  natu- 
rally gathered  there  in  greater  numbers  than  elsewliere. 

*  "Gradus  illi  Aurelii  tum  novi  quasi  pro  theatro  ill!  judicio  sedificati 
videbantur  "  (Cicero,  Pro  Chienfio,  34). 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      253 

more  than  once  before  disturbed  the  public  meetings,  ^ 
he  rebuked  him  for  having  used  their  aid  to  intimidate 
the  defence  and  influence  the  judges. 

These  precautions  and  the  fear  of  the  great  orator 
show  as  well  as  anything  else  what  influence  the  Jews 
had  in  Rome  even  then.  Caesar,  too,  after  seizing  the 
imperial  power,  judged  it  opportune  to  attach  them  to 
his  party.  We  read  in  Josephus  a  long  list  of  measures 
adopted  in  favor  of  the  sons  of  Israel,  both  by  the  Dic- 
tator and  the  magistrates  working  under  his  orders.  It 
is  a  succession  of  privileges, —  freedom  of  worship,  ex- 
emption from  military  service,  with  the  numberless  taxes, 
the  right  to  live  according  to  the  customs  of  their  ances- 
tors, full  license  to  form  an  almost  independent  body  in 
every  land,  a  peculiar  city  of  their  own  within  every 
city  of  the  Empire,  with  its  own  head  men,  its  police, 
its  regulations,  and  courts  of  its  own ;  '^  concessions 
which  are  all  the  more  astonishing  because  at  this  very 
time  Caesar  was  exceedingly  severe  in  restricting  the 
rights  of  associations,  and  suppressed  all  Colleges  which 
did  not  date  from  the  most  ancient  times.  ^  The  chil- 
dren of  Israel  appreciated  the  value  of  such  benefits.  In 
the  Field  of  Mars,  about  that  funeral  pyre  where  the 
bleeding  body  of  the  Dictator  had  been  laid,  a  plaintive 
song  was  heard  for  many  an  evening, —  it  was  the  night- 
watch  set  there  by  grateful  Jews.*  Augustus,  though 
he  renewed  Caesar's  prohibitions  so  far  as  other  associa- 
tions were  concerned,  like  him  formally  excepted  the 
Israelites,  declaring  their  communities  legally  authorized, 
and  giving  them  the  right  to  establish  such  societies  in 
all  places.^  These  edicts  of  Augustus  mark  the  highest 
point  attained  by  Jewish  prestige ;  thereafter,  not  only 
is  nothing  added  to  the-  account,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
the  bitter  feelings  excited  by  these  privileges  tend  to 
bring  about  their  removal. 

1  "  Multitudinein  Judaeonim  flagrantium  nonnunciuam  in  concionibus  " 
(Cicero,  Pro  Flacco,  xxviii.). 

2  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv.  10,  2-25.  ^  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  42. 
^  Id.  84.                            ^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xiv.  10,  8. 


254  SAINT  PETER. 

The  first  to  take  umbrage  thereat  was  Tiberius.  In 
the  year  19  A.  D. ,  he  proscribed  the  worship  of  Isis  and 
Jehovah.  Accusations  were  brought  against  the  min- 
isters of  these  two  religions,  which  were  identical  in 
appearance,  but  of  a  widely  different  character  in  real- 
ity. In  both  cases  the  conversion  of  a  woman  was  in- 
volved. The  Egyptians,  after  persuading  a  matron  that 
their  divinity  desired  to  espouse  her,  induced  her  to 
enter  their  temple,  and  there  delivered  her  into  the 
hands  of  a  young  libertine.  ^  The  crime  of  the  Jews 
was  not  of  this  odious  nature.  Four  Scribes  gained 
over  to  the  Faith  a  lady  named  Fulvia.  They  were  some 
of  those  Pharisees  whom  Jesus  once  branded,  wearing 
the  mask  of  piety,  making  long  prayers  to  abuse  the 
simple-minded,  and  devouring  the  houses  of  widows.  ^ 
Under  pretext  of  getting  offerings  for  the  Temple  at 
Jerusalem,  they  had  extorted  from  this  rich  patrician 
large  sums  of  gold  and  purple,  which  they  diverted  to 
their  own  profit.  The  husband  denounced  them  to  the 
Emperor,  who  brought  the  matter  before  the  Senate,  and 
demanded  the  enactment  of  rigorous  laws  against  Jewish 
proselytizing.  An  innocent  throng  was  involved  in  the 
ensuing  punishment ;  for  the  Consuls,  Marcus  Silanus 
and  Lucius  Norbanus  Flaccus,  entered  the  Jewish  quar- 
ter, and  pressed  four  thousand  freedmen  into  the  ranks 
of  the  army.  They  were  despatched  to  fight  against  the 
brigands  of  Sardinia,  with  the  prospect  of  succumbing 
speedily  to  the  unhealthiness  of  the  climate.  "  This, " 
however,  Tacitus  adds  coolly,  "  would  have  been  a  loss 
of  small  consequence.  "  ^  But  to  these  four  thousand 
men  the  danger  of  losing  their  lives  weighed  little  in 
comparison  with  their  fear  of  violating  the  Law.  They 
refused  to  perform  military  service,  as  it  was  forbidden 
by  their  religion,  and  were  consequently  condemned  to 
the  mines.      The  remainder  of  the  Jews,  with  their  fol- 


1  Josephus,  Antiqaitates,  xviii.  3,  4.  -  Matt,  xxiii.  14. 

^  "  Si  ob  gravitatem  coeli  interissent,  vile  damnum  "  (Tacitus,  Annates, 
ii.  85), 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      255 

lowing,  were  given  a  short  space  in  which  they  must 
either  renounce  their  Faith  or  quit  Italy.  ^ 

Within  another  thirty  years,  the  Jews  had  recovered 
their  rights,  again  disturbed  the  peace  of  Eome,  and 
compelled  Claudius  to  expel  them  in  a  body.^  Yet  this 
proscription  availed  nothing,  for  Judaism  had  become 
too  deeply  rooted  to  be  so  easily  extirpated. ,  Many  pros- 
elytes belonging  to  the  highest  classes,  to  the  nobility 
and  among  the  courtiers,  managed  to  escape  the  more 
rigorous  edicts.  Even  those  affected  by  the  law  stopped 
at  the  gates  of  the  city  or  in  the  suburban  towns.  Ju- 
venal speaks  of  a  little  colony  of  these  banished  folk 
encamped  on  Mount  Alban,  in  Aricia.^  From  there,  at 
the  first  favorable  opportunity,  they  could  return  unno- 
ticed. "  Though  so  often  oppressed,  they  struggled  only 
the  more  vigorously,  and  succeeded  at  last  in  obtaining 
the  liberty  of  living  according  to  their  laws. "  *  These 
words  of  Dion  Cassius  sum  up  the  whole  story  of  the 
Jews'  career  in  Rome. 

Their  numbers,  their  franchises,  and  their  industry  at- 
tracted every  one's  attention.  Of  all  the  foreigners  who 
thronged  into  the  Capital  of  the  world,  none  held  a  more 
prominent  place  in  men's  eyes :  but,  generally  speaking, 
the  poets  and  moralists  of  that  time  judge  them  only 
by  external  characteristics.  Circumcision,  the  Sabbath, 
and  their  horror  of  pork  furnished  an  inexhaustible 
theme  for  witticisms.^  One  Feast  Day,  Perseus  adven- 
tures into  the  dirty  and  winding  streets  of  the  Jewish 
quarter.  He  sees  wreaths  of  violets  ornamenting  the 
windows,  while  fat  and  soot  from  countless  little 
lamps  drip  down  on  the  passer-by.  Within  each  house 
the  family  is  gathered.  On  a  meagrely  spread  table 
stands  a  large  loin  of  tunny,  swimming  in  a  red  dish, 

^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  3,  5;  Tacitus,  Annales,  ii.  85;  Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  36. 

2  Suetonius,  Claudius,  25. 

3  "  Judseos  qui  ad  Ariciam  transierant,  ex  urbe  missi  "  (Juvenal's  Scho- 
liast, iv.  117). 

4  Dion  Cassius,  xxxvii.  1 7 . 

5  Horace,  Sat.  1.  I.  iv.  143 ;    v.  100;  ix.  69. 


256  SAINT  PETER. 

while  a  white  jug  contains  the  wine  for  this  banquet. 
The  poet  departs  full  of  disdain  for  such  a  sordid  life, 
and  rallies  the  first  proselyte  he  meets.  "  On  with 
you !  "  he  says  to  him ;  "  to-day  is  high  festival  for 
Herod's  friends.  Hasten  along  and  mumble  your  lips 
devoutly,  while  with  your  pale  face  you  celebrate  the 
Sabbath  of  the  Circumcised. "  ^ 

At  other  times  it  is  not  the  novelty  of  these  solem- 
nities, but  their  noisy  tumults,  which  attract  the  curios- 
ity of  outsiders.  The  Jews  discussed  any  mooted  point 
in  their  traditions  with  all  their  customary  passion, — 
with  a  babel  of  words,  cries,  threatening  gestures,  and 
dust  thrown  in  the  air.  Sometimes  the  excitement 
would  degenerate  into  such  acts  of  violence  that  the 
Praetor  would  be  obliged  to  intervene ;  ^  generally,  how- 
ever, a  majority  of  Jews  would  mass  together,  and  by 
main  force  oblige  the  weaker  party  to  give  in  to  their 
opinion.  This  fashion  of  persuading  their  opponents 
was  well  known.  Horace  alludes  to  it  laughingly  in 
his  invective  against  the  man  who  is  a  foe  to  satire. 
"  If  thou  yieldest  not  to  us  in  this  point,  a  numerous 
band  of  Poets  will  come  to  mine  aid.  We  are  the  great 
majority.  Like  the  Jews,  we  will  force  thee  to  join  our 
ranks. "  ^ 

They  were  not  content  to  stop  at  mockery.  Odious 
pamphlets,  like  that  of  Apion,  were  passed  from  hand  to 
hand,  crediting  the  Jews  with  all  manner  of  vices.  Not 
only  the  populace,  but  the  better-bred  people  as  well, 
formed  their  judgment  from  these  vulgar  calumnies,  and 
by  dint  of  repeating  them  continually,  managed  to  get 
them  believed.  From  the  absence  of  images  in  the  sanc- 
tuaries of  the  Jews,  Lucan  concludes  that  their  god  is 
of  uncertain  existence.*  Florus  and  Apollonius  Molo  ^ 
treat  of  them  as  an  impious  and  atheistical  race.     Petro- 


1  Perseus,  v.  180.  ^  Suetonius,  Claudius,  25. 

3  Horace,  Sat.  1.  I.  iv.  140, 

*  Lucan,  Pharsalia,  ii,  593. 

^  "  Vidit  illud  grande  impiae  gentis  arcanum"  (Florus,  iii.  6). 

®  Josephus,  Contra  Apionem,  ii.  14. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      257 

nius,i  Plutarch,^  and  Tacitus  ^  gravely  record  that  these 
folk  adore  the  pig  and  the  ass.  "  This  people  was  born 
for  slavery,"  says  Cicero ;  *  "  The  race  is  abominable  among 
all  the  nations,"  Seneca  adds.^  The  picture  is  already 
repulsive  enough,  but  the  Satirists  delight  in  making  it 
worse.  They  depict  a  crowd  all  made  up  of  tatterdema- 
lions creeping  out  of  the  hovels  of  Jewry.  Beggars,  ped- 
lers,  and  rag-pickers  block  up  the  streets  and  besiege 
private  houses,  in  the  hope  of  selling  their  tapers  or 
buying  broken  glass.^  Dirty,  exhaling  a  sickly  odor, 
tricky  as  they  are  servile,  this  scum  of  the  human  race 
always  drags  along  a  troop  of  ragged  children,  bundles  of 
clothing,  a  basket  wherein  their  eatables  are  kept,  out  of 
the  way  of  profane  hands,  and  the  straw  which  serves  as 
a  bed  for  the  whole  family.^  Thus  the  Satirists  exagger- 
ated their  caricature  by  attributing  to  all  Jews  certain 
features  which  only  belonged  to  the  most  wretched.  But 
then,  as  now,  prejudice  ruled  the  minds  of  men. 

Happy  had  been  the  lot  of  the  Israelites  if  this  concert 
of  jeers  had  not  been  audible  outside  the  circle  of  literary 
men ;  but  everywhere,  on  the  contrary,  they  heard  the 
same  words  re-echoed,  —  in  the  public  baths,  along  the 
Forum,  in  court,  and  at  the  theatre,  where  they  offered  a 
rich  theme  for  the  buffooneries  of  the  clowns.  Eabbi 
Abahu  complains  that  it  takes  so  very  little  wit  to  raise 
a  laugh  at  the  expense  of  the  Jews.  The  following  speci- 
mens certainly  justify  his  remonstrance. 

A  camel  crosses  the  stage,  decked  in  mourning. 

"  Why  this  funeral  array  ?  "  some  one  cries  out.  The 
reply,  which  drew  shouts  of  laughter  from  the  populace,  is 
surely  a  very  weak  joke. 

1  Petronius,  Fragmenta,  ed.  Nisard,  p.  94 :  "  Judaeus  licet  et  porcinum 
numen  adoret." 

'-2  Plutarch,  Qiicestionum  Convivalium,  iv.  5,  2. 

3  Tacitus,  Historioe.,  v.  2-5. 

■*  Cicero,  De  Provinciis  Consularihus,  v. 

^  Seneca,  quoted  by  S.  Augustine  {De  Civitate  Dei,  vii.  36). 

«  Martial,  i.  42 ;  Statins,  Silv.  i.  6. 

"  Martial,  i.  42  ;  xii.  30, 35, 37  ;  iv.  4 ;  vii.  82 ;  xi.  94 ;  i.  4 ;  Juvenal,  vi.  542- 
.547;  156-160;  xiv.  96-107;  iii.  13,296;  Origen,  Contra  Celsum,  i.  33; 
Ammianus  Marcellinus,  xxii.  5 ;  Rutilius  Numatianus,  Itiner.,  i.  3,  89. 

17 


258  SAINT  PETER. 

"  Because  the  Hebrews  want  to  observe  their  Sabbath 
better,  and  therefore  have  resolved  only  to  eat  picked 
green-stuff.  Now  they  are  eating  dates,  and  the  camel 
weeps  because  they  are  robbing  him  of  his  food." 

Still  more  insipid  is  this  scene,  in  which  Momus  (the 
god  of  farce)  appears  with  shaven  head.  When  asked 
why  he  has  dispensed  with  his  head-dress,  he  replies : 

"  Oil  is  too  dear,  and  the  Jews  are  to  blame.  On  the 
Sabbath  they  spend  all  they  have  earned  during  working 
days.  As  they  have  no  more  wood  to  cook  their  eatables, 
they  are  forced  to  burn  their  beds  and  lie  in  the  dust ; 
then,  to  prevent  the  dirt  sticking  to  them,  they  spill  oil 
over  themselves  in  profusion.  And  now  you  know  why 
oil  is  so  dear  and  Momus  in  tears."  ^ 

Only  blind  hatred  could  bring  men  to  applaud  such  a 
plentiful  lack  of  wit  as  we  have  here. 

This  unpopularity,  even  more  than  their  peculiar  rites, 
obliged  the  Jews  to  live  by  themselves,  having  no  inter- 
course with  Pagan  society  except  through  commercial  or 
banking  connections.  Accordingly,  though  dwelling  in 
the  midst  of  the  Eomans,  they  were  looked  upon  as  a 
separate  world,  almost  unknown  to  their  nearest  neigh- 
bors. About  their  origin  and  worship,  the  most  absurd 
ideas  obtained,  even  among  the  educated  classes;  as  witness 
the  picture  Tacitus  has  drawn  of  them.  We  may  well 
feel  some  surprise  at  finding  this  great  historian,  who  is 
so  exact  when  speaking  of  the  most  barbarous  peoples, 
mingling  so  many  calumnies  with  a  few  truthful  lines 
when  treating  of  the  Jews.  Evidently  he  never  deigned 
to  converse  with  the  leading  men  of  Jewry,  nor  did  he 
ever  enter  their  residences ;  for  there  he  would  have  found 
those  books  in  which  we  of  to-day  read  the  true  his- 
tory of  Israel,  —  the  writings  of  the  Alexandrians,  the 
Rabbinical  commentaries  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  Bible 
translated  by  the  Seventy.  His  prejudices  would  have 
vanished,  and  Tacitus  would  not  have  written  that  extra- 
ordinary page,  where  he  paints  the  Hebrews  as  a  people 

1  Gratz,  Geschichte  der  Juden,  4,  353. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      259 

of  infamous  manners,  hateful  as  they  are  full  of  hatred, 
of  noble,  but  distorted  and  gloomy  religious  views.^ 

The  Jews  avenged  themselves  after  their  own  fashion. 
Merciless  in  matters  of  business,  they  demanded  the  last 
farthing  from  every  one  not  of  their  blood  nor  allied  to 
them  in  any  way,  and  inscribed  the  names  of  the  mockers, 
big  and  little,  in  their  account-books.  After  wreaking 
their  anger  on  them  in  words,  the  borrowers  were  forced 
to  treat  with  this  swarm  of  creditors  or  abandon  them- 
selves to  their  mercy.  Moreover,  these  much-dreaded 
competitors  were  to  be  met  at  every  turn ;  for  though  for 
preference  they  adopted  commercial  pursuits,  no  employ- 
ment came  amiss  to  them,  even  that  of  the  actor  ^  or 
singer  ^  in  the  theatre,  and  every  trade  was  the  same  to 
them.  This  was  notably  the  case  in  the  literary  world, 
where  the  Eoman,  with  his  easy-going  nature,  was  amazed 
to  see  the  Oriental,  with  his  acute  genius,  steal  a  march 
on  him,  while  criticising,  borrowing,  and  even  plagiarizing 
his  best  works.  Martial  complains  of  having  been  plun- 
dered in  this  fashion  by  a  son  of  Israel,  — 

^'Blighted  by  jealousy,  go  on  tearing  my  writings  to 
pieces  everywhere.  I  pardon  thee,  thou  circumcised  Poet; 
thou  hast  thy  reasons.  I  care  little  what  evil  thou  mayeyt 
say  of  my  verses,  even  while  thou  seest  fit  to  filch  them."  * 

How  are  we  to  explain  the  tolerant  acts  of  Rome  towards 
this  detested  nation,  if  no  note  of  sympathy  is  to  be  heard 
amid  this  chorus  of  hatred.  From  Cicero  down  to  Marcus 
Aurelius,  Latin  writers  lavish  their  sarcasm  upon  every- 
thing Jewish ;  but  their  object  is  always  to  deplore  the 
popular  propensity  to  take  up  with  the  Pharisaic  Obser- 
vances. Their  doleful  complaints  are  so  incessant  that 
we  are  warranted  in  concluding  that  the  Israelites  could 
reckon  upon  almost  as  many  allies  as  persecutors.  Indeed, 
great  numbers  of  the  Pagans,  especially  of  the  people,  did 
not  halt  at  the  gloomy  and  dirty  outskirts  of  the  "  Ghetto," 
but  found  their  way  into  the  Jewish  family-circle,  where 

1  Tacitus,  Historice,  v.  2-5.  ^  Josephus,  Vita,  3. 

3  Martial,  vii.  82.  ^  Id.,  xi.  94, 


260  SAINT  PETER. 

they  discovered  a  new  life  of  pure  enjoyments,  peaceful- 
ness,  good  manners,  and  a  touching  unitedness  of  spirit. 
Not  only  did  they  love  one  another,  but  they  offered  the 
stranger  a  share  in  this  brotherly  charity.  The  sole  con- 
dition was  that  he  must  embrace  the  Law  of  Israel;  and  in 
that  Law  how  much  there  was  to  attract  souls  agitated  by 
doubt,  remorse,  and  weariness  of  life  !  The  Jewish  Faith 
poured  balm  in  all  their  wounds.  To  the  intellect  thirst- 
ing after  truth,  it  revealed  that  God  Whose  Name  is 
ineffable,  —  "I  am.  Who  am  ! "  ^  To  the  heart  of  man  it 
held  forth  something  that  was  more  than  a  hope,  —  the 
persuasion  that  a  happy  age  was  drawing  nigh.  Awful 
calamities  were  to  herald  its  approach ;  but  Israel  and  its 
proselytes  might  swim  the  sea  of  blood  without  fear ;  and 
on  the  farther  shore  there  awaited  them  joys  without 
end.  The  Eoman  populace,  who  knew  by  sad  experience 
that  theirs  was  an  age  of  iron,  found  it  easy  to  believe  in 
this  Golden  Age ;  all  listened  eagerly  to  the  small  shop- 
keeper when,  dropping  his  task  for  a  moment,  he  talked 
to  them  of  God  and  the  Prophecies. 

There  were  not  lacking  some  men  among  the  greater 
minds  —  nay,  even  among  the  very  writers  whose  scoffs 
we  have  quoted — who  felt  the  influence  of  Israelitish 
thought.  Vergil  regarded  the  Jewish  Sibyl  as  a  veracious 
Oracle ;  on  her  authority  he  announced  that  after  mighty 
revolutions  would  come  the  reign  of  a  Divine  Child, 
Whose  advent  would  thrill  the  earth  with  delight,  giving 
the  weary  world  a  renewal  of  its  early  happy  days.^ 

The  patrician  ladies,  especially,  were  ardent  seekers 
after  novelties.  One  morning  Juvenal  observes  a  men- 
dicant Jewess  ushered  into  the  presence  of  some  rich 
matron,  to  explain  her  dreams  and  calm  her  anxieties. 

"  Dropping  her  basket  and  her  bundle  of  grass,  she  draws 
near,  wagging  her  head,  and  pouring  her  tale  of  beggary 
into  the  superstitious  ear  of  her  listener.  She  knows 
well  how  to  explain  the  rites  of  Jerusalem,  —  a  High 
Priestess,  she  !    .    .    .  faithfully  does  she  translate  the 

1  Exod.  iii.  13.  ^  Vergil,  Ecloga  iv. 


SAINT  PETER  AND    THE  JEWS   OF   ROME.      261 

messages  of  Heaven.  She  must  be  paid,  but  she  does  not 
come  so  dear  as  the  [Egyptian]  priest.  At  a  reasonable 
price  the  Jews  will  sell  you  all  the  air-castles  you  may 
chance  to  desire."  ^ 

But  the  Satirists'  contempt  could  not  hold  back  the 
Roman  women  when  bent  upon  learning  something  of  the 
ideal  world,  or  when  merely  fond  of  mysteries.  Many 
adopted  the  Mosaical  beliefs,  not  from  caprice,  but  of  set 
purpose,  and  remained  faithful  to  them  till  death.  In 
the  Jewish  cemeteries  at  Eome  are  the  tombs  of  patri- 
cian women  belonging  to  the  noble  families  of  the  Flavii, 
Fulvii,  and  Valerii,  lying  side  by  side  with  their  sisters 
of  Israel.  On  one  of  these  sepulchral  stones  we  read  that 
Paula  Veturia,  upon  joining  the  Jewish  community  with 
all  her  slaves,  took  the  name  of  Sara.  Though  seventy- 
five  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  her  conversion,  she  lived 
for  full  sixteen  years  in  the  Synagogue.^ 

Though  less  prone  to  enthusiasm  than  the  women, 
repelled  too  by  the  circumcision,  there  were  not  want- 
ing many  distinguished  Romans  who  let  themselves  be 
carried  away  by  the  movement.  Both  Perseus  and 
Horace  allude  to  the  fact  that  many  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  abstain  from  business  on  the  Sabbath-days; 
they  fast,  pray,  illuminate  their  mansions,  and  deck  them 
with  garlands  during  the  Festival  seasons  of  Israel. 
Others  again,  without  participating  openly  in  the  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah,  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of  the 
Law,  frequent  Jewish  sanctuaries,  and  contribute  their 
offerings  to  the  Temple.^ 

The  current  seems  to  have  set  in  with  irresistible 
force,  when  we  find  Augustus,  on  learning  that  his  grand- 
son had  not  sacrificed  to  Jehovah*  during  his  stay  at 
Jerusalem,  go  out  of  his  way  to  praise  him  for  an  inde- 
pendent spirit  too  uncommon  in  his  day.  These  con- 
gratulations show  how  little  faith  this  ruler  had  in  the 
Mosaical  institutions  ;  none  the  less  he  makes  it  his  policy 

1  Juvenal,  Satint,  vi.  542-547.  '^  Orelli,  2522. 

s  Perseus,  v.  180;  Horace,  Sat.  1.  II.  iii.  288 ;  Sat.  1. 1,  ix.  68 ;  v.  100,  etc. 

*  Suetonius,  Augustus,  93. 


262  SAINT  PETER. 

to  protect  the  numerous  adherents  of  what  he  regards 
as  a  mere  superstition.  At  Kome  two  synagogues  bear 
his  name  and  that  of  his  friend  Agrippa.^  The  sons 
of  Herod,  brought  up  at  his  court,  practise  their  religion 
unhindered.^  This  state  of  things  continues  during  the 
following  reigns  :  Herod  Antipas  receives  many  favors 
from  Tiberius ;  ^  Herod  Agrippa  lives  in  the  closest 
intimacy  with  Caligula;*  and  we  have  seen  how  he 
helped  Claudius  to  ascend  the  throne.^  A  Jewess  named 
Poppaea  became  all-powerful  under  Nero.^  More  than 
this,  there  were  always  Jews  of  lower  rank  who  were  on 
the  lookout  for  any  opportunity  to  get  within  the  palace 
walls  and  gain  the  ascendancy  there.  In  the  time  of 
Augustus  another  Jewess,  the  slave  of  Livy,  formed  a 
terrible  conspiracy  against  Herod.''  A  Samaritan  freed- 
man,  who  had  once  belonged  to  Tiberius,  rose  to  such 
wealth  as  to  be  able  to  lend  Herod  Agrippa  very  con- 
siderable sums.^  The  inscriptions  in  the  Jewish  cem- 
eteries make  us  acquainted  with  an  Israelitish  woman 
belonging  to  the  house  of  Claudius,^  while  many  freed- 
men  of  the  same  race  bear  the  names  of  Imperial  families ; 
among  them  those  of  Julius,  Claudius,  Flavins,  Aelius, 
Aurelius,  and  Valerius  are  the  most  frequent. ^^ 

It  is  so  difficult  to  distinguish  proselytes  from  Hebrews 
by  birth  that  we  cannot  be  certain  as  to  the  total  Jew- 
ish population  of  Eome.  One  fact  alone  will  give  us 
some  idea  of  their  number.  On  the  death  of  Herod 
the  Great  (4  B.  c.  according  to  our  chronology),  when  the 

1  Corpus  Tnscriptionum  Grcecarum,  9902,  9903,  9907, 

2  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  6,  1 ;  Juvenal,  Satirce,  vi,  157-160. 

^  eTosephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  2,  1 ;  2,  3;  Bellum  Jiidaicnm,  ii,  9,  1. 
*  Id.,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  6 ;  8,  7. 

5  Id.,  Antiquitates,  xix.  4  et  5. 

6  Id.,  Antiquitates,  xx.  8,  11 ;   Vita,  3. 

"^  Id.,  Antiquitates,  xvii.  5,  7 ;  Bellum  Judaicum,  i.  32,  6 ;  33,  7. 

8  Id.,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  6,  4.  ^  Orelli-Henzen,  5302. 

10  Schiirer  notes  the  fact  that  the  later  Emperors  often  took  the  names 
of  several  of  their  predecessors ;  thus  Constantine  the  Great  styled  him- 
self C.  Flavius  Aurelius  Claudinus  Cons.  Hence  it  follows  that  the  Jews 
mentioned  in  these  inscriptions  are  not  perhaps  the  freedmen  of  the  first 
Caesars.  Schiirer,  Die  Gemeindeverfassung  der  Juden  In  Rom  in  der 
Kaiserzeit,  p.  7,  note  2. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      263 

Israelitish  deputies  came  to  beseech  Augustus  to  restore 
the  theocratic  form  of  government,  they  were  accompanied 
by  eight  thousand  of  their  compatriots  who  were  settled 
in  the  city.^  As  this  throng  was  composed  of  men 
alone,  it  must  have  represented  a  goodly  number  of 
families.  But  if  it  is  impossible  to  obtain  any  exact 
figures,  we  can  at  least  enumerate  the  various  quarters 
where  Jews  abounded,  and  follow  the  marks  of  their 
growth  and  expansion  in  the  great  Capital. 

At  the  outset  the  freedmen,  who  formed  the  nucleus 
of  the  Jewish  community,  occupied  the  district  lying 
along  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber.  This  was  the  spot 
where  Eome  piled  her  heaps  of  refuse,  and  thither  every 
foul  and  offensive  industry  was  banished.  According 
to  Martial,  the  odor  of  dog-tanneries  poisoned  the  air.^ 
The  Jews  were  then  so  poor  that  they  welcomed  this 
wretched  dwelling-place,  and  despised  no  kind  of  trade. 
The  only  thing  they  cared  for  was  the  opportunity  to  live 
independently  ;  for  this  purpose  the  Fourteenth  District, 
reserved  to  small  retail  dealers,  offered  them  a  thousand 
resources.  They  soon  peopled  it  to  overflowing,^  spread 
over  the  slopes  of  the  Vatican,  and  braved  the  inunda- 
tions which  often  submerged  the  lower  bank  of  the  Tiber. 
There  the  boats  coming  up  from  Ostia  unloaded  their 
merchandise,  and  there  the  Jewish  brokers  set  up  their 
booths.* 

This  "  Ghetto "  soon  became  too  narrow  and  cramped 
to  contain  a  prolific  population,  with  new  instalments  of 
freedmen  and  Israelites  from  foreign  parts  constantly 
flocking  in.  All  who  could  not  find  room  in  Trastevere 
overflowed  into  the  town.  From  street  to  street,  in  the 
squares  and  cross-ways,  they  carried  their  trays  laden 
with  provisions,  trinkets,  or  exotic  products.  From  early 
dawn  these  itinerant  merchants  were  wont  to  awaken 
Martial,^  who  describes  them  to  us  pursuing  their  trade 
the  livelong  day,  ever  keen  for  a  bargain,  and  indefatigable 

1  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xvii.  11,  1 ;  Bellum  Judaicmn,  ii.  6,  1. 

2  Martial,  vi.  93.  3  philo,  Legatio  ad  Caium,  §  23. 
4  Martial,  i.  41.  5  i<j.^  xii.  57. 


264  SAINT  PETER. 

They  were  to  be  met  in  every  place  frequented  by  the 
crowds,  but  especially  along  the  Appian  Way,  which 
served  as  a  promenade  for  the  wealthy,^  and  where  there 
was  always  a  crush  of  chariots,  litters,  and  horsemen. 
The  Jews  had  built  their  bazaars  at  the  entrance  to  this 
avenue,  near  the  Porta  Capena,  most  of  them  displaying 
their  goods  and  offering  them  for  sale,  while  the  poorest 
sort  sat  by  the  wayside  with  outstretched  hands.  Spying 
the  grove  and  fountain  of  Egeria  in  the  near  neighbor- 
hood, these  vagabonds  in  tatters  proceeded  to  make  use 
of  it  for  their  ablutions,  and  thus  contaminated  this  dainty 
retreat  where  Numa  was  wont  to  confer  with  his  divine 
counsellor.  "  They  have  driven  away  the  nymphs,"  says 
Juvenal,  "  and,  lo,  the  forest  is  begging."  ^  A  little  later, 
Vespasian,  renouncing  further  attempts  to  expel  this  rab- 
ble, which,  as  usual,  showed  itself  as  tenacious  as  it  was 
importunate,  finally  confirmed  them  in  this  holding  which 
they  had  usurped.  "  The  wood  which  surrounds  the 
sacred  fountain,  nay,  even  the  Chapel  itself,  are  let  out  to 
Jewish  beggars,  who  only  bring  a  basket  and  a  bit  of 
straw  to  furnish  it  withal.  Every  tree  is  taxed,  and  pays 
tribute  to  the  Eoman  people."  ^  Their  number  in  this 
quarter  (First  District),  though  less  than  in  Trastevere 
(Fourteenth  District),  was  nevertheless  very  consider- 
able, for  two  Jewish  cemeteries  have  been  discovered 
near  the  Porta  Capena.* 

The  First  and  Fourteenth  Districts  were  not  the  only 
parts  of  Rome  inhabited  by  them.  Subura,  "  the  clamor- 
ous and  noisy,"^  offered  them  the  same  advantages  as 
Trastevere,  —  lodgings  at  a  low  price  and  a  large  populace 
to  work  upon.  In  the  narrow  and  muddy  streets  ^  of  this 
region  all  sorts  of  trades  were  followed,  but  especially  the 
vilest  and  most  bizarre ;  travelling  cobblers,'^  men  who 
manufactured  scourges  to  whip  slaves,^  masters  of  the  art 

1  Horace,  Epod.  iv.  14 ;  Epist.  1.  I.  vi.  26,  etc. 

2  Juvenal,  iii.  10-15.  ^  i(j, 

*  In  the  Vigna  Randanini  and  the  Vigna  Cimarra. 

5  Martial,  xii.  18;  Juvenal,  ix.  51.  ^  Martial,  v.  23. 

7  Id.,  ii.  17.  8  Id.,  ii.  17. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      265 

of  cutting  roasts,^  receivers  of  stolen  food,^  —  all  crowded 
the  landings  and  stairways  of  these  five-story  buildings.^ 
For  the  nimble  and  tireless  Jew  no  field  could  be  more 
favorable  for  swift  advances  in  fortune.  Many  profited 
so  well  by  their  chances  that,  coming  into  Subura  poor 
men,  they  left  it  to  take  their  rank  among  the  rich  mer- 
chants in  the  Field  of  Mars. 

The  last-named  locality  was  one  of  the  loveliest  spots 
in  Eome,  and  the  meeting-place  for  the  aristocracy. 
Sumptuous  shops*  displayed  to  the  passer-by  their  mar- 
vels of  art  and  luxury.  Here  the  highborn  Romans 
walked  and  did  their  shopping,  buying  purple  or  brass 
from  Corinth  (more  precious  than  gold),^  vases  from  Mur- 
rha,  sparkling  with  a  thousand  lights ;  ^  here,  in  the  time 
of  Cicero,  a  table  of  citron-wood  cost  800,000  sesterces 
($35,000),^  and  in  the  following  century  an  embroidered 
carpet  from  Babylon  cost  the  unheard-of  sum  of  four  mil- 
lion sesterces  (about  $218,000).^  Among  the  merchants 
capable  of  handling  such  an  enormous  traffic,  we  find  a 
tribe  of  Jews  numerous  enough  to  form  a  body  by  them- 
selves and  have  their  own  synagogue. 

Porta  Capena  and  the  Campus  Martins,  Trastevere  and 
Subura,  occupy  the  opposite  sides  of  Eome.,  That  the 
Jews  dwelt  in  these  various  regions  is  sufficient  to  show 
that  they  were  not  then,  as  formerly,  shut  up  in  a  single 
"  ghetto,"  but  free  to  take  up  quarters  where  they  pleased. 
So,  too,  with  their  sepulchres,  which  they  excavated  as 
they  found  it  convenient  round  about  the  city.  Three  of 
these  cemeteries,  discovered  in  modern  times,^  have  fur- 

1  Juvenal,  xi.  136.  2  Martial,  vii.  19. 

^  Friedlaender,  Moeiirs  romaines,  t.  i.  pp.  10-13. 

4  The  Field  of  Mars,  being  a  public  domain,  no  private  building  could 
be  erected  there.  The  merchants,  however,  were  allowed  to  keep  shops 
under  the  outer  arcades  of  the  theatres  (Ovid,  Ars  Amat.,  ii.  165),  in  the 
porticos  of  the  Argonauts  (Martial,  x.  87),  and  in  the  courts  of  the  Villa 
Publica  (Martial,  ix.  60). 

5  Statins,  Silv.  ii.  2,  68.  6  Martial,  ix.  60. 
'^  Pliny,  Historia  Naturalis,  xiii.  15.  ^    Id.,  viii.  196. 

9  All  trace  has  been  lost  of  the  one  discovered  by  Bosio  in  1602,  facing 
the  Porta  Portuensis,  near  Collo  Rosato,  which  was  used  by  the  Israelites 
of  Trastevere.     But  two  others  have  been  brought  to  light  on  the  Appian 


266  SAINT  PETER. 

nished  us  with  interesting  inscriptions,  almost  all  written 
in  that  bastard  Greek  then  in  use  among  the  Israelites  of 
Eome ;  only  a  few  are  in  Latin,  none  in  Hebrew.  From 
the  language  of  their  fathers  they  borrowed  but  a  few 
hallowed  phrases,  which  they  placed  at  the  end  of  the  epi- 
taph, such  as  "  Peace  ! "  ^  But  they  added  certain  Mosai- 
cal  symbols,  —  the  Candlestick  with  its  seven  branches, 
the  Ark,  and  the  Book  of  the  Law  ;  we  find  the  boughs  of 
palm  and  citron  which  the  people  carried  at  the  Feast  of 
the  Tabernacles,  with  an  array  of  ornaments,  such  as  the 
Sea  of  Brass,  etc. 

Although  the  exact  period  to  which  these  inscriptions 
belong  may  be  difficult  to  determine,^  in  general  they  are 
to  be  credited  to  the  period  of  the  Empire,  during  which  the 
constitution  and  spread  of  Judaism  went  on  steadily  in 
Kome.^  The  light  they  throw  on  the  conditions  of  Jewry 
in  that  city  will  therefore  show  us  the  Israelites  much 
as  Saint  Peter  found  them.  As  to  the  forms  of  worship, 
in  particular,  and  concerning  the  organization  of  the 
community,  we  obtain  from  them  many  details  which 
would  otherwise  be  unknown. 

Seven  synagogues  are  mentioned  by  name.  Three  — 
those  of  the  Augustenses,  ^  the  Agrippenses,^  and  of  Bo- 
himnus  ^  (Volumnus)  —  owe  their  titles  to  the  high  per- 
sonages designated  by  these  names.  Were  Augustus 
and  Agrippa  ^  the  protectors  of  the  first  two  synagogues, 

Way,  —  one,  near  Porta  Capena,  in  the  Vigna  Randanini,  whence  come  most 
of  our  inscriptions ;  the  other  is  near  the  Catacombs  of  Callixtus,  in  the 
Vigna  Cimarra.  A  goodly  number  of  the  Jewish  epitaphs  which  have 
come  down  to  us  were  collected  from  a  cemetery  in  Porto  (at  the  mouth 
of  the  Tiber)-.     See  De  Rossi,  Bnllettino,  1866,  t.  iv.  p.  40. 

2  De  Rossi,  BuUettino,  t.  iv.  p.  40. 

3  The  period  in  which  Judaism  made  such  rapid  progress  at  Rome,  and 
assumed  the  position  given  it  above,  is  the  epoch  from  Pompey  to  the 
Antonines. 

4  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  9902,  9903 ;  Orelli,  3222. 
^  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  9907. 

6  Orelli,  2522. 

'^  According  to  all  appearances,  in  the  Agrippa  mentioned  here,  we  have 
to  do,  not  with  one  of  the  kings  of  Judea  who  bore  that  name,  but  with 
M.  Agrippa,  the  friend  and  councillor  of  Augustus. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      267 

or  did  the  appellation  come  from  the  fact  that  their  mem- 
bers were  for  the  most  part  freedmen  of  the  Emperor  and 
his  friend  ?  Plausible  as  the  latter  explanation  may  ap- 
pear, the  other  seems  more  likely  to  be  the  true  one ;  for 
it  is  based  on  the  well-known  benefits  which  Augustus 
and  Agrippa  lavished  on  the  Jews,  and  on  the  historical 
fact  that  such  associations  commonly  took  the  name  of 
their  founder  or  their  patron.  Volumnus,  some  unknown 
personage,  was  doubtless  an  illustrious  benefactor,  or  per- 
haps the  owner  of  the  synagogue  called  after  him.^  Saint 
Paul,  writing  to  the  Christians  of  Eome,  refers  to  one  of 
their  sanctuaries  in  similar  terms,  —  "  Prisca  and  Aquila, 
...  as  well  as  the  Church  which  is  in  their  house."  ^ 

Two  other  synagogues,  those  of  the  Campenses^  and 
the  Suburenses,^  are  so  designated  from  the  quarters  of 
Eome  inhabited  by  the  faithful.  Should  we  go  farther 
and  conclude  that  these  houses  of  prayer  were  set  up  by 
the  Israelites  in  the  Field  of  Mars  and  Subura?  We 
think  not.  The  first-named  region  was,  as  we  have  said, 
a  public  domain,  set  aside  for  sports,  military  exercises, 
and  meetings  of  the  comitia.  The  monuments  with 
which  Augustus  ornamented  it  were  for  the  use  of  the 
people ;  ^  a  decree  of  the  Senate  was  required  for  the 
privilege  of  erecting  even  a  tomb  thereabouts.^  We  have 
no  reason  to  believe  that  they  would  have  tolerated  a  syn- 
agogue on  soil  consecrated  to  the  god  Mars.  On  the  other 
hand,  Subura  lay  within  the  limits  of  the  Pomerium,  a 
sacred  precinct  where  every  foreign  worship  was  inter- 
dicted. The  CajYipenses  and  Suhurenses,  therefore,  could 
only  have  had  their  counting-houses  and  residences  in 
those  quarters  of  the  town  ;  their  sanctuaries  stood  in 

1  In  this  case  the  words  "  Augustenses,"  "  Agrippenses,"  would  have  a 
meaning  analogous  to  the  Christian  form  "  of  the  household  of  Cassar," 
which  we  find  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippians  (iv,  22.) 

2  Rom.  xvi.  3,  5. 

8  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  9905,  9906 ;  Orelli,  2522 ;  Garucci, 
Dissertationes,  161,  n.  10. 

*  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  6447. 

^  Daremberg,  Dictionnaire  des  Antiquites  :  Campus  Martius, 

^  Silius  Italicus,  xiii.  639. 


268  SAINT  PETER. 

some  other  district  of  Rome,  which  was  open  to  all  reli- 
gions. To  these  five  synagogues,  whose  titles  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Jewish  epitaphs,  we  must  add  that  of  the 
Hebrews}  —  so  called  probably  because  its  members  had 
kept  up  the  use  of  their  own  language  in  the  divine  ser- 
vice ;  and  finally  that  of  The  Olive'}'  which  had  adopted 
that  tree  as  its  emblem. 

Besides  the  seven  synagogues  whose  names  are  known, 
many  others  rose  here  and  there  through  the  Capital,  for 
the  Jewish  population  was  divided  into  parishes,  each 
with  its  congregation,  head  men,  and  its  own  sanctuary, 
without  any  one  single  power  to  unite  together  and  super- 
vise these  various  communities.  This  is  a  condition  of 
ajffairs  peculiar  to  Rome,  and  quite  different  from  that 
which  existed  elsewhere,  —  notably  at  Alexandria,  where, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  chief  authority  among  the  Israelites 
of  the  city  was  at  first  vested  in  an  Ethnarch,^  later  in 
a  Senate.^  With  a  settlement  in  this  city  which  dated 
from  its  foundation,  and  forming  a  party  so  important  as 
to  quite  predominate  in  public  business,  the  Jews  might 
appear  there  with  impunity  as  a  political  body,  all  the 
more  formidable  on  account  of  its  unitedness.  But  in 
Rome  they  must  needs  be  wary  of  arousing  suspicion  and 
distrust,  and,  more  than  that,  they  were  obliged  to  model 
their  institutions  after  those  of  the  sovereign  people. 

The  form  by  virtue  of  which  the  Jewish  communities 
found  a  place  in  the  social  organization  of  Rome  was  that 
of  associations,  or  "  Colleges!'  as  they  were  called.  There 
was  a  goodly  number  of  them,  for  under  the  Republic  the 
citizens  were  granted  entire  liberty  to  unite  in  corpora- 
tions. They  were  of  all  sorts  and  for  every  possible  end,  — 
trades-bodies,  political  assemblies,  and  societies  for  mu- 
tual aid,  which  assured  a  certain  amount  to  their  mem- 
bers during  life,  and  at  death  a  decent  burial.  Still 
others,  called  "  Sodalities,"  were  formed  with  the  sole 
object  of  practising  the  same  worship.  These  brethren 
assembled  in  the  temple  of  their  god,  and  participated  in 

^   Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  9909.  ^  i(j^  9904. 

3  Josephus,  Antiqnitates,  xiv.  7,  2.  ^  Philo,  In  Flaccum,  x. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      269 

the  sacrifice  offered  by  the  priest ;  the  common  meal 
which  followed,  during  which  the  victim  was  consumed, 
constituted  the  solemn  act  of  these  reunions.  No  for- 
eign religion  got  a  foothold  in  Rome  without  the  imme- 
diate institution  of  some  "  Sodality,"  whose  object  was  to 
honor  the  new  god.^  In  order  to  observe  their  rites 
and  their  Law,  the  Jews  had  only  to  constitute  them- 
selves after  this  fashion  into  religious  fraternities ; 
thereby  they  were  entitled,  not  simply  to  tolerance,  but 
to  the  protection  which  the  magistrates  owed  to  every 
College.^  The  one  thing  needful  for  them  was  to  refrain 
from  uniting  in  a  single  association.  Fifty  thousand 
men  joined  together  as  one  body  ^  would  have  startled 
the  Roman  authorities  ;  parcelled  out  in  a  number  of 
corporations,  each  one  with  its  own  leadeVs  and  a  separ- 
ate sanctuary,  they  fell  under  the  common  law,  and  were 
assured  of  its  benefits. 

Thus  the  Jewish  communities  already  had  a  regular 
form  and  a  legal  existence  when  Csesar  accorded  them 
the  privileges  which  we  have  seen  above,  —  the  free  ex- 
ercise of  their  worship,  with  power  granted  the  chiefs  of 
the  Synagogue  to  govern  and  judge  the  congregation. 

This  last  concession  was  of  the  highest  importance  to 
the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion.  Indeed,  their  Law  and  the 
traditional  precepts  of  the  Rabbis  governed,  not  religious 
practices  alone,  but  even  the  actions  of  public  and  pri- 
vate life.  Thus  it  was  a  sort  of  special  code,  unknown 
to  the  Pagans  ;  to  apply  it  and  enforce  its  observance, 
separate  courts  were  necessary,  with  magistrates,  who 
should  be  at  once  judges,  doctors,  and  interpreters  of 
the  divine  decrees.     In  the  smaller  cities  of  Judea  the 

1  Cicero,  De  Senectute,  13.  These  religious  confraternities  were  distin- 
guished from  the  official  Colleges  of  Priests  in  so  far  as,  although  recog- 
nized by  the  State  like  the  latter,  they  could  not  hold  territorial  possessions, 
but  were  supported  by  the  voluntary  contributions  of  the  associates. 

2  Calixtus  (189-199)  (destined  at  a  later  date  to  ascend  the  pontifical 
throne)  was  once  the  cause  of  a  disturbance  in  a  Jewish  assembly ;  he  was 
brought  before  the  Prefect  of  the  town,  Fuscianus  by  name,  and  condemned 
to  the  Sardinian  quarries.     Philosophumena,  ix.  12. 

3  If  their  proselytes  were  to  be  reckoned  with  them,  the  Jews  certainly 
would  exceed  this  number. 


270  SAINT  PETER. 

heads  of  the  synagogue  filled  all  these  functions,  and  the 
people,  brought  up  to  venerate  them  from  their  very- 
position  in  the  sanctuary,  treated  them  with  the  same 
respect  when  they  made  arrests  or  issued  their  orders ; 
their  sentence,  as  well  as  their  preaching,  was  accepted 
as  the  voice  of  God,  —  which  is  more  easily  understood 
when  we  remember  that  their  judgments  were  pronounced 
in  the  synagogue,  and  the  pulpit  itself  was  transformed 
into  a  seat  of  justice.  Caesar  saw  clearly  that  this  au- 
thority alone  could  cope  with  the  seditious  spirits  he 
was  so  anxious  to  conciliate.  Accordingly,  with  due 
respect  for  the  customs  of  the  nation,  he  granted  full 
jurisdiction  to  their  religious  leaders. 

The  Jews  made  use  of  those  rights  to  build  up  in 
Kome,  after  the  example  set  them  by  Jerusalem,  an  aris- 
tocracy which  retained  the  government  as  an  inheri- 
tance,^ never  allowing  either  the  people  or  the  pros- 
elytes to  take  part  in  it.  To  the  latter,  the  subordi- 
nate position  in  which  they  were  kept  by  the  Pharisaic 
prejudices  must  have  seemed  often  very  odious,  for  a 
certain  number  of  these  converts,  distinguished  both  by 
rank  and  fortune,  lavished  their  benefits  upon  the  com- 
munity. As  some  compensation,  the  titles  of  "  Fathers 
and  Mothers  of  the  Synagogue  "  were  created  for  them, 
and  we  have  frequent  examples  of  these  in  the  inscrip- 
tions of  Kome.2  The  synagogue  was  said  to  be  the 
client,  or  the  child,  of  the  proselytes  who  protected  it ; 


1  Among  the  Hebrews  the  head  men  of  the  Synagogue  were  called 
"Pastors."  Jer.  Peak,  8;  Bab.  Chaglga,  60;  Sahbnth,  17a.  The  Jews, 
when  scattered  through  the  lands  where  Greek  was  spoken,  substituted 
for  this  title  that  of  chiefs,  "  Archontes."  We  find  this  name  given  to 
children  of  tender  years  in  the  Jewish  inscriptions  at  Home.  Consequently 
from  being  elective,  this  duty  finally  became  an  hereditary  honor,  Garucci, 
Dissert.,  ii.  161,  Nos.  10,  11  ;  163,  No.  13 ;  Orelli,  3222. 

2  Corpus  Inscriptiomim  GrcBcnrum,  9904,  9908,  9909  ;  Garucci,  Cimitero 
degli  antichi  Ebrei,  p.  52;  Dissert.,  ii.  161,  No.  10;  164,  No.  18;  Orelli- 
Henzen,  6145;  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  v.  4411.  The  Roman 
Corporations,  whether  secular  or  religious,  gave  their  benefactors  an 
analogous  title  :  "  Pater  et  Mater  Collegii."  Orelli,  241 7,  4134,  2392,  4055, 
4056.  It  was  very  likely  this  custom  which  inspired  the  Jews  of  Rome 
with  the  idea  of  creating  a  similar  title. 


SAINT  PETER  AND   THE  JEWS   OF  ROME.      271 

and  by  such  acts  of  deference  ^  they  mitigated  the  exclu- 
sive rigors  of  the  Law  so  far  as  it  concerned  the  Gentiles. 
Thus  the  barriers  between  the  Jewish  world  and  Roman 
society  were  lowered  ;  Israelites  by  birth  and  Pagan  con- 
verts thereafter  formed  but  one  family,  indissolubly 
united. 

Peter's  first  preaching,  therefore,  was  not  confined  to 
the  narrow  limits  of  one  "  ghetto,"  nor  was  it  addressed 
solely  to  a  small  group  of  foreigners  divided  from  the 
rest  of  the  city  by  their  fanaticism.  Israel,  as  we  have 
seen,  numbered  more  disciples  and  friends  among  the 
Pagans  than  there  were  sons  born  in  the  Circumcision. 
In  the  synagogues,  Peter  found  many  proselytes  study- 
ing the  Law,  loving  it,  often  even  practising  it.  They 
were  picked  souls  from  among  the  Gentiles,  riper  for  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven  than  were  the  Hebrews  of  the  chosen 
race,  for  they  had  no  sympathy  with  their  prejudices, 
and  recognized  that  the  New  Law  contained  in  its  per- 
fection everything  that  had  attracted  them  in  the  Old. 
Among  them,  Peter  reaped  an  abundant  harvest.  Mean- 
while in  Israel  of  the  flesh  there  was  the  same  division 
of  sentiments  as  at  Jerusalem;  many  believed  in  the 
Christ,  and  yet  the  masses  stubbornly  clung  to  the 
Mosaic  system.  This  conception  of  the  Church  of  Rome 
is  the  same  as  the  one  given  us  by  Saint  Paul  in  his  letter 
addressed  to  the  Christians  of  that  city  ,  throughout  it  he 
is  evidently  addressing  a  mixed  community  of  Jews  and 
Pagans,  but  it  is  one  in  which  Pagans  predominate,  for 
line  after  line  refers  exclusively  to   them. 

1  This  was  a  merely  honorary  title,  for  women  could  not  exercise  any 
functions  in  the  sanctuary,  and  we  encounter  one  proselyte,  Veturia 
Paulina,  who  was  at  the  same  time  Mother  of  the  Synagogue  of  Campus 
Martins  and  of  that  of  Volumnus.  Orelli,  2522  "  Mater  Synagogarum 
Campi  et  Bolumni." 


CHAPTER   XV. 

THE   RELIGION   OF   ROME. 

Before  he  left  Jerusalem,  Peter  could  have  had  little 
knowledge  of  Paganism.  As  the  "  Apostle  of  the  Circum- 
cision," ^  he  had  consecrated  himself  in  a  peculiar  man- 
ner to  the  evangelizing  of  the  Hebrews,  and  after  choosing 
seven  deacons  from  among  the  Hellenists,  it  followed,  as 
a  natural  consequence,  that  he  should  resign  to  their  care 
those  Pagan  converts  who  continued  to  enter  the  Church 
in  ever-growing  numbers,  from  the  day  of  his  memorable 
Vision  at  Joppa.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  his  conduct 
was  imitated  by  the  greater  part  of  the  Twelve.  Without 
raising  a  hedge  of  separation  round  about  themselves,  like 
the  Pharisaic  rigorists,  the  great  Apostles  seem  to  have 
been  regarded  as  a  sacred  body,  only  to  be  approached 
with  the  highest  veneration.  Paul  found  that  he  needed 
the  patronage  of  Barnabas  to  gain  access  to  them.^  Cor- 
nelius, on  beholding  the  Head  of  the  Church  entering  his 
house,  fell  at  his  feet  and  adored  him.^  So  then,  with 
the  exception  of  his  short  sojourn  in  Caesarea,  Peter  must 
have  had  very  few  opportunities  for  mixing  with  foreign- 
ers or  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  genius,  religion, 
and  manners  of  the  various  peoples  among  whom  the 
children  of  Israel  had  been  scattered. 

Again,  when  he  visited  the  Christian  congregations  of 
Samaria  and  Judea,  and  pushed  on  as  far  as  Antioch, 
the  Apostle  was  one  of  the  preachers  "  who  proclaimed 
the  word  of  God  to  the  Jews  only."  *  He  followed  the 
same  custom  in  Asia  Minor,  and  his  only  dealings,  while 

1  Gal.  ii.  7.  2  Acts  ix.  26. 

3  Acts  X.  25.  4  Acts  xi.  19. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  273 

travelling  through  that  region,  were  v^ith  the  Israelites 
of  each  city  where  they  stopped.^  But  at  Kome  the 
Spirit  of  God  inspired  him  with  very  different  views. 
According  to  his  custom,  he  preached  to  his  compatriots 
first ;  but  as  he  very  soon  found  that  he  was  not  warmly 
welcomed  by  them,  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  Gen- 
tiles, and  consecrated  his  labors  in  their  behalf.^ 

What  a  contrast  between  his  former  career  and  the 
new  field  which  opened  out  before  him  !  Instead  of  his 
Jewish  hearers,  of  indomitable  faith,  with  hopes  that 
were  more  ardent  than  ever,  all  centring  in  the  longed- 
for  Messiah,  he  encountered  a  strange  compound  of  all 
races  and  every  superstition.  Vice  was  enthroned  trium- 
phant on  their  altars,  undermining  family  life  and  con- 
taminating all  public  affairs.  Eome  was  sinking  in  the 
lap  of  luxury,  abandoning  all  care  of  herself  to  any  despot 
who  would  allow  her  "  perfect  liberty  to  walk  in  riotous- 
ness,  wicked  desires,  drunkenness,  excesses  of  eating  and 
drinking,  and  criminal  idolatries."  ^  Thus  the  Apostle 
himself  depicts  the  city  towards  the  close  of  his  ministry  ; 
thus  too  the  records  of  poets  and  historians  describe  the 
great  Capital.  And  yet,  worn  out  and  decadent  as  Pagan 
society  seems  to  have  been  at  this  epoch,  it  nevertheless 
contained  the  principles  of  its  regeneration, — a  vague  be- 
lief in  the  divine  Unity,  a  serious  worship,  habits  of 
prayer,  and  a  lively  faith  in  the  supernatural  prevalent 
in  the  people.  To  obtain  any  conception  of  the  Roman 
Church   at  its   foundation,   it  behoves  us  to  study  the 


1  At  least  so  much  is  implied  in  the  opening  lines  of  his  first  letter 
addressed  "  to  the  foreign  Jews  of  the  Dispersion  settled  in  Pontus, 
Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,"  TrapeTri5^/j.ois  Siaairopas.  1  Peter 
i.  1 

2  Indeed,  we  know  that  S.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans  was  addressed 
especially  to  Pagan  converts,  and  elsewhere  we  read  in  the  Acts  (xxviii. 
22)  that  in  61,  when  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  came  to  Rome,  the  Syna- 
gogue scarcely  knew  what  the  Christians  really  held  The  natural  conclu- 
sion from  these  two  facts  is  that  Peter  did  not  long  confine  his  labors  to 
the  "  ghetto  "  in  Trastevere,  but  that  finding  his  fellow-countrymen  either 
indifferent  or  hostile  to  the  Gospel  which  he  preached  to  them,  he  devoted 
himself  entirely  to  the  Pagans  of  the  Capital. 

3  1  Peter  iv.  3. 

18 


274  SAINT  PETER. 

nature  of  these  germs  which  God's  grace  was  to  develop 
so  bountifully. 

The  mistake  is  too  commonly  made  of  supposing  that 
the  religion  of  Eome  was  precisely  like  that  of  the  Greeks  ; 
it  is  popularly  believed  that  these  two  peoples  worshipped 
the  same  gods,  —  that  the  Zeus  of  Olympus  differs  in  no 
way  from  Jupiter  Capitolinus ;  that  Juno,  Mars,  and  Vesta 
represent  in  Latin  the  Hellenic  divinities  Hera,  Ares,  and 
Hestia.  The  similarity  of  these  two  Mythologies  came 
about  very  gradually,  and  only  when  Greece  had  ini- 
tiated her  conquerors  into  the  arts  wherein  she  excelled, 
giving  them  the  statues  of  the  Immortals,  which  she  had 
fashioned  after  her  own  likeness,  radiant  with  beauty,  but 
human  in  form  and  passions.  All  that  we  know  of  the 
origin  of  Eome  warrants  us  in  believing  that  at  the  out- 
set her  religion  bore  a  very  different  character  from  that 
of  Greece,  and  that  Bossuet  was  right  in  his  judgment 
that  it  was  "  as  serious,  as  grave,  and  as  modest  as  the 
darkness  of  idolatry  would  permit."  ^ 

We  must  beware  of  supposing,  on  the  other  hand, 
that  this  worship  was  of  so  lofty  a  tone  as  to  conceive 
the  existence  of  one  only  Supreme  Being.  The  country- 
folk of  Latium  and  the  Sabine  mountaineers  who  founded 
Eome  brought  thither  the  rustic  and  coarse  divinities 
of  their  forefathers.  There  was  Janus,  opening  and 
shutting  the  gates  of  the  firmament  at  his  own  good 
pleasure  ;  Saturn,  and  Ops,  his  wife,  who  were  the 
source  of  all  fruitfulness ;  Jupiter,  best  and  highest 
of  all,  enthroned  upon  the  clouds,  lord  of  light  and  rain 
and  storms;  Mars  and  Quirinus,  protectors  of  the  fields, 
who  did  not  become  patron  spirits  of  the  sword  and 
war  till  after  Numa's  time.  In  Vesta  men  venerated 
the  fire  of  the  domestic  hearth,  —  the  sacred  centre  of 
the  family  circle ;  in  Juno  they  did  reverence  to  the 
first  principle  of  womanhood,  exercising  a  power  analo- 
gous to  that  of  Jupiter.  These  were  the  great  gods  of 
Eome.     Unlike  those  of  Greece,  they  had  no  seductive 

1  Bossuet,  D\scours  sur  CHistoire  imiverselle,  partie  iii,  chap.  vii. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  275 

or  splendid  stories  associated  with  their  names  ;  they 
did  not  belong  to  one  family,  united  by  strange  alliances, 
intrigues,  and  common  interests  ;  all  that  was  known 
of  them  was  the  power  which  each  one  wielded  over 
the  world ;  but  even  this  division  was  so  vague,  and  the 
attributes  of  each  were  so  numerous,^  that  their  domain, 
and  consequently  even  their  persons,  were  frequently  con- 
founded. Janus,  Jupiter,  and  Juno  reigned  together  in 
the  heavens ;  ^  Saturn,  Ops,  and  Mars  were  alike  all- 
powerful  in  fertilizing  the  great  earth  ;  ^  Janus  presided 
at  the  most  important  of  creative  acts,  the  fecundation 
of  the  human  race,*  howbeit  they  invoked  Jupiter  also 
under  the  name  of  "  The  Fostering  One."  ^ 

Often,  too,  worshippers  evince  some  hesitation  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  mysterious  being  whom  they  are  adoring. 
At  the  Capitol  there  was  a  much-reverenced  buckler 
bearing  this  inscription,  —  "  Jupiter,  best  and  greatest, 
or  whatsoever  title  you  will."  ^  "The  real  names  of 
the  gods  are  unknown,"  says  Servius."^  Accordingly,  to 
make  more  sure  of  being  understood  in  their  solemn 
supplications,  after  having  given  the  divinity  his  ordi- 
nary name,  the  priest  added  a  formula  of  invocation 
which  comprised  a  general  conception  of  the  gods.^ 

How  did  the  Romans  happen  to  feel  this  repugnance 
which  kept  them  from  forming  any  precise  image  of  the 
celestial  powers  ?     Doubtless  it  was  due  in  part  to  the 

1  Varro  enumerates  three  hundred  different  Jupiters,  —  that  is,  three 
hundred  attributes  of  this  god.     TertuUian,  Apolog.,  xiv. 

2  Preller,  Romische  Mythologie,  iii.  Abschnitt,  1  Janus,  2  Jupiter, 
3  Juno. 

3  Ibid.,  vi.  Abschnitt,  3  Saturnus  und  Ops  ;  iv.  Abschnitt,  1  Mars. 
In  their  processions  the  Brotherhood  of  Arvales  implored  the  aid  of  the 
latter  alone  as  Guardian  of  the  Fields. 

4  Macrobius,  Saturn,  i.  9,  16;  TertuUian,  Ad  Nation,  ii.  11  ;  S.  Augus- 
tine,  De  Civitate  Dei,  vii.  2,  9. 

^  "Almus  Ruminus."  Preller,  Romische  Mythologie,  iii.  Abschnitt, 
2  Jupiter;  iv.  Abschnitt,  12  IIujiinus. 

^  "  Post  specialem  invocationem  transit  ad  geueralitatem,  ne  quod 
numen  preetereat,  more  pontificum,  per  quos  ritu  veteri  in  omnibus  sacris 
post  speciales  deos,  quos  ad  ipsum  sacrum  quod  fiebat  necesse  erat  inno- 
vari,  generaliter  omnia  numina  invocabantur  "  (Servius,  Ad  Georgic.  i.  21 ; 
Ovid,  Ibis,  69-82). 

7  Servius,  Ad  ^neid.  ii.  351.  »  Ibid.,  iv.  577. 


276  SAINT  PETER. 

poverty  of  invention  which  characterized  them  as  a 
people  ;  but  it  was  likewise  due  to  the  fact  that  among 
them  the  Unity  of  God  was  not  so  obscured  in  their 
minds  as  among  other  peoples.  All  that  they  retained 
of  it  was  but  a  confused  memory  of  the  earliest  ages ;  but 
it  made  them  conceive  a  higher  idea  of  the  Immortals, 
and  the  mystery  in  which  it  was  shrouded  only  increased 
their  respect.  Monotheism,  generally  to  be  found  at  the 
beginnings  of  each  race,  had  indeed  left  a  profound  im- 
press upon  this  religion,  whose  austere  gravity  Tertul- 
lian  admires.  "  Frugal  rites,  with  no  Capitol  to  rival  the 
heavens,  simple  altars  of  turf,  the  sacred  vessels  of  clay, 
the  smoke  from  the  offering  ascending  on  high,  and  God 
Himself  in  no  one  place."  ^  For  a  hundred  and  seventy 
years,  in  fact,  Eome  knew  no  idols.^  A  lance  stuck  in 
the  ground  was  for  a  symbol  of  Mars ;  ^  a  fire  constantly 
tended  was  the  only  honor  tendered  to  Vesta ;  ^  a  stone 
marked  the  spot  where  the  great  Jupiter  was  to  be 
adored.^ 

A  still  more  notable  remnant  of  the  primordial  faith  is 
the  popular  inclination  to  venerate  a  multitude  of  inferior 
spirits  in  preference  to  the  great  divinities.  Their  Pon- 
tiffs have  drawn  up  a  list  of  these  indigenous  gods  in  the 
official  registers  called  Indigitamenta.^  Of  these,  Varro 
counted  over  six  thousand  names.  Every  incident  in 
human  life,  the  most  trivial  phenomena,  the  growth  of 
plants  and  animals,  all  to  the  Roman  mind  revealed  God 
present  and  ever  acting  upon  them ;  to  him  they  were  all 
supernatural  apparitions  (numina),  to  whom  he  gave  a 

1  "  Frugi  religio,  et  pauperes  ritus,  et  nulla  Capitolia  certantia  coelo, 
sed  temeraria  de  cespite  altaria,  et  vasa  adhuc  Saraia,  et  nidor  ex  illis,  et 
Deus  ipse  nusquam"  (Tertullian,  Apolog.  xxv). 

2  S.  Augustine,  De  Civitate  Dei,  iv.  31  ;  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stro- 
mata,  i.  15. 

3  Arnobius,  Adversus  Nationes,  vi.  11.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Pro- 
trept.  iv.  46  ;  Plutarch,  Romulus,  xxiv. ;  Justin,  xliii.  3. 

4  Plutarch,  Camillus,  xx.;  Ovid,  Fastor.  vi.  295-298. 
^  Servius,  Ad  ^neid.  viii.  641. 

6  Preller,  Romische  Mythologie,  i.  Abschnitt,  2  Die  Semonen  und  Indi- 
GETEN ;  x.  Abschnitt,  3  Die  Gotter  der  Indigitamenta  ;  Marquardt, 
Handhuch,  B.  vi.  S.  5-23. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  211 

name  and  consecrated  a  special  act  of  worship.  If  he 
cultivated  his  fields,  a  troop  of  divine  spirits  encircled 
him.  Vervactor  presided  over  the  beginning  of  the  task ; 
BeparatoT  followed  next ;  Insitor  was  the  sower ;  Obarator 
covered  over  the  grain ;  Occator  harrowed  the  ground  ; 
Sarritor  weeded  out  the  bad  herbs. 

By  the  family  fireside  there  were  ever  the  same  all- 
powerful  aids:  Vagitanus  causes  the  child  to  utter  its 
jfirst  feeble  cries ;  Fahulinus  teaches  it  to  emit  articulate 
sounds,  Locutius  to  speak  distinctly ;  Ednca  shows  it 
how  to  eat,  and  Potina  how  to  drink  ;  Cuha  watches  over 
its  cradle,  Aheona  accompanies  it  when  going  out  of 
doors,  Adeona  escorts  it  safely  home.  Not  only  out- 
ward actions,  but  sentiments,  passions,  sicknesses  even, 
are  deified.  They  worship  Peace,  Liberty,  Hope,  Concord, 
Piety,  Modesty,  Fever,  Pallor,  and  Fear.  We  should  have 
to  enumerate  everything  that  man  can  do  and  suffer, 
from  his  conception  to  his  death,  his  vices  and  his  virtues, 
his  public  and  his  private  life,  if  we  would  attempt  to 
exhaust  this  list. 

The  common  character  of  these  lesser  gods  —  and  it  is 
one  of  the  most  original  inventions  of  the  Roman  genius 
—  is  that  they  have  only  the  shadow  of  an  existence  : 
they  have  no  history,  no  other  origin  than  the  present 
need ;  their  names  are  all  that  is  to  be  known  of  them. 
In  the  eyes  of  their  first  worshippers  they  were  not  dis- 
tinct persons,  but  manifestations  of  the  supreme  power. 
The  qualifications  joined  to  the  name  of  Jupiter,  and 
varying  according  to  the  circumstances  in  which  he  was 
invoked,  at  first  expressed  these  various  attributes ; 
later  on,  when  employed  by  themselves,  they  came  to 
be  regarded  by  the  people  as  so  many  divinities.^ 
This  is  the  explanation  which  Saint  Augustine  found  in 
the  most  learned  Pagan  thinkers,  and  it  gives  a  very  fair 
idea  of   the    Indigitamenta ;    it  shows,  along  with  this 

1  "  Hi  omnes  dii  deaeque  sit  unus  Jupiter ;  sive  sint,  ut  quidara  volunt, 
omnia  ista  partes  ejus,  sive  virtutes  ejus,  sicut  eis  videtur  quibus  eum 
placet  esse  mundi  aniraum ;  quae  senteutia  velut  maguorum  multumque 
doctcrum  est"  (S.  Augustine,  De  Civitate  Dei,  vi.  11). 


278  SAINT  PETER. 

belief,  how  the  feeling  that  there  is  but  one  only  God  lay 
at  the  bottom  of  the  Roman  religion.  We  shall  see  that 
it  still  retained  its  life  at  the  advent  of  Christianity,  and 
was  one  of  the  sparks  which  kindled  into  flame  under  the 
breath  of  Peter. 

The  Indigitamenta  make  us  acquainted  with  another 
peculiarity  of  the  Roman  cult,  which  was  no  less  helpful 
to  the  cause  of  Christianity,  —  this  was  the  care  taken 
to  preserve  outward  ceremonies  intact.  The  slightest 
details  were  foreseen  and  prearranged,  and  thereafter 
must  be  punctually  observed,  lest  any  mischance  disturb 
the  performance  of  the  ritual.  The  most  trivial  accident 
was  enough  to  compromise  the  whole  religious  act,  —  a 
wrong  turn  of  the  hand  which  poured  out  the  libation ; 
or  if  a  dancer  or  flute-player  halted  in  the  sacred  dances ; 
if  the  driver  of  the  chariot  which  carried  the  divinities 
dropped  his  reins  and  allowed  his  horse  to  get  out  of 
line.^  The  same  sacrifice  is  known  to  have  been  re- 
peated as  many  as  thirty  times,  in  order  to  make  the 
offering  according  to  the  rubric.^  The  words  of  the  lit- 
urgy were  the  object  of  even  greater  scrupulosity  than 
the  actions.  Every  sacrifice  was  accompanied  by  a  spe- 
cial prayer,  a  sort  of  magical  formula,  which  must  be 
uttered  without  passing  over  or  changing  a  syllable,  and 
without  the  faintest  sound  of  evil  omen  marring  its  de- 
livery. Usually,  to  avoid  being  disturbed  in  his  prayers, 
the  Roman  covered  his  head  and  stopped  his  ears ; 
but  in  the  solemn  functions,  Pliny  tells  us  there  were 
numerous  helpers  about  the  Pontiff  who  made  the  suppli- 
cation :  while  one  priest  dictated  to  him  the  words  of  the 
ritual,  another  followed  the  reading  in  the  sacred  volume, 
a  third  imposed  silence  on  those  present ;  while  all 
the  time  a  musician  played  on  a  pipe  to  prevent  any 
unlucky  noise  from  being  heard.^  Nor  were  these  idle 
precautions ;  since  the  defective  pronunciation  of  a  single 
word  would  make  the  prayer  of  no  effect,  and  still  worse, 

1  Arnobiup,  iv.  31. 

2  Preller,  Romische  Mi/thologie,  ii.  Abschnitt,  S.  118. 
5  Pliny,  Histona  Naturalls,  xxviii.  2,  3. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  279 

offend  the  god,  who  would  not  accept  any  other  than  the 
hallowed  forms  of  supplication.  Thus  it  behoved  them 
not  simply  to  begin  the  invocation  over  again,  they  must 
also  expiate  the  mistake  involuntarily  committed.  Hence 
the  never-ending  ablutions  and  the  clouds  of  incense,  all 
to  recover  the  purity  required  for  prayer  and  sacrifice.^ 

Tertullian  calls  our  attention  to  the  likeness  between 
this  formalism  and  that  of  the  Jews :  in  both  worships 
we  find  the  same  slavery  to  the  letter,  the  same  heavy 
yoke,  a  long  list  of  petty  rites,  religious  practices,  sacri- 
fices, vows,  and  purifications,  encompassing  human  life 
and  impeding  every  action.  Finding  such  a  similarity 
between  these  institutions,  "  might  not  one  believe,"  says 
this  Father,  "  that  the  Devil  has  copied  in  the  Eoman 
religion  the  misery  and  scrupulous  constraint  of  the  Jew- 
ish Law? "2  From  the  rigorism  of  his  ceremonial  the 
Eoman  reaped  the  same  advantages  that  the  Mosaical 
Observances  procured  to  the  children  of  Israel,  —  a  strict 
discipline,  which  subdued  the  whole  character  of  a  man, 
his  soul  swayed  by  reverence  and  a  fear  of  something 
divine,  while  prayer  enters  into  every  public  and  private 
act.  Even  at  the  time  when  beliefs,  from  contact  with 
Greek  thought,  were  undergoing  a  change,  the  ritual  of 
Eome  stood  untouched  and  in  full  vigor  ;  by  it  the  reli- 
gious sentiment  was  fostered  deep  down  in  the  people's 
hearts,  until  the  day-dawn  of  Christianity.  Cicero  wit- 
nesses to  this  fact  for  his  contemporaries :  "  The  Eoman 
people,"  he  says,  "  in  everything  else  is  equalled,  nay  even 
surpassed  by  other  nations ;  but  it  excels  them  all  in  its 
pious  reverence  for  the  gods."  ^ 

This  testimony,  in  the  epoch  in  which  it  was  written, 
did  not  refer  to  all  classes  of  society,   for   if  the  pre- 

1  "Ad  divos  adeunto  caste,  pietatem  adhibento  .  .  .  qui  secus  faxit, 
Deus  ipse  vindex  erit"  (Cicero,  De  Leg.  ii.  8). 

2  "  Si  NumaB  Pompilii  superstitiones  revolvamus,  si  sacerdotalia  officia 
et  insignia  et  privilegia,  si  sacrificalia  ministeria  et  instrumenta  et  vasa 
ipsorum  sacrificiorum  ac  piaculoium  et  votorum  curiositates  consideremus, 
nonne  manifeste  diabolus  raorositatem  illam  Judaicas  legis  imitatus  est  " 
(Tertullian,  De  Prcescriptionibus,  xl.). 

^  Cicero,  De  Natura  Deorum,  ii.  2. 


280  SAINT  PETER. 

scribed  forms  of  worship  kept  religion  still  alive  among 
the  common  people,  they  had  come  to  be  but  another 
source  of  unbelief  for  the  higher  classes.  The  exclusive 
possession  and  management  of  holy  things  had  brought 
about  deplorable  effects  among  them.  For  nearly  five 
centuries,^  in  fact,  patricians  had  monopolized  the  offices 
of  Pontiffs  and  sacrificers.  The  heads  of  the  first  fami- 
lies were  the  sole  custodians  of  the  sacerdotal  books, 
read  from  them  the  acts  of  the  liturgy  with  the  conse- 
crated formulas,  and  were  consequently  the  only  ones 
who  knew  the  secret  names  of  the  gods,  by  aid  of  which 
one  could  be  sure  of  evoking  them  and  making  them 
listen.  They  alone  also  had  the  right  to  examine  the 
entrails  of  victims,  the  thunderbolts,  the  flight  of  birds, 
their  cries  and  songs,  and  from  these  signs  discover 
future  events  and  the  will  of  Heaven.  This  is  what 
they  called  taking  the  auspices,  —  the  foremost  branch 
of  learning  in  Koman  estimation,  for  no  important 
step  was  decided  upon  without  attempting  to  fathom 
its  consequences  in  this  way,  lest  they  should  be  led 
into  some  unfortunate  course  of  action.  No  popular 
meeting  could  be  held,  no  resolution  drawn  up  or  rati- 
fied, unless  the  auguries  were  propitious.  The  patri- 
cians were  masters  in  this  art  of  divination,  and  by  that 
fact  alone  held  the  balance  of  power  in  the  govern- 
ment. They  yielded  to  the  temptation  of  framing  the 
oracles  so  as  to  turn  them  to  their  own  profit,  made 
them  another  means  of  fortifying  their  holdings,  and 
after  debasing  them  in  this  way,  finally  ceased  to  believe 
in  them  themselves. 

The  invasion  of  foreign  fashions  in  worship  hastened 
this  decline  of  the  faith.  With  the  Tarquins,  who  were 
of  Etruscan  race,  idols  found  their  way  into  Kome. 
Jupiter,  that  supreme  god,  whose  presence,  until  then, 
was  made  visible  to  men  by  a  simple  stone,  now  had 
his  image,  a  human  form,  and  a  temple,  the  Capitol, 
which    towered    over    the  whole    city.      From    year  to 

1  Until  the  Oguluian  Law  (452  u.  c). 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  281 

year,  a  court  of  the  gods  grew  up  about  him.  From 
Greece  were  imported  Apollo,  Ceres,  Bacchus,  Proser- 
pine ;  from  Epidaurus,  Esculapius ;  and  from  Pessi- 
nus  in  Phrygia,  Cybele,  the  mother  of  Ida.  These 
new-comers  were  shrouded  in  no  veil  of  mystery  like 
the  antique  divinities  of  Latium :  lowered  to  the  plane 
of  earthly  man,  born  of  the  flesh  like  him,  they  shared 
his  passions  and  frailties.  Their  guilty  unions  with 
mortals  were  described,  and  the  names  of  their  children 
rehearsed. 

And  yet  the  poetry  and  learned  works  of  Greece  con- 
tributed even  more  than  did  the  immorality  of  this 
Theogony  to  the  destruction  of  belief.  Since  the  days 
of  the  Punic  War  the  aristocracy  read  their  Homer, 
their  Euripides,  along  with  the  comic  writers  of  Athens, 
and  from  them  learned  to  laugh  at  things  divine.  It 
was  not  long  before  the  theatre  displayed  the  Immortals 
to  the  public  view,  with  plenty  of  ridicule  and  abuse. 
The  magistrates,  as  a  general  thing  very  solicitous  for 
the  maintenance  of  religion,  tolerated  these  liberties  of 
the  stage  folk,  giving  as  excuse  that  here  there  was  no 
question  involving  the  gods  of  Eome,  since  they  were 
only  burlesquing  the  Olympus  of  the  Hellenes.  ^  The 
danger  seemed  all  the  less  because  these  poetical  efforts 
were  relished  by  only  a  select  few.  Tragedy,  and  even 
comedy,  were  wearisome  to  the  people,  who  interrupted 
the  actors  with  shouts  for  a  bear-fight,  or  a  match  be- 
tween pugilists.  2  Nevertheless,  though  this  contagion 
of  unbelief  affected  the  lower  classes  very  slightly,  it 
wrought  havoc  in  the  ranks  of  the  aristocracy.  It  was 
spread  not  only  by  the  stage  and  the  poets,  but  by  the 
Greek  slaves  as  well,  who  were  so  numerous  in  Eome 
after  the  conquest,  and  who  soon  held  their  own  in  the 
houses  of  the  great.  Many  of  them  were  rhetoricians, 
grammarians,   and   philosophers.      These   became  secre- 

1  As  early  as  the  fourth  century  b.  c,  a  Greek  philosopher,  Euheme- 
rus,  had  proved  that  the  gods  venerated  by  his  fellow-countrymen  were  at 
first  mortal  men :  Ennius  translated  his  Sacred  History. 

2  Horace,  Epist.  1.  II.  i.  185,  186. 


282  SAINT  PETER. 

taries  to  their  masters,  educated  the  young  Komans,  and 
insinuated  that  mixture  of  scepticism  and  superstition 
which  was  become  the  peculiar  characteristic  of  their 
race,  into  the  very  bosom  of  the  old  families  of  the 
nobility. 

The  spoils  of  Greece  and  the  Eastern  world  completed 
the  process  of  deterioration  by  filling  Eome  with  the 
idols  of  the  vanquished.  These  innumerable  statues  were 
bereft  of  all  prestige  when  taken  away  from  the  temples 
of  Syracuse  and  Corinth ;  they  were  nothing  after  that 
but  trophies  of  victory,  works  of  human  art.  The  pa- 
tricians soon  learned  to  appreciate  something  of  their 
exquisite  beauty.  They  finally  became  famous  connois- 
seurs, prizing  the  marbles  of  Phidias  and  Praxiteles  too 
highly  to  render  them  any  other  homage  than  that  of  cul- 
tured admiration.  In  the  time  of  the  Scipios,  Polybius, 
a  friend  of  theirs,  giving  utterance  to  the  sentiments  of 
the  politicians  with  whom  he  went,  felicitates  them 
upon  having  invented  a  religion  and  superstitious  fears 
capable  of  holding  the  common  folk  in  check.  "  As  the 
multitude,"  says  he,^  "is  fickle  by  nature,  unruly  and 
subject  to  mad  fits  of  anger,  in  order  to  sway  their 
minds  we  must  have  recourse  to  these  terrors  of  the 
unknowable,  and  all  such  tragical  fictions. "  A  century 
later,  the  decadence  appears  still  more  strikingly.  The 
patricians  then  go  so  far  as  to  neglect  their  pontifical 
duties,  and  the  sacrifices  which  they  had  so  long  claimed 
as  theirs  by  right ;  making  great  fun  of  the  auguries, 
they  never  took  auspices  "  except  to  avoid  shocking 
the  masses,  or  in  the  interest  of  the  State.  "  ^  Varro,  in 
the  opening  pages  of  his  Antiquities,  asks  with  alarm 
whether  religion  "  is  not  doomed  to  die  out  speedily, 
owing  to  the  indifference  of  believers. "  ^ 

But  these  are  the  apprehensions  of  a  man  who  judges 
the  people  by  the  great  men  with  whom  he  associates. 
In  the  last  century,  any  one  who  derived  his  views  of 
France  from  a  study  of  her  philosophers  and  her  nobil- 

1  Polybius,  vi.  56.  2  Cicero,  De  Div.,  ii.  33. 

^  S.  Augustine,  De  Civitate  Dei,  vi.  2. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  283 

ity,  might  well  have  believed  that  all  faith  was  dead  in 
the  land;  and,  notwithstanding,  the  major  part  of  the 
population  escaped  the  influence  of  the  upper  classes, 
and  remained  a  moral  and  Christian  people.  Though 
the  head  was  touched  by  the  malady  of  the  age,  the 
body  was  still  sound  and  strong.  Just  so,  in  the  time  of 
Augustus,  the  little  ones  of  earth  kept  alive  the  spirit 
of  faith  which  an  unbelieving  aristocracy  had  thrown 
away. 

This  popular  faith  is  known  to  us  to-day,  not  so  much 
through  Latin  literature,  which  rather  reflects  the 
thoughts  of  the  upper  classes,  as  by  means  of  the  in- 
scriptions, which  for  the  most  part  are  the  work  of  men 
of  the  people.  Military  service,  public  duties,  and 
commerce  carried  Eomans  of  the  lower  classes  to  the 
confines  of  the  Empire.  Apuleius  tells  us  how  the  most 
trivial  incidents  of  the  journey  would  awaken  their 
religious  sentiment,  —  the  sight  of  a  sacred  tree,  or 
an  altar  wreathed  with  flowers ;  the  turf  still  smoking 
after  the  offering  of  a  holocaust,  or  a  stone  with  the  odor 
of  incense  clinging  to  it  still.  ^  At  once  they  stop,  and 
their  piety  breathes  forth  in  prayer.  At  Axima,  in 
the  Greek  Alps,  dwelt  a  legal  functionary  of  the  Imperial 
domains,  who  was  frequently  obliged  to  travel  through 
the  forests  and  along  those  mountains ;  accordingly,  he 
addresses  the  god  Sylvanus, — 

''Thy  favor  is  a  sure  pledge  of  good  fortune,  and  it  hath 
ever  protected  me  in  my  journeys  across  the  Alps.  I  am  the 
guest  of  these  odorous  trees  which  are  consecrated  to  thee. 
Here  I  administer  justice  and  right  in  the  Emperor's  name. 
Protect  me  and  mine  on  our  way  back  to  Rome;  grant  that 
by  thy  fostering  aid  we  may  cultivate  our  fields  m  fertile 
Italy.  If  thou  wilt  but  hear  me,  I  will  honor  thee  with  a 
thousand  huge  trees  devoted  to  thy  holy  worship."  ^ 

At  dangerous  points  on  the  road,  these  demonstrations 
of  faith  are  more  frequent.  More  than  thirty  such 
inscriptions  have  been  found  near  the  summits  of  the 

1  Apuleius,  Florid,  i.  2  Qrelli,  1613. 


284  SAINT  PETER. 

Great  Saint  Bernard.  Soldiers  and  other  travellers  have 
graven  in  letters  of  bronze  their  gratitude  to  the  pro- 
tector of  the  mountain,  the  supreme  and  most  merciful 
Jupiter  Peninus.  1  In  other  places  we  find  inscrip- 
tions which  are  simple  tributes  of  admiration  for  the 
local  divinities.  At  Kalabcheh  in  Nubia,  certain  cen- 
turions and  their  legionaries  erect  a  votive  tablet  in  the 
temple  of  the  sun-god  Mandulis.^  The  light  of  day 
glows  with  such  splendid  radiance  under  tropical  skies 
that  the  Eomans  are  overpowered  by  its  beauty,  and  join 
in  worshipping  it.  Sick  persons  coming  from  Eome  to 
the  mineral  springs  give  thanks  to  the  Nymphs  who  have 
cured  them.^  In  the  Pyrenees,  two  Roman  contractors, 
after  successfully  transporting  some  beautiful  marbles 
from  the  quarries  of  Martignac,  celebrate  the  praise  of 
Sylvanus  and  the  guardian  spirits  of  the  mountain.^ 

Besides  such  testimony  to  the  Romans'  piety,  this 
collection  of  inscriptions  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  large 
number  of  temples  erected  or  restored  at  that  time,  v/ith 
their  wealth  of  gold  and  silver  images,  which  were 
dedicated  to  the  gods  and  loaded  down  with  offerings  of 
precious  stones.^  And  these  bountiful  gifts  were  not 
inspired  merely  by  vanity  and  ostentation,  for  many  of 
the  tablets  record  that  the  giver  is  fulfilling  commands 
made  by  the  divinity,  either  in  dreams  or  in  a  vision.^ 
At  a  time  when  religion  was  at  its  lowest  ebb  in 
Rome,  Lucretius  laments  the  existence  of  these  super- 
stitious fears,  which  have  built  up  new  temples  all  over 
the  world,  attracting  so  many  worshippers  to  their  fes- 

^  Promis,  Antichita  d'Aosta,  p.  61 

2  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Grcecarum,  iii.  5042,  etc. 

3  M.orD.msen,  Inscriptiones  Regni  NeapoUtam,  3513,  3518,  Orelli,  1560, 
etc. 

4  Herzog,  Gallia  Narb  app.  283 

^  In  honor  of  her  little  daughter,  a  mother  consecrates  to  Isis  a  diadem 
of  pearls,  emeralds,  rubies,  and  hyacinths,  costly  earrings,  a  necklace  of 
thirty-six  pearls  with  eighteen  emeralds,  clasps,  bracelets  for  wrists  and 
ankles,  precious  stones  for  every  finger,  and  eight  emeralds  for  the  san- 
dals {Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  ii.  3386).  From  this  one  donation 
of  ornaments  the  reader  can  fancy  what  must  have  been  the  generosity  of 
certain  wealthy  givers. 

6  Orelli,  1344,  1790,  etc. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  285 

tivals.^  If  the  objection  is  raised  that  many  of  these 
monuments  were  the  work  of  patricians,  who  let  them- 
selves be  carried  along  by  the  current,  for  fear  of  shock- 
ing the  multitude,  none  the  less  the  fact  remains  true 
that  religion  was  still  powerful  enough  to  enforce  this 
outward  show  of  devotion  upon  indifferent  and  unbeliev- 
ing men. 

In  the  people,  it  not  only  kept  its  vigor,  but  was  even 
capable  of  giving  birth  to  new  cults.  When  the  un- 
restricted encroachments  of  the  patrician  domains  had 
transformed  the  rich  meadows  of  Italy  into  a  vast  pas- 
ture land,  it  so  happened  that,  owing  to  a  delay  of  the 
fleets,  no  more  grain  was  to  be  had,  either  from  Africa 
or  Egypt,  and  Kome  was  thus  exposed  to  the  danger  of 
a  famine.  On  these  occasions  they  invoked  the  aid  of 
the  goddess  of  the  wheat-crop,  Annona,  to  whom  they 
attributed  the  abundance  or  want  of  bread-stuffs.  ^  The 
old-time  belief  in  the  Indigitamenta  peopled  with  new 
divinities  every  country  to  which  the  Empire  extended. 
Every  province,  every  city,  laid  claim  to  a  protector  in 
the  heavens.  The  corporations,  which  were  then  grow- 
ing to  great  numbers,  made  it  a  prime  duty  to  choose  a 
patron  from  among  the  Immortals.  The  legions,  the 
cohorts,  and  the  bands  of  hundreds  had  their  own  pre- 
siding spirit,  as  well  as  each  family,  and  every  private 
citizen.  ^ 

This  belief  in  familiar  spirits  inspired  the  thought  of 
worshipping  the  most  powerful  genius  known  to  them, 
—  that  of  their  Emperor.  In  this  way  Augustus  be- 
came one  of  their  gods,  with  priests  and  altars  devoted 
to  him.  He  was  given  this  honor,  not  from  the  wish 
to  flatter  him,  but  out  of  real  gratitude;  for  he  had 
brought  peace  to  the  world,  delivered  Italy  from  civil 
wars,  and  the  provinces  from  the  tyranny  of  the  pro- 
consuls. Every  city  was  glad  to  enroll  so  beneficent 
an  influence  in  the  foremost  ranks  of  their  celestial  pro- 

1  Lucretius,  De  Natura  Rerum,  v.  1161-1168. 

2  Preller,  Romische  Mythologie,  10  Abschnitt,  Annona. 
*  Id.,  Der  Cultus  der  Genien,  566-572. 


286  .     SAINT  PETER. 

tectors.  It  was  not  so  much  the  man  that  they  rever- 
enced in  him,  it  was  rather  the  majesty  of  the  Koman 
name,  the  supreme  power  centred  in  a  single  person- 
ality. The  Genius  of  Eome  was  already  a  divinity  at 
the  time  when  Caesar,^  and  after  him  Augustus,  seized 
the  sovereign  authority.  It  was  only  that  their  name 
was  added  to  that  of  the  city's  goddess,  and  that  they 
were  set  up  side  by  side  in  the  same  sanctuaries.  In  the 
first  century,  this  worship  was  the  only  one  really  uni- 
versal ;  and  its  progress  was  all  the  more  rapid  because  it 
responded  to  the  Eomans'  deepest  longing, —  to  realize 
God  as  active  and  present  in  their  midst. 

But  neither  the  worship  of  a  man,  though  he  be  both 
Emperor  and  god,  nor  the  multitude  of  penates  could 
avail  much  for  minds  corrupted  by  impiety,  or  dis- 
turbed by  unspeakable  uneasiness.  The  people  espe- 
cially, despite  their  vulgar  credulity,  felt  all  the  time 
a  need  of  regeneration,  and  tried  to  find  relief  in  self-sacri- 
fice and  suffering.  Did  it  rise  from  a  consciousness  of  the 
unheard-of  disorders  then  ravaging  society,  —  an  awful 
picture,  which  we  shall  soon  have  to  study  here  ?  Was 
it  the  influence  of  Eastern  religions,  where  bloody  rites 
have  always  seemed  the  necessary  complement  of  reli- 
gious feeling  ?  Or  may  we  not  regard  it  rather  as  the 
secret  touch  of  Grace,  preparing  the  Saviour's  way  to 
the  heart  of  the  Gentiles,  as  John  had  made  straight  the 
pathways  of  Judaism  "  for  Him  Who  was  to  come  "  ?  ^ 
Whatever  its  source,  the  idea  of  expiation  occupied  a 
foremost  place  in  their  thoughts.  This  was  what  ap- 
pealed to  the  multitude  in  the  cults  of  the  Orient,  and 
notably  in  that  of  the  mother  of  the  gods,  the  Queen  of 
Ida.  Eome  could  never  watch  without  a  thrill  of  emo- 
tion the  progress  of  these  priests  through  the  streets, 
with  the  sound  of  drums  and  cymbals,  tearing  their 
flesh  with  lashes  of  their  whips,  cutting  their  arms  and 
thighs  with    knives,   sometimes  going  so  far,  in   their 

1  Preller,  Romische  Mythologie :  Dea  Roma,  S.  705. 

2  Matt.  xi.  3. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  287 

frenzy,  as  to  mutilate  themselves  in  the  sight  of  all. -^ 
The  belief  of  these  men  was  that  blood  washes  away  all 
stains.  The  people  understood  this  when  they  saw 
them  catching  all  that  flowed  from  their  wounds  and 
eagerly  drinking  it.  But  what  seemed  still  more  strik- 
ing to  them  was  the  solemn  ritual  of  this  religion, —  the 
Sacrifice  of  Bulls.  The  initiated  stood  in  a  ditch  cov- 
ered over  by  a  planking  pierced  with  holes,  while  above 
his  head  a  bull  was  slain.  Prudentius  depicts  him 
zealously  trying  to  catch  every  drop  of  the  warm  red 
shower  which  fell  about  him,  —  throwing  himself  back- 
wards, so  that  the  drops  might  wet  his  cheeks,  his  hands, 
his  eyes,  his  ears,  his  whole  body ;  then  opening  his 
mouth  to  drink  it  down.^  When  he  issued  out  of  the 
ditch,  all  crimson  and  smoking, —  a  horrible  sight, — 
his  co-believers  cast  themselves  at  his  feet  and  adored 
him.  "  He  is  regenerated  for  all  eternity ! "  ^  was  their 
cry.  The  populace,  which  flocked  to  these  spectacles, 
went  away  persuaded  of  the  mystic  virtues  of  blood. 
Superstitious  as  this  belief  was,  it  nevertheless  opened 
their  minds  to  receive  that  redemption  which  Peter  was 
coming  to  preach  to  them  in  Eome,  —  the  Blood  of  Jesus 
Who  has  redeemed  humanity  by  shedding  His  life-blood 
for  men. 

Another  form  of  worship  brought  from  the  East  — 
that  of  Is  is  the  Egyptian  —  had  even  greater  attractions 
for  Eomans.  Like  the  preceding,  it  promised  justifica- 
tion and  peace  to  remorseful  souls,  but  without  repulsive 
surroundings ;  ablutions,  fasting,  and  abstinence  from 
sensual  joys  were  sufficient  to  purify  the  soul.  *  After 
long  days  of  trial  and  austerities,  the  initiated  was 
conducted  to  the  deepest  recesses  of  the  sanctuary,  and 
there,  in  the  silence  of  midnight,  received  a  revelation 
which  will  ever  remain  a  mystery  to  us,  for  the  authors 

1  Lactantius,  Instit.  i.  21,  16;  Lucan,  i.  565;  Tertullian,  Apol.  ix. ;  Mi- 
nucius  Felix,  Oct.  xxx.  5  ;  Seneca,  De  Beat.  Vit.  27. 

2  Prudentius,  Perist.  x.  1011. 

8  Orelli,  2352  ;  Apuleius,  Metamorph.  xi.  21. 

*  Apuleius,  Metamorph.  xi.  19;  Plutarch,  De  hid.  el  Osirid.  ii. 


288  SAINT  PETER. 

who  have  written  of  this  rite  carefully  refrain  from  be- 
traying it :  — 

^'You  will  ask  me,  perhaps,  what  was  done  and  said 
thereafter.  I  would  disclose  it  all,  were  I  permitted  to  speak 
of  it.  You  shall  know  it,  if  you  are  permitted  to  hear  it ; 
but  to  speak  of  it  here,  or  to  listen  to  the  tale,  would  be  a 
crime.  Nevertheless,  if  it  is  religion  which  inspires  your 
curiosity,  I  should  be  too  scrupulous  to  torment  you. 
Hearken,  then,  and  believe;  that  which  I  tell  you  is  the 
truth.  I  have  touched  the  gates  of  death  and  stood  upon 
the  threshold  of  Proserpine.  On  my  return,  I  traversed  all 
the  elements ;  in  the  depths  of  night  I  saw  the  sun  resplend- 
ent. Drawing  nigh  unto  the  gods  of  Hell  and  Heaven,  I 
beheld  them  face  to  face,  and  worshipped  in  their  presence. 
I  have  told  you  all,  and  it  behoves  you  to  forget  even  this 
which  you  have  just  heard.''  ^ 

But  this  is  rather  an  enigma  than  a  description,  and 
as  we  have  nothing  more  explicit  as  to  the  mysteries  of 
Isis,  we  can  indulge  only  in  conjectures  as  to  their 
nature.  From  all  we  can  now  ascertain,  the  secrecy 
in  which  they  were  enveloped  did  not  cloak  abom- 
inable practices,  like  the  voluptuous  rites  of  Syria  and 
Asia  Minor.  In  Eome,  it  is  true,  they  had  achieved 
an  unfortunate  notoriety,  ^  and  Tiberius,  as  we  have 
seen,  ordered  the  crucifixion  of  certain  priests  of  this 
goddess,  who  had  abused  the  simplicity  of  a  Koman 
lady.^  But  this  was  the  crime  of  only  a  few  men,  for 
the  initiated  have  always  spoken  of  the  Isiac  Mysteries 
with  great  reverence.  Diodorus  assures  us  that  these 
chosen  souls  became  more  righteous  and  better  in  all 
respects.^  Lucius,  in  Apuleius'  work,  lingers  for  days 
in  the  contemplation  of  the  divinity,  as  one  ravished 
with  the  thought  of  her  benefits.  His  heart  swells  to 
breaking  as  the  time  approaches  when  he  must  leave 
her.     Lying  prone  on  the  ground,  and  bathing  her  feet 

1  Apuleius,  Metamorph.,  xi.  23. 

2  Ovid,  Ars  Amat.,  i.  77  ;  Aviores,  ii.  2,  25 ;  Juvenal,  Satiroe,  vi.  488. 
^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xviii.  3,  4;  Tacitus,  Annales,  ii.  85. 

*  Diodorus,  v.  48. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  ROME.  289 

with  his  tears,  he  utters  a  prayer  to  her,  in  which  the 
adoration  seeras  to  be  altogether  spiritual,  and  divorced 
from  sensual  thoughts  :  — 

^^Thou  art  the  Holy,  the  eternal  source  of  salvation. 
Thou  dost  shower  thy  good  things  upon  mortals,  and  in  their 
misfortunes  thou  dost  lavish  upon  them  the  affections  of  a 
tender  mother.  Not  a  day,  not  a  night,  not  a  moment,  passes 
which  is  not  marked  by  some  favor  from  thee.  On  land,  even 
as  on  the  sea,  thou  art  ever  present  to  lend  us  a  helping  hand. 
.  .  .  Thou  dost  animate  the  universe ;  thou  givest  to  the  sun 
its  light,  and  governest  the  world,  while  thou  dost  encompass 
Hell.  ...  At  a  signal  from  thee  the  winds  are  set  in  motion, 
clouds  rise,  seeds  take  root  and  ripen.  My  voice  is  powerless 
to  speak  the  thoughts  wherewith  thy  majesty  inspires  me. 
.  .  .  All  that  a  poor  believer,  such  as  I,  can  do  is  to  cherish 
thine  image  graven  in  my  soul,  and  ever  living  in  my 
mind."^ 

In  this  giving  of  thanks  there  is  nothing  to  indicate 
that  sensual  pleasures  stained  the  worship  of  Isis.  What 
filled  the  initiated  with  his  ecstasy  was  the  revela- 
tion of  the  sublime  truths  which  were  vaguely  hinted 
under  the  enigmatical  phrases  of  the  ancients.  "  These 
borders  of  death, "  "  the  threshold  of  Proserpine  trodden 
under  foot, "  "  that  sun  shining  resplendent  in  the  mid- 
night sky, "  2  evidently  indicate  that  it  was  an  effort  to 
lift  the  veil  which  hides  the  other  life  from  us.  The 
grave  was  a  dreadful  thought  for  the  Pagans,  who  could 
never  look  upon  it  without  terror  and  a  sinking  heart. 
Happier  far  the  man  admitted  to  these  mysteries,  who 
got  from  them  the  assurance  that  he  was  to  die  only  to 
be  born  anew.  The  sacred  dramas  ^  which  were  played 
in  his  presence  showed  him  his  place,  prepared  for  him 
in  regions  of  pure  delights  among  the  Immortals.  All 
these  gods,  multiplied  to  such  a  ridiculous  extent  by 
the  common  herd,  were  worshipped  by  him  as  all  en- 
compassed  in   a  single   Being, —  "  Isis   of   a  thousand 

^  Apuleius,  Metamorph.,  xi.  25.  2  i(j^  xi.  23. 

2  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Cohortotw  ad  Gentes,  ii. 

19 


290  SAINT  PETER. 

names.  "  ^  "0  thou,  the  Only  who  art  all,  "  ^  they  said 
when  invoking  her. 

Doubtless,  neither  the  divine  Unity  nor  the  life  be- 
yond the  grave  became  to  these  initiated  what  they  are 
for  us, —  most  precious  dogmas  of  faith;  but  the  com- 
fortable promises  and  the  impression  of  truthfulness, 
which  they  brought  to  souls  wearied  with  doubting, 
must  have  lightened  their  burdens  and  saved  them 
from  dying  of  despair.  Still  other  minds,  which  could 
not  rest  satisfied  with  these  too  vague  hopes,  found  their 
way  to  Judaism ;  and,  every  day,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
number  of  these  waxed  greater. 

This  is  the  condition  in  which  Peter  found  the  Roman 
society  of  that  day.  The  irreligion  of  the  upper  classes 
affected  him  little.  He  was  not  sent  to  the  horde  of 
sceptics,  to  men  of  letters  or  pleasure-seekers,  but  to 
God's  little  ones,  in  whose  name  Jesus  gives  thanks 
to  the  Father  for  having  revealed  the  truth  to  them.^ 
When  the  Apostle,  moving  among  these  poor  people,  dis- 
covered that  uneasiness  which  was  attracting  them  on 
the  one  hand  toward  the  Oriental  Mysteries,  and  on  the 
other  to  Jehovah's  Law,  he  might  point  them  out  to 
his  brethren,  repeating  those  words  of  Jesus,  "  Lift  your 
eyes  and  behold  these  fields ;  they  are  already  white  for 
the  harvest!  "* 

1  "Isis  myrionyma"  (Orelli,  1876,  1877). 

2  "  Te  tibi  una  quae  es  omnia  Dea  Isis."  Mommsen,  Inscriptiones  Regni 
Neapolitani,  3580.  In  Apuleius,  Isis  reveals  herself  in  like  manner  as  the 
sole  Divinity :  "  I  am  the  Mother  of  all  things,  the  Mistress  of  all  the  ele- 
ments, the  Original  Principle  of  the  ages,  supreme  Divinity,  Queen  of  the 
Manes,  the  first  among  the  inhabitants  of  Heaven;  gods  and  goddesses 
have  but  my  form.  The  luminous  vaults  of  the  sky,  the  health-giving 
breezes  of  the  sea,  Hell  and  the  mournful  realms  of  silence  obey  my  voice. 
Sole  Divinity,  I  am  adored  throughout  the  whole  universe  under  divers 
names  and  forms  and  by  various  sorts  of  worship.  For  the  Phrygians  I 
am  the  Goddess  of  Pessinus  and  the  Mother  of  the  gods ;  the  aboriginal 
folk  of  Attica  call  me  Minerva  Cecropia.  I  am  the  Venus  of  Paphos  unto 
the  people  of  Cyprus,  Diana  Dyctinna  to  the  Cretans.  .  .  .  But  the  Egyp- 
tians, who  possess  the  ancient  doctrine,  render  me  my  fitting  worship  and 
call  me  by  my  true  name ;  I  am  Isis,  the  Queen."  Apuleius,  Metamorph. 
xi.  5. 

3  Matt.  xi.  25.  ■*  John  iv.  35. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE   CONDUCT   OF   LIFE   IN   THE   TIME   OF   AUGUSTUS. 

"  Babylon  !"  Peter  cries  out,  aghast  at  the  depravity  of 
Eome ;  and  in  that  one  name  concentrates  all  his  indig- 
nation and  abhorrence.  1  No  word  could  give  a  better 
idea  of  the  corruption  which  was  interwoven  with  the 
religious  sentiment  of  this  people,  thus  producing  an 
unprecedented  state  of  disorder.  Nowadays  it  is  the 
fashion  to  deny  the  existence  of  such  depravity  in 
morals.  Historians  who  reject  our  Faith  exercise  their 
ingenuity  in  mitigating  the  severe  language  of  contem- 
porary writers.  They  say  these  sombre  pictures  must 
be  viewed  in  the  light  of  that  proneness  to  excess  which 
we  know  is  natural  to  preachers  of  morality ;  and  then 
they  contrast  with  them  the  noble  sentiments  of  the 
Stoics,  so  numerous  at  that  time,  acts  of  virtue  which 
are  never  lacking  in  the  worst  epochs,  certain  just  and 
clement  laws  of  the  first  emperors,  together  with  the 
burial  inscriptions  which  speak  the  praises  of  the  dead. 
The  conclusion  they  would  have  us  draw  from  these  evi- 
dences is  that  manners  were  growing  purer ;  that,  far  from 
degenerating,  humanity  was  already  on  the  high  road  to 
salvation  when  Jesus  came ;  and  that  mankind  owes  no 
more  to  the  Gospel  than  to  philosophy  and  public  edu- 
cation, these  three  causes  having  had  an  equal  share  in 
the  regeneration  of  the  world.  ^ 

The  light  in  which  we  view  the  history  of  the  primi- 
tive Church  changes  the  color  of  every  event  so  com- 

1  1  Peter  v.  13.  It  has  been  shown  elsewhere  how  this  symbolic  name 
came  to  be  used  to  designate  Rome  (Appendix  IV.). 

2  Renan,  Les  Apotres,  pp.  303,  343  ;  Duruy,  Histoire  des  Romaws,  t.  v. 
chap.  Ix.,  Ixi.,  etc. 


292  SAINT  PETER. 

pletely,  according  as  we  accept  or  reject  this  theory, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  study  the  beginnings  of  Chris- 
tianity without  taking  one  side  or  the  other  on  this 
mooted  subject.  We  shall  proceed,  therefore,  by  making 
our  estimate  from  what  the  Eomans  of  the  Empire 
generally  agree  in  recording  of  their  own  times,  and 
from  the  laws,  institutions,  and  customs  of  which  we 
have  positive  proofs.  That  Juvenal,  Seneca,  even 
Tacitus  are  often  extreme  in  their  criticisms,  that  their 
indignation  leads  them  to  launch  forth  into  exaggerated 
terms,  and  that,  consequently,  we  cannot  accept  without 
reserve  all  the  evil  they  say  of  their  fellow-citizens, — 
all  this  no  one  will  gainsay.  But  leaving  their  invec- 
tives unnoticed,  certain  facts  remain  settled  beyond  a 
doubt.  A  brief  account  of  these  facts  will  be  enough  to 
give  us  a  fair  idea  of  the  Koman  world,  and  of  the 
Capital  in  particular,  when  Peter  began  his  efforts  to 
reform  this  corrupt  society. 

The  best  days  of  Eome  were  in  the  period  which 
followed  her  birth.  Even  then  she  possessed  what  was 
to  win  her  the  empire  of  the  world,  —  family  life  which 
was  fruitful  and  strongly  guarded;  jealous  love  of 
liberty ;  religious  reverence  for  the  right  and  for  a 
man's  sworn  faith;  exact  obedience  to  the  laws,  even 
when  cruel ;  a  frugal,  austere,  laborious  existence,  di- 
vided between  agriculture  and  arms ;  and,  finally,  no 
inclination  to  luxury,  nor  any  taste  for  the  arts.  "  The 
paternal  majesty  "  ^  was  regarded  as  the  pinnacle  of 
greatness.  It  was  the  highest  dignity  in  the  reach  of 
man,  who  thereby  obtained  his  full  complement  of  rights, 
thus  becoming  sovereign  lord  of  his  household, —  wives, 
children,  slaves.  With  the  latter  he  could  do  anything 
he  chose.  The  dependence  of  the  children  was  but  a 
degree  less  absolute.  At  birth  the  baby  was  laid  at  his 
father's  feet,  and  allowed  to  live  only  on  condition  that 
the  parent  accepted  him.  As  the  son  grew  older,  he 
assumed  the  man's  toga,  which  made  him  a  citizen,  rose 
to  high  position  in  the  State,  became  in  his  turn  the 

1  Livy,  viii.  7 ;  Justin,  x.  2. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.  293 

head  of  a  family,  but  without  escaping  the  authority  of 
him  who,  having  given  him  his  life,  could  always  dis- 
pose of  it  as  he  pleased.  ^ 

Over  the  wife,  too,  the  head  of  the  house  held  the 
same  absolute  sway.  She  is  generally  said  to  be  "  in  the 
hands  ^  of  the  husband.  "  The  iron  ring  slipped  on  her 
finger  the  day  of  her  betrothal  gave  her  to  understand 
that  the  marriage  bond  was  to  be  a  heavy  one.  As  soon 
as  the  solemn  sacrifice  consecrated  their  union,  she 
ceased  to  belong  to  herself.  Henceforth  she  is  treated 
as  a  child  of  the  family,  the  daughter  of  her  husband, 
the  sister  of  his  children.  Her  lord  has  complete  power 
over  her.  He  can  summon  her  before  his  domestic  court, 
chastise,  and  even  kill  her,  should  he  surprise  her  in 
adultery.  In  primitive  law,  the  woman  never  emerged 
from  a  state  of  wardship.  It  was  not  till  three  cen- 
turies before  our  era  that  she  obtained  the  power  of 
disposing  of  her  dowry  and  personal  effects. 

Certainly  this  was  a  hard  lot ;  but  it  had  some  com- 
pensations in  the  dignity  wherewith  the  Eoman  Law 
invested  the  mother.  Though  absolutely  dependent  on 
her  husband,  she  was  still  his  companion,  for  marriage 
constituted  an  association  lasting  for  a  lifetime,  the 
holding  in  common  of  all  things,  divine  and  human.  ^ 
The  wedding  festival  rites  introduce  her  as  its  mistress 
to  the  family  fireside,  which  is  to  become  a  sanctuary 
for  her.*  When  she  goes  abroad,  the  mother  is  no  less 
respected.  She  is  free  to  appear  in  public,  taking  her 
place  at  the  feasts  and  shows.  The  Consuls  themselves 
yield  precedence  to  her,  and  a  law  attributed  to  Eomulus 

^  In  fact  the  father  retained  the  right  of  life  and  death  over  him ;  he 
might,  in  a  criminal  case,  remove  him  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary 
courts,  and  himself  pronounce  sentence  of  banishment,  or  order  that  he  be 
put  to  death  by  scourging.  At  all  times  he  was  entitled  to  sell  his  off 
spring  as  often  as  thrice.  According  to  the  primitive  law,  the  father  was 
the  rightful  owner  of  everything  acquired  by  his  child,  as  the  latter  could 
possess  nothing  in  his  own  name. 

'^  "  In  manu,"  was  the  expression  in  legal  parlance. 

3  "  Divini  humanique  juris  communicatio."  "  Consortium  omnis  vitae, 
individuae  vitae  consuetudo."     Dig.  xxiii.  2. 

■^  Macrobius,  Salurnal.,  i,  15. 


294  SAINT  PETER. 

punished  any  improper  word  or  gesture  indulged  in  in 
her  presence.^  Such,  in  its  primitive  organization,  was 
the  Roman  family :  the  father,  an  absolute  master,  both 
judge  and  priest  in  his  own  home  ;  the  matron,  a  submis- 
sive companion  to  her  husband,  but  acquiring  nobility 
and  authority  from  the  union  with  him.  Under  them 
the  child,  subject  to  the  father  and,  until  the  death  of 
the  latter,   owing  obedience  to  him. 

This  stern  discipline,  which  made  for  the  greatness  of 
the  Republic,  in  the  Imperial  epoch  came  to  be  regarded 
as  too  heavy  a  yoke  to  bear.  The  depravation  of  man- 
ners undermined  family  life,  and  spread  with  frightful 
rapidity  after  the  conquest  of  the  East.  From  those 
regions,  Rome  was  importing  every  day,  along  with 
their  marvels  of  art  and  immense  stores  of  wealth,  a 
taste  for  sumptuous  surroundings,  a  soft  and  voluptuous 
life.  The  change  from  rugged  simplicity  to  opulence 
was  so  sudden  that  it  is  small  wonder  their  heads  were 
turned.  It  took  but  a  few  years  for  the  corruption  to 
reach  its  height. 

"  Luxury,  more  to  be  dreaded  than  the  sword, "  says 
Juvenal,  "  has  fallen  upon  us,  and  is  avenging  the  con- 
quered universe.  All  the  horrors,  all  the  monstrous 
sins  of  debauchery  became  familiar  sights  to  us,  from 
the  day  which  saw  the  death  of  Roman  poverty,  .  .  . 
Venus  in  her  cups  no  longer  has  any  reverence  for  any- 
thing. "  2 

A  poet's  declamation,  this,  do  you  say  ?  We  would 
grant  it  willingly,  were  it  not  that  his  contemporaries 
express  themselves  in  the  same  stern  language.  "  For 
the  most  part, "  says  the  grave  Polybius,  "  the  Romans 
live  a  life  of  strange  disorder.  The  young  people  allow 
themselves  to  be  drawn  into  most  shameful  excesses. 
They  spend  their  time  at  public  shows  and  banquets , 
indulge  in  spendthrift  tastes  and  in  licentiousness  of 
every  description,  taking  pattern,  only  too  evidently, 
from  what  they  learned  among  the  Greeks  during  the 

1  Plutarch,  Romulus,  xx. ;  Tacitus,  Dialogus  de  Oratoribus,  xxviii. 

2  Juvenal,  Satirce,  vi.  292-300. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   295 

war  against  Perseus.  "  ^  Cato,  Sallust,  Livy,  Pliny,  and 
Justinian  2  say  the  same,  and  depict  vice  at  Eome  as 
devoid  of  even  that  surface  polish  of  grace  and  elegance 
which  made  it  so  seductive  in  other  lands. 

Of  all  excesses,  the  one  which  proved  most  fatal  to 
the  Roman  family  was  the  ignominious  scourge  which 
brought  destruction  upon  Sodom.  Greece,  indeed,  en- 
deavored in  every  way  to  palliate  this  disgraceful  feat- 
ure of  her  life,  to  which  she  has  given  a  name.  There 
the  worship  and  love  of  Beauty  did  much  to  conceal 
the  abominable  nature  of  this  crime  from  men's  eyes.^ 
Rome  knew  no  such  modest  scruples ;  she  kept  com- 
panies of  Gitons."^  The  noblest  minds  —  Cicero,  Bru- 
tus, Caesar  ^  —  were  stained  by  these  hideous  passions. 
Refined  and  splendid  poets,  like  Horace,  Virgil,  Tibul- 
lus,  and  Catullus,^  boast  of  their  monstrous  self- 
indulgence. 

Man  becomes  accustomed  to  infamy  only  too  quickly. 
This  is  clearly  seen  in  the  disgust  which  marriage  and 
its  sterner  responsibilities  inspired  in  this  worn-out 
generation.  No  children,  no  lasting  and  fruitful  unions. 
"  Their  only  boast  is  of  their  barrenness, "  says  Pliny ;  "^ 
"  they  do  not  want  to  have  even  an  only  son. "  Seneca 
and  Tacitus  use  the  same  language.  ^  In  the  later  days 
of  the  Republic  the  bachelors  far  outnumbered  those 
who  were  willing  to  contract  ties  generally  regarded  as 
unendurable.  Day  by  day  the  family  life  declined  in 
influence,^  and  with  it  the  nerve  and  sinew  of  Rome. 

Augustus    finally    took    alarm   at   this    condition    of 

1  Polybius,  Historice,  xxxii,  1 1 . 

2  Catonis  Fragmenta ;  Sallust,  Historiarum  Fragmenta,  i.  9 ;  Livy,  xxv. 
40;  xxxiv.  4;  Pliny,  Historia  Nafuralis,  xxxiii.  18;  xxxiv.  3;  xxxv. 
8  ,   Justin,  xxxvi.  4. 

3  Plato,  Phcedrus,  Convivium,  etc. 

4  Seneca,  Epist.  46,  95,  127;  Cicero,  Pro  Milone,  21,  etc. 

5  Martial,  ix.  51;  xiv.  171;  Pliny,  Epist.  vii,  4;  Quintilian,  xii.  1; 
Suetonius,  Ccesar,  49. 

^  Horace,  Satirce,  1.  II.  iii. ;  1.  IV.;  Od.  i.  x. ;  Vergil,  Bucol.  ii. ;  Martial, 
viii.  56;  Donatus,  Vita  Virg.  v.  §  20;  Tibullus,  Eleq.  1.  I.  iv. ;  Catullus,  48, 
81,  99. 

7  Dion,  xliii.  25.  8  pHn^,  Epist.  iv,  15. 


296  SAINT  PETER. 

affairs,  and,  revising  one  of  Csesar's  projected  measures,^ 
he  prepared,  eighteen  years  before  the  Christian  era,  the 
Julian  Law,  De  Maritandis  Ordinihus.  The  people, 
though  ready  to  abdicate  all  their  liberties,  let  it  be 
understood  that  their  pleasures  were  not  to  be  interfered 
with ;  they  flocked  to  the  comitia  to  prevent  the  enact- 
ment of  this  reform.  Much  disheartened,  the  Prince 
waited  twenty  years  before  taking  further  action.  When 
he  ventured  to  renew  his  proposition  and  encountered 
the  same  opposition,  he  felt  himself  obliged  to  enforce 
his  will.  But  five  years  had  not  passed  before  he  real- 
ized the  futility  of  this  first  attempt,  and  saw  that  he 
must  look  for  more  effective  measures.  The  law  called 
Papia  Poppcea  is  an  honor  to  his  reign ;  and  yet  what  a 
dismal  light  it  casts  on  the  morals  of  an  epoch  when 
the  citizens  had  to  be  forced,  not  merely  to  have  chil- 
dren, but  even  to  bring  up  those  they  had !  It  is  true 
that  many  were  won  over  by  the  advantages  offered  by 
the  Julian  Law,  and  resigned  themselves  to  enduring  a 
married  life,  but  after  such  a  fashion  as  to  derive  all  its 
benefits  without  incurring  its  duties.  Some  married 
none  but  young  girls  of  a  tender  age;  others,  availing 
themselves  of  their  right  as  head  of  the  family  to  either 
acknowledge  or  refuse  the  fruit  of  their  union,  sacrificed 
all  their  offspring  in  cold  blood.  Earely  in  the  history 
of  the  world  has  human  life  been  held  in  such  con- 
tempt. Augustus  himself,  in  barbarous  self-contradic- 
tion, forbade  his  attendants  to  nurture  a  descendant  of 
his  own  house  whose  mother  was  the  infamous  Julia.  ^ 
Claudius  dashed  his  son  against  a  boundary-post.  ^  The 
new-born  babies  were  being  abandoned  continually, — 
just  as  is  still  the  custom  in  China  and  Africa.  On  the 
death  of  Germanicus,  a  large  number  of  citizens  exposed 
their  children  who  had  come  into  the  world  on  that 
unhappy  day.^ 

^  Seneca,    Consolatio  ad  Marciam,  xix.  2 ;    Tacitus,  Annales,-  iii.    25  ; 
xi.  25. 

■^  Suetonius,  Octavius,  65.  *  Id.,  Claudius,  27. 

*  Id.,  Caligula,  5. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   297 

The  law  Papia  Foppcea  was  a  well-conceived  remedy 
against  such  a  corruption  of  human  instincts,  relying, 
as  it  did,  upon  one  of  the  commonest  tendencies  of  the 
age,  —  the  pursuit  of  inheritances.  In  those  degenerate 
days,  when  natural  heirs  were  few,  if  any,  the  insertion 
of  one's  name  in  the  will  of  some  bachelor  was  an  easy 
and  speedy  way  of  enriching  one's  self.  Cicero  boasts 
of  having  gained  twenty  million  sesterces  ^  in  this  man- 
ner ;  and  no  one  knew  better  than  Augustus  what  an 
important  part  it  played  in  others'  revenues,  since  he 
himself  drew  every  year  some  forty  millions  from  lega- 
cies acquired  by  this  means.  ^  He  made  this  unlawful 
for  bachelors,  by  declaring  them  incapable  of  receiving 
any  heritage  outside  of  their  family.  And  in  the  case 
of  married  citizens  without  offspring,  the  right  of  suc- 
cession was  limited  to  a  half  of  the  legacy  willed  to 
them.  The  man  who  had  three  children,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  assured  very  valuable  advantages, —  unre- 
stricted right  of  receiving  bequests,  a  double  share  in 
the  public  distributions,  exemption  from  numerous 
duties,  speedier  promotion  to  honors,  a  seat  in  the  best 
part  of  the  theatre,  and  everywhere  the  preeminence 
over  men  of  his  own  rank  and  dignity. 

These  prerogatives  constitute  the  Jus  Trium  Lihero- 
Tum, —  a  much  envied  privilege,  but  one  in  which  it  was 
possible  to  participate  without  observing  the  law.  First 
it  was  conceded  to  the  Vestals,  then  to  soldiers,  as  in- 
capable of  contracting  marriage ;  ^  finally,  even  the 
bachelors  obtained  it  out  of  sheer  favor.  Thus  weak- 
ened, and  left  to  hold  its  own  against  a  torrent  of  op- 
position, the  Poppsean  Law  lost  its  efficacy,  like  its 
predecessors,  and  the  family  continued  to  crumble  and 
decay. 

Another  cause  hastened  its  destruction.  The  matron 
was  a  thing  of  the  past.  There  are  times  in  a  nation's 
history  when,  even  though  men  sacrifice  their  father- 
hood to  pleasure-seeking,  if  the  woman  remains  pure, 

1  About  $800,000.     Cicero,  Philipp.  ii.  32. 

-  Suetonius,  Augustus,  10.  ^  Diou,  Ix.  24. 


298  SAINT  PETER. 

the  process  of  decay  is  retarded  at  least.  Eome  had  no 
such  resource  to  rely  upon.  "  Since  the  censorship  of 
Messala  and  Cassius  (150  B.C.),  the  chastity  of  the  olden 
days  has  perished. "  ^  This  is  the  sober  judgment  of 
Pliny  the  Elder,  a  well-informed  man  of  moderate 
views.  His  contemporaries,  and  all  the  writers  of  the 
century  preceding,  whose  works  have  come  down  to  us, 
express  themselves  with  equal  severity.  Horace,  Pro- 
pertius,  Ovid,  and  Martial  portray  the  Eoman  matrons 
as  sensitive  to  vanity  alone,  oblivious  of  modesty  and 
shame.  2  However  exaggerated  we  may  consider  the 
Satires  of  Juvenal,  they  are  not  all  the  creation  of  his 
fancy,  and  such  features  as  he  depicts  imply  a  state  of 
unusual  degradation.  The  historians  coincide  with  the 
opinions  of  the  poets.  In  the  high  praise  which  Tacitus 
bestows  on  the  women  of  Germania,  it  is  easy  to  read 
between  the  lines  his  judgment  on  the  failings  of  the 
Eoman  women.  "  They  are  preserved, "  he  says,  "  by  the 
safeguards  of  innocence,  remote  from  the  spectacles 
which  contaminate,  and  far  from  the  festivals  which 
kindle  passions.  ...  In  this  land  they  do  not  laugh  at 
vices.  To  corrupt  and  to  yield  to  corruption  is  not 
called  living  up  to  one's  century.  ...  To  limit  the 
number  of  their  children,  or  to  kill  one  of  the  new-born, 
is  held  to  be  a  crime.  "  ^  There  is  nothing  like  this  in 
Italy.  In  the  first  years  of  the  Empire,  the  immorality 
of  the  Eomans  was  so  notorious  that  Augustus  branded 
them  as  libertines  before  the  assembled  Senate.*  In 
the  following  age,  license  and  luxury  had  full  sway,^ 
and  Seneca  expresses  in  three  words  the  opinion  of  his 

1  "  M.  Messalae,  C.  Cassii  censorum  lustro,  a  quo  tempore  pudicitiam 
subversam  Piso  gravis  auctor  prodidit/'  Pliny,  Historia  Naturalis,  xvii. 
245. 

2  Horace,  Od.  1.  III.  vi.  17;  xxiv.  20;  Propertius,  Elegiarum,  1,  II.  vi, 
25  ;  xxxii.  49 ;  1.  III.  xii.  17  ;  xiii.  23,  etc. ;  Ovid,  Ainores,  i.  8, 43  ;  iii.  4, 37. 

Quaero  diu  totam,  Safroni  Rufe,  per  urbem 
Si  qua  puella  negat ;  nulla  puella  negat. 

Martial,  iv.  71. 

2  Tacitus,  De  Moribus  Germanorum,  xix. 

*  Dign  Cassius,  liv.  16.  ^  Suetouius,  Vespasianus,  xiii. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   299 

day :  "  Women  are  ignorant,  unruly  creatures,  incapa- 
ble of  governing  themselves.  "  ^  Surely  we  are  a  long 
way  from  the  good  old  times  when  the  comic  actors 
never  uttered  the  title  of  matrons  on  the  stage  without 
saluting   "  the    sanctity   of   their  name !  "  ^ 

Doubtless  in  this  shipwreck  there  was  some  salvage 
from  the  storm.  The  same  Seneca  praises  his  mother  for 
not  having  yielded  to  the  impure  example  set  her  by  the 
common  run  of  Eoman  women.  ^  Paulina,  the  wife  of 
this  philosopher,  loved  him  so  faithfully  that  she  wished 
to  die  with  him.^  In  the  household  of  Thraseas  there 
were  three  generations  of  women  who  were  sublime  in 
their  self-sacrificing  devotion.  ^  Elsewhere,  too,  we  find 
admirable  wives  and  sisters,  especially  in  the  noble 
families  afflicted  by  the  cruelty  of  the  Caesars,  and 
among  whom  the  traditions  of  bravery  and  virtue  were 
still  kept  alive.  With  souls  purified  by  misfortune,  these 
patrician  women  found  courage  to  meet  death  like  the 
heroines  of  ancient  times ;  indeed,  it  is  but  just  to  re- 
member their  names.  But  we  must  not  forget  that  these 
are  but  exceptions  to  tlie  rule  ;  of  this  we  have  the  strong- 
est guarantee  in  the  disapproval  of  their  contemporaries, 
—  a  disapproval  which  is  almost  unanimous ;  for  there 
is  one  voice  alone  in  this  concert  of  invectives  which 
strikes  a  less  severe  note,  —  that  of  Pliny  the  Younger. 
The  evidence  of  this  writer  is  regarded  with  great  favor 
nowadays.  Many  are  pleased  to  conclude  from  this 
that  women  were  not  as  depraved  as  people  have  supposed 
hitherto.  Why  was  it,  then,  that  Pliny  himself  took 
such  pains  to  put  us  on  our  guard  against  his  over-in- 
dulgence ?  Before  this  his  contemporaries  had  accused 
him  of  painting  those  about  him  in  too  beautiful  colors. 
"  I  accept  the  rebuke, "  he  says,  "  and  consider  it  as  an 

1  "Animal   imprudeus,   ferum,   cupiditatum   impatiens"  (Seneca,  De 
Const.  Sap.,  14). 

2  "Tuam  majestatem  et  uominis  raatronae  sanctitudinem  "  (Afranius, 
Suspecta). 

^  Seneca,  Consolat.  ad  Helviam,  xvi.  3;  Ad  Marciam,  xxiv  3. 

*  Tacitus,  Annales,  xv.  63,  64. 

^  Id.,  xvi.  34;  Pliny  the  Younger,  iii.  16;  vii.  19;  ix.  13,  etc. 


300  SAINT  PETER. 

honor.  Even  supposing  that  they  are  not  precisely  what 
I  say  they  are,  I  am  happy  in  fancying  them  to  be  as  I 
have  represented  them.  "^ 

What  trust  can  we  place  in  an  authority  weakened  by 
his  own  avowals  ?  An  effort  has  been  made,  it  is  true, 
to  fortify  it  by  referring  to  the  praises  which  abound  in 
the  burial  inscriptions  of  that  epoch.  ^  Eome  must  have 
been  a  city  of  the  saints  if  such  epitaphs  were  taken  at 
their  face  value,  so  to  say.  But  the  uniformity  of  these 
eulogies  may  very  reasonably  excite  our  suspicions,  even 
more  than  their  extraordinary  number.  The  words  "  in- 
nocent, "  "  most  chaste, "  "  distinguished, "  "  helpful  to 
all, "  "  married  but  once, "  "  she  spun  the  linen, "  and 
"  kept  the  house,  "  ^  recur  in  endless  succession.  Evidently 
these  are  simply  the  received  forms,  analogous  to  those  in 
our  cemeteries,  where  all  the  women  are  alike  in  being 
good  mothers,  good  wives,  and  the  objects  of  eternal 
regret.  It  is  many  a  long  day  since  the  birth  of  that 
proverb,  "  To  lie  like  a  tombstone.  "  The  husband  in 
his  mourning  weeds  finds  such  lines  as  these  already 
graven  beforehand  on  the  gravestone  he  comes  to  pur- 
chase. Earely  we  happen  upon  some  such  ingenuous 
substitute  as  this :  "  The  day  of  her  death  I  thanked 
gods  and  men.  "  *  Again,  one  son  takes  care  to  put  on 
his  mother's  tomb  an  account  of  the  usual  way  of  com- 
posing these  inscriptions :  — 

^' As  the  eulogy  of  all  noble  ladies  is  usually  couched  in 
simple  terms,  which  are  also  very  similar,  since  it  is  under- 

1  Pliny,  vii.  28. 

2  "Amymona,  wife  of  Marcus,  was  beautiful  and  good,  an  indefatigable 
spinner,  pious,  reserved,  chaste,  and  a  good  housewife."  Orelli,  4639.  — 
"  Urbilia,  wife  of  Primus,  died  in  her  twenty-third  year,  cherished  by  all 
her  people;  to  me  she  was  dearer  than  life"  (Marini,  Inscrizioni  delle  ville 
e  de'  palazzi  Albani,  p.  100).  "To  the  most  virtuous  of  wives  and  the 
most  careful  of  housekeepers,  the  object  of  my  soul's  deepest  regrets  .  .  . 
I  lived  with  her,  and  she  never  gave  me  cause  for  complaint  .  .  ."  Orelli, 
7382.  —  "Never  did  she  cause  me  the  least  trouble  .  .  ."  Henzen,  7385. 
—  "Never  have  I  heard  an  unkind  word  from  her  lips."  Orelli,  4530. — 
"  Her  virtues  should  be  written  in  letters  of  gold."     Henzen,  7386. 

^  "  Innocens,  Carissima,  Prcestans,  Omnibus  Suhveniens,  Lanijica,  Do 
misedar  ^  Orelli,  4636. 


CONDUCT   OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   301 

stood  that  the  merits  which  Kature  distributes  to  their  sex 
ought  not  to  attract  by  the  pleasure  of  variety,  .  .  .  even  so 
my  dearest  mother  enjoj^ed  the  best  of  reputations,  for  she 
equalled  in  modesty,  uprightness,  chastity,  obedience,  and 
her  work  at  the  loom,  her  care  and  faithfulness,  all  other 
good  women.  In  nothing  did  she  yield  place  to  any  one 
of  them."i 

A  few  instances  of  striking  virtues,  and  the  conven- 
tional praise  of  the  dead,  are  not  enough  to  destroy,  or 
even  to  mitigate,  the  unanimous  censure  of  their  con- 
temporaries, since  all  the  testimony  gathered  from  other 
sources  confirms  their  view.  The  strongest  proof  comes 
from  the  changes  made  in  educational  systems.  Girls 
were  no  longer  kept  secluded  in  their  father's  houses 
during  their  early  childhood ;  they  no  longer  grew  up 
under  their  mother's  eyes,  learning  to  spin  and  weave, 
and  forming  themselves  for  the  duties  of  life. 

^^When  I  entered  one  of  those  schools  to  which  nobles 
send  their  sons,  I  found,"  says  Scipio  Emilianus,  ''more 
than  five  hundred  young  girls  and  boys,  who,  in  the  com- 
pany of  players  and  infamous  characters,  were  taking  lessons 
on  the  lyre,  or  in  singing  and  deportment.  I  saw  one  child 
twelve  years  old,  the  son  of  a  candidate,  executing  a  dance 
unworthy  of  the  lewdest  servant."  ^ 

The  young  Koman  girl  who  was  not  sent  to  the  public 
masters  was  confided  to  the  care  of  a  slave  teacher, — 
almost  always  a  Greek.  They  forgot  that  a  servile 
mind  would  not  be  likely  to  inspire  high  thoughts,  and 
that  in  fact  all  their  corruption  came  from  Greece. 

''Formerly,''  says  Tacitus,^  "the  chief  est  glory  of  a  ma- 
tron was  to  keep  the  house  and  watch  over  her  children. 
They  used  also  to  select  some  kinswoman  of  advanced  age, 
of  irreproachable  life  and  unspotted  reputation,  who  should 
look  after  the  rising  generation  of  the  family,  and  whose 
very  presence  alone  put  a  stop  to  any  shameful  word  or  im- 
proper action.     But  nowadays  the  child  is  handed  over  to  a 

1  Orelli,  4860.  ^  Macrobius,  Saturn.,  ii.  10. 

3  Tacitus,  Dial,  de  Oratoribus,  28,  29. 


302  SATNT  PETER. 

Greek  servant-girl,  with  one  or  two  slaves  under  her,  often 
taken  from  the  very  lowest  class,  and  incapable  of  performing 
any  serious  duties." 

Plutarch  voices   the  same  complaints. 

*^  A  majority  of  the  men  of  our  times  fall  into  a  ridiculous 
error.  When  they  have  a  good  honest  slave,  they  make  a 
laborer  of  him,  or  a  pilot,  or  an  overseer,  or  a  clerk  in  their 
warehouse  or  bank;  but  if  they  find  one  who  gets  drunk  and 
over-eats  himself,  —  who,  in  fact,  is  good  for  nothing  at 
all,  —  he  is  the  man  to  whom  they  intrust  the  care  of  their 
children."  ^ 

If  a  young  girl  escaped  these  corrupting  influences 
of  her  earlier  age,  her  innocence  was  but  the  more  im- 
perilled in  that  voluptuous  world  which  was  suddenly 
unrolled  before  her  eyes ;  for  it  was  at  the  period  of  life 
when  moral  courage  is  oftenest  lacking,  between  thirteen 
and  seventeen,  that  marriage  came,  bringing  with  it  the 
worst  of  dangers.  Very  few  Roman  women  of  that  day 
contracted  those  solemn  ties  of  marriage  which  put  them 
under  complete  subjugation  to  their  husband.  The  ma- 
tron, under  the  Empire,  had  her  separate  establishment, 
with  a  troop  of  slaves  trained  to  consult  her  every  whim. 
They  had  their  corrupters  in  the  shape  of  books,  which, 
if  they  wished,  could  teach  them  "  the  art  of  loving.  "  ^ 
In  the  niches  along  the  walls,  under  the  porticos,  and 
in  the  dwelling-rooms,  were  pictures  and  statues  show- 
ing forth  in  action  their  lessons  of  vice.  Propertius 
execrates  the  artist's  brush  which  displays  to  all  eyes 
what  ought  to  be  decently  hid.^ 

More  dangerous  still  were  the  public  shows,  —  coarse 
farces  full  of  obscenities,  adventures  of  divinities  which 

'  Plutarch,  De  Liberis  Educandis,  vii. 

^  Ovid  and  Catullus  were  given  them  to  read. 

3  QuHe  manus  obscoenas  depinxit  prima  tabellas, 
Et  posuit  casta  turpia  visa  domo, 
Dla  puellarum  iugenuos  corrupit  ocellos, 

Nequitiseque  suae  noluit  esse  rudes. 
Ah  !  gemat,  in  terris  ista  qui  protulit  arte 
Jurgia  sub  tacita  condita  Isetitia. 

Pbopertius,  ElegicB,  II.  vi. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.  303 

were  offensive  to  any  modest  mind ;  Venus  and  Mars, 
Danae  and  Ganymede  playing  their  parts  on  the  open 
stage.  "  The  matron  who  entered  the  public  playhouses 
a  chaste  woman  came  forth  a  brazen  creature.  "  ^  The 
amphitheatre  was  as  bad.  The  slaughters  of  the  arena 
accustomed  their  eyes  to  the  sight  of  blood,  and  their 
ears  were  hardened  to  the  cries  of  pain.  Eeturning 
home,  their  slaves  are  whipped  and  lacerated  for  the  most 
trifling  faults,  thus  proving  what  a  woman  can  become 
when  devoid  of  pity.  And  we  must  not  fancy  that 
maidens  and  good  mothers  were  not  to  be  found  in  the 
tiers  of  the  circus  and  theatre.  Ovid  describes  them 
flocking  to  these  haunts  of  pleasure  more  eagerly  than 
a  swarm  of  ants  or  a  covey  of  birds.  "  They  come  in 
great  numbers  to  see,  but  still  more  to  be  seen.  And 
there  it  is  that  chaste  virtue  suffers  shipwreck. "  ^ 

There  were  the  same  reefs  and  shoals  in  the  harbors 
of  domestic  life.  At  table,  where  formerly  they  used 
to  remain  sitting,  they  soon  adopted  a  reclining  posture 
like  the  men,  surrounded  by  them,^  and  listening  to 
dissolute  songs  and  jests.  ^  Syrian  and  Andalusian 
women  went  through  dances  and  pantomimes  of  revolt- 
ing indecency.^  Seneca  tells  us  of  the  matrons  prolong- 
ing their  drinking-bouts,  disputing  for  the  libations 
with  the  male  companions  of  their  revels,  and  like  them 
vomiting,  only  to  fall  to  drinking  again.  ^     The  philoso- 

1  S.  Cyprian,  Epist.  i.  8;  Lactantius,  Instit.  6,  30. 

2  Ovid,  Ars  Amat.  i.  93-100.  ^  Valerius  Maximus,  ii.  1,  2. 

4  "  Omne  convivium  obscoenis  canticis  strepit,  pudenda  dictu  spectan- 
tur"  (Quintilian,  De  Institutione  Oratoria,  i.  2,  8). 

^  Juvenal,  xi.  162. 

6  "  Non  minus  pervigilant,  non  minus  potant,  et  oleo  et  mero  viros  pro- 
vocant  •  £eque  invitis  ingesta  visceribus  per  os  reddunt,  et  viuum  omne 
vomitu  remetiuntur  "  (Seneca,  Epist.  95).  It  is  so  much  the  fashion  now- 
adays to  excuse  and  dignify  the  conduct  of  life  during  this  century  that 
it  is  natural  for  critics  to  try  in  every  way  to  mitigate  the  testimony  of  the 
ancients  concerning  even  this  offensive  detail.  Friedla^nder  (Moeuis 
Tomaines,  1.  viii.  §  1)  accumulates  quotations  to  prove  that  emetics  were 
much  used  at  this  time  and  highly  recommended  by  physicians.  To  con- 
fute such  fantasies,  we  need  but  refer  to  Seneca's  own  words :  "  Vomunt 
ut  edant,  edunt  ut  vomaut,  et  epulas  quas  toto  orbe  conquirunt,  nee  con- 
coquei'e  diguantur  "  {Ad  Helviam,  ix). 


304  SAINT  PETER. 

pher  treats  of  their  conduct  after  marriage,  with  no  less 
severity.  "  Among  them, "  he  says,  "  chastity  is  a 
synonym  for  ugliness. "  ^  However  much  of  exaggera- 
tion, or  bitterness  even,  there  may  be  in  this  attack,  and 
though  it  is  always  possible  to  draw  some  parallel  be- 
tween the  Eoman  decadence  and  certain  periods  of  mod- 
ern history, 2  it  nevertheless  remains  true  just  the  same, 
that  a  time  in  which  such  an  arraignment  could  be  ac- 
cepted without  protest,  and  further  corroborated  by  all 
other  writers,  cannot  for  an  instant  be  regarded  as  an 
era  of  moral  progress. 

Another  no  less  striking  index  of  the  social  laxity  is 
the  frivolous  spirit  in  which  they  assumed  and  dissolved 
the  marriage  tie.  Here  again,  doubtless,  Seneca  goes 
too  far,  when  asserting  that  women  reckoned  the  years, 
not  by  the  Consuls,^  but  by  their  husbands;  neither 
is  Juvenal  serious  when  he  says  that  they  broke  every 
bond  before  the  green  bough,  set  above  their  door-way  on 
the  wedding-day,  had  withered  away.*  But  it  is  an 
undoubted  fact  that  lasting  unions  were  become  the  ex- 
ceptions. Q.  Lucretius  Vespillo,  Consul  in  the  year 
19  B.  c. ,  might  well  write  on  the  tomb  of  his  wife, 
Turia :  "  It  is  a  rare  thing  to  see  so  long  a  period  of  life 
passed  in  common  and  not  interrupted  by  divorce  before 
being  dissolved  by  death.  Thanks  to  destiny,  our  union 
continued  with  never  a  cause  for  complaint  until  the 

1  Seneca,  De  Bene/,  iii.  16.  M.  Boissier,  indulgent  as  he  is  to  the 
Romans  of  the  Empire,  has  not  hesitated  to  write  these  lines,  which  put 
the  finishing  touches  to  his  portrait  of  their  women  :  "  It  had  been  predicted 
that  on  the  day  when  they  became  the  equals  of  men  they  would  try  to 
rule  them ;  nor  did  the  prophecy  fail  of  fulfilment.  When  they  realized 
they  were  mistresses  of  their  own  persons,  and  sometimes  of  others'  as 
well,  they  waxed  violent,  haughty,  and  unbearable.  They  wielded  their 
domestic  authority  with  pitiless  severity,  tormenting  their  husbands  and 
beating  their  slaves.  Some  among  them,  carrying  their  views  of  equality 
to  extremes,  delighted  in  invading  careers  and  trades  hitherto  reserved 
to  men.  There  were  women  advocates,  lawmakers,  and,  what  is  worse, 
female  athletes  and  gladiators.  '  They  fled  their  sex,'  says  the  satirist  " 
(Boissier,  La  Religion  romaine,  t.  ii.  p.  232). 

2  Duruy,  Histoire  des  Romains,  t.  v.  pp.  348-381. 
^  Seneca,  De  Benejiciis,  iii.  16,  2. 

*  Juvenal,  Satirce,  vi.  223. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   305 

forty-first  year  of  our  marriage.  "  ^  Many  men —  Cicero, 
Ovid,  and  Pliny  the  Younger  among  the  number —  were 
married  three  times.  ^  One  epitaph  mentions  a  seventh 
wife.^  When  Messalina  wedded  Nero,  it  was  the  fiftieth 
honeymoon.^  There  were  good  reasons  why  Augustus 
should  seek  to  limit  the  legal  separations  which  were 
completing  the  ruin  of  family  life.  In  the  face  of  such 
social  wrecks,  how  can  any  one  talk  of  wise  legislation 
and  new  ideas  ameliorating  the  state  of  society  ?  ^  What 
such  investigators  take  for  tokens  of  revival  are  but  the 
feeble  remnants  of  a  dead  past.  Certainly  some  virtues 
remain,  the  fruits  of  a  healthier,  better  season ;  but  it 
is  a  grave  error  to  mistake  them  for  the  heralds  of  a  new 
spring.  Pagan  Eome  was  a  field  drained  of  all  its 
strength ;  if  it  was  ever  to  be  made  fruitful  again,  they 
had  need  of  another  sort  of  dew  from  heaven  than  the 
enactment  of  sterile  laws. 

Public  morals  lie  at  the  base  of  public  life.  If  they 
lose  their  hold  in  the  family,  the  whole  fabric  of  the 
State  is  undermined.  When  frugality,  moderation,  toil, 
and  respect  for  liberty  disappeared,  by  a  fatal  conse- 
quence the  process  of  dissolution,  now  working  among 
the  Romans,  turned  their  minds  to  the  pursuit  of  base 
pleasures  and  selfish  aims.  There  is  here  no  longer  any 
zeal  for  the  common  good, —  not  even  that  ambition,  so 
profitable  to  the  community,  which  impels  its  greater 
citizens  to  strive  after  an  increase  of  fortune  by  exerting 
their  own  industry. 

1  Mommsen,  M^moires  de  I'Academie  de  Berlin,  1863,  p.  455. 

2  Ovid,  Tristia,  iv.  69 ;  Mommsen,  Hermes,  iii.  35. 
^  Henzen,  Bidletin  des  inscriptions,  1865,  p.  252. 

*  Juvenal's  Scholiast,  vi.  433. 

^  "  A  frightful  state  of  depravity,  a  shameless  course  of  cynicism,  had 
destroyed  private  manners.  They  were  no  longer  fathers,  sons,  wives,  but 
mere  human  creatures  oblivious  of  the  most  natural  of  all  duties,  seeking 
pleasure  in  every  description  of  debauchery  and  crime.  Marriage,  becom- 
ing irksome,  was  discarded,  and,  to  escape  its  obligations,  they  lived  in 
celibacy,  or  worse  still,  legalized  their  prostitution  by  an  annual  divorce  " 
(Drury,  Histoire  des  Romains,  t.  iii.  p.  213).  How  could  the  historian  who 
drew  this  gloomy  but  veracious  picture  attempt  to  prove  in  the  same 
work  (t.  V.  ch.  Ix.)  that  "  this  moral  decadence  affected  only  a  small  num- 
ber 1  "  (p.  380.) 

20 


306  SAINT  PETER. 

The  most  active  agency  in  this  decadence  was  slavery, 
which  was  growing  in  proportion  to  their  conquests. 
Every  wealthy  mansion  was  getting  to  be  a  huge  work- 
shop, where  thousands  of  men,  following  every  kind  of 
trade,  furnished  what  the  needs  and  tastes  of  their 
masters  required.^  Vanquished  in  such  an  unequal 
struggle  as  this,  the  Eoman  workman  saw  himself  at 
last  doomed  to  a  wretched  existence.  And  at  the  same 
period,  the  country  places  witnessed  the  gradual  disap- 
pearance of  the  independent  laborer,  —  the  very  seed  and 
stock  of  a  sovereign  people.  Lands  formerly  divided 
into  small  holdings,  fell  finally  into  the  hands  of  a  few 
lords ;  the  cultivated  plains  gave  place  to  the  immense 
pasture-lands  which  still  occupy  the  environs  of  Eome 
and  exhaust  its  resources.  All  that  they  could  no 
longer  procure  from  the  fallow  fields  of  Latium,  they 
must  needs  seek  farther  from  home, —  bread-stuffs  from 
Sicily  and  Africa,  wine  from  the  Isles  of  Greece  or  from 
Spain  and  Gaul. 

The  country  people,  thus  driven  to  the  Capital,  found 
few  means  of  earning  a  livelihood  there ;  for  slave  labor 
crushed  out  all  competition.  "  Laziness  was  their  ruin, 
because  they  possessed  no  ground  of  their  own  in  the 
territories  which  the  rich  had  taken  entire  possession 
of,  and  because  they  could  get  no  work  to  do  on  the 
land  of  any  one  else,  in  the  midst  of  such  great  numbers 
of  slaves. "  ^  One  saying  of  the  Tribune  Philip  (102 
B.  c. )  shows  this  throng  of  wretched  people  in  a  dreadful 
light.  "  In  this  city  there  are  not  more  than  two  thou- 
sand of  the  inhabitants  who  have  private  possessions. "  ^ 
The  rest  —  that  is  to  say,  nearly  a  million  men  ^  —  was 

1  Rich  men  made  it  their  boast  that  they  could  provide  everything  nec- 
essary for  their  own  needs,  and  thus  they  increased  their  wealth  by  selling 
what  was  superfluous,  for  all  the  profits  of  the  household  industry  accrued 
to  themselves. 

2  Appianus,  De  Bdlis  Civilihus,  i.  7. 
^  Cicero,  De  Officiis,  ii.  21. 

*  On  account  of  the  sudden  and  numerous  variations  in  the  population 
of  Rome,  it  is  difficult  to  determine  upon  any  exact  figures.  For  the  reign 
of  Augustus,  the  most  probable  calculations  make  it  1,300,000  (Dezobry, 
Rome  au  siecle  d'Aiiguste,  t.  iii.  p.  533),  or  1,630,000  (Becker,  iii.  2).     In 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS,  307 

made  up  of  serfs  or  proletarians.  Fifty  years  later,  Caesar 
found  that  the  public  registers  contained  the  names  of 
four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  citizens,  of  whom  three 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  were  supported  by  the 
State.  1  Thus  three  quarters  of  the  populace  were  pau- 
pers. The  Dictator  sent  off  eighty  thousand  of  these 
mendicants  to  colonies  across  the  seas,  and  reduced 
the  number  of  those  who  were  paid  out  of  the  treasury 
to  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  But  the  troubles 
which  followed  Caesar's  death  soon  brought  the  number 
up  to  the  former  figure.  All  that  Augustus  could  do, 
towards  the  end  of  his  reign,  was  to  cut  down  the  list  of 
citizens  who  daily  received  their  few  measures  of  wheat 
and  wine, 2  to  two  hundred  thousand.^  To  add  some- 
what to  this  meagre  pittance,  a  few  looked  for  other 
means  of  livelihood  from  their  own  labors ;  but  the  ma- 
jority were  content  to  put  up  with  the  degrading  con- 
ditions of  clientship.  In  the  period  before  us  this  state 
of  life  was  so  common  that  it  behoves  us  to  notice  some 
of  its  features.  By  this  means  we  can  see  how  far  these 
men,  formerly  so  jealous  of  their  rights,  had  forfeited 
their  sense  of  dignity  :  in  the  lower  classes,  among  whom 
Peter  was  to  preach  the  Gospel,  there  remained  hardly 
a  vestige  of  their  finer,  nobler  sentiments.  To  implant 
the  seeds  of  Christianity  among  these  fawning,  slavish 
souls,  he  must  begin  by  cultivating  anew  the  very  first 
principles  of  honor. 

Not  that  the  relationship  of  the  client  to  his  patron 
had  anything  degrading  in  itself.  With  an  aristoc- 
racy so  strongly  constituted,  it  was  only  natural  that 
the  poor  citizen  should  become  attached  to  the  patrician 
who  helped  him,  as  a  "  new  man, "  to  take  a  position  in 
the  army,  among  the    magistrates,   even  in    the  Senate 

the  preceding  century,  the  number  of  inhabitants  never  touched  the  mil- 
lion point. 

1  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  41 ;  Dion,  xliii.  21 ;  Appianus,  De  Bellis  CiviUhus, 
ii.  120. 

2  By  this  is  meant  what  they  called  the  sport ula,  —  from  sporta,  "a 
small  hamper,"  —  which  was  used  for  carrying  daily  provisions. 

3  Dion,  Iv.  10. 


308  SAINT  PETER. 

and  in  the  consular  families.  ^  The  abuse  of  this  advan- 
tageous institution  began  a  century  and  a  half  before 
our  era,  when  the  nobility,  breaking  off  friendly  inter- 
course with  the  people,  looked  down  on  them  as  con- 
temptible creatures,  only  useful  as  a  stepping-stone  to 
power. 

Thereafter  the  wealthy  kept  a  horde  of  clients  about 
them,  not  as  their  protectors,  but  to  gratify  their  thirst 
for  glory.  They  never  walked  out  without  a  numerous 
retinue  of  these  hangers-on,  whose  numbers  served  as  a 
token  of  their  importance.  Little  by  little  this  fashion 
came  to  be  absolutely  obligatory.  Every  politician,  every 
man  of  affairs,  if  he  wished  to  live  up  to  his  state,  must 
take  measures  to  insure  an  imposing  array  of  followers. 
The  growing  multitudes  of  proletarians  made  it  easy  to 
find  recruits ;  for  a  slender  salary  there  was  any  number 
of  needy  men  eager  to  offer  the  homage  demanded  of  them. 
From  early  dawn,  they  were  up  and  on  the  lookout. 
"  Every  night, "  says  Juvenal,  "  so  soon  as  the  stars  be- 
gin to  pale,  the  poor  client  wakes  up  and  hastens  off, 
breathless  at  the  thought  that  perhaps  the  procession  of 
clients  has  already  passed  along  on  its  line  of  march.  "  ^ 
This  morning  visit  was  one  of  his  obligations,  but  it  did 
not  dispense  him  from  any  of  the  day's  drudgery, — 
going  before  his  lord  or  following  his  litter,^  accom- 
panying him  in  his  visits  ^  or  to  the  baths,  clearing 
a  way  for  him  through  the  throngs,^  applauding  his 
speeches,    taking   his   part  with  every  one    and  every- 

1  Such  was  the  admirable  constitution  of  Rome,  about  the  time  of  the 
Punic  wars,  when  the  people  had  won  their  civil  and  political  liberty. 
Then  indeed  they  merited  unreservedly  Bossuet's  high  encomium :  "  Of 
all  nations  on  earth,  the  bravest  and  the  hardiest,  but  at  the  same  time 
animated  by  the  wisest  counsels,  most  constant  to  its  own  loftier  maxims, 
the  most  circumspect,  the  most  laborious,  and  in  fine  the  most  patient,  was 
the  Roman  people.  And  therefore  they  produced  the  finest  militia  of  all 
time,  and  a  political  system  which  was  the  most  foreseeing,  the  finest,  and 
the  most  successfully  carried  out,  that  was  ever  known"  {Discours  sur 
VHistoire  nniverselle,  part  iii.  chap.  vi.). 

2  Juvenal,  Satiroe,  v.  19-22.  Cf.  Martial,  x.  70,  5;  x.  74;  iii.  4;  xii. 
68  ;  Statins,  Silvce,  iv.  9,  48. 

'^  Martial,  ii.  18,  5;  iii.  46.  *  Id.,  ix.  100,  3. 

^  Id.,  iii.  36,  46. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.  309 

where,  ^  sweating  and  out  of  breath  under  his  great 
woollen  toga,  without  which  no  one  was  allowed  to  ap- 
pear before  his  patron.  ^ 

And  it  was  for  a  petty  price,  ten  sesterces,^  that  the 
freemen  of  Eome  lowered  themselves  to  such  servitude. 
From  time  to  time,  it  is  true,  they  might  come  into  a 
small  windfall,  in  the  shape  of  a  cast-off  garment  or  an 
invitation  to  supper;*  but  in  return  for  such  favors 
what  humiliations  were  to  be  endured, —  the  contempt 
of  the  master  of  the  house,  and  the  impertinence  of  the 
slaves,  even  more  insolent  in  their  scorn !  Juvenal  and 
all  his  contemporaries  tell  us  that  the  client  never  ap- 
proached his  patron  without  bowing  again  and  again, 
kissing  his  hand,  calling  him  lord  and  king,  and  beg- 
ging the  honor  of  a  word  or  a  glance.^  At  table,  the 
meats,  wine,  service,  everything,  in  fact,  is  intended  to 
show  the  great  difference  between  the  rich  man,  reclin- 
ing on  the  couch  of  honor,  and  the  parasite  with  his 
much  torn  and  mended  toga  relegated  to  the  farther 
end.  ^  On  his  plate  you  find  "  mouldy  bread,  hard 
enough  to  cut  the  gums  from  one's  teeth, ^  some  ill-looking 
cabbage  soaked  in  lamp-oil,^  a  sup  of  wine  in  a  cracked 
glass,  and  such  wine!  .  .  .  your  toga  wouldn't  absorb 
it  if  used  to  take  out  grease-spots. "  ^  .  .  .  Then  the 
forced  smile  at  the  sarcastic  jibes  of  the  footmen  or  the 
amphitryon ;  while  at  the  least  murmur  they  are  shown 
the  door.  ^^  In  his  picture  Juvenal  undoubtedly  carica- 
tures some  features ;  but  no  one  will  object  to  his  indig- 
nant conclusion  on  the  score  of  excess  :  "  The  master  is 


1  Martial,  vi.  48;  x.  10;  xi.  21;  Quintilian,  xi.  3,  131;  Pliny  the 
younger,  ii.  14,  4;  Juvenal,  xiii.  29-31 ;  Seneca,  De  Ira,  iii.  8,  6, 

2  Martial,  ix.  100;  xi.  96,  11 ;  "Sudatrix  toga,"  xii.  18,  5. 

3  About  40  cents  a  day.     Martial,  iv.  26 ;  vi.  88. 

*  Juvenal,  Satirce,  v.  12-18;  ix.  159;  Martial,  x.  11,  6. 

5  Martial,  v.  22;  i.  133;  vi.  88;  ii.  68;  ix.  92;  Seneca,  De  Benejiciis, 
vi.  34,  1;  Ad  Serenum,  14,  1;  De  Brevit.  Vitce,  14,  4;  Juvenal,  iii.  184- 
189;  Petronius,  Satyricon,  44. 

6  Martial,  iii.  60;  iv.  85;  i.  20;  vi.  11;  x.  49;  Suetonius,  CcBsar.  48. 

7  Juvenal,  v.  67-69. 

8  Id.,  V.  87,  88. 

»  Juvenal,  v.  24,  25.  lO  Id.,  v.  125,  127. 


310  SAINT  PETER. 

quite  right  in  lavishing  his  abuse  on  you.      The  man 
who  endures  all  this,  deserves  it. "  ^ 

In  this  degraded  proletarian  the  thirst  for  money  was 
stronger  than  ever.  There  was  no  career  he  would  not 
take  up  or  invent,  if  need  be,  to  get  gold.  Eome,  under 
the  Empire,  had  seen  the  rise  of  a  new  profession,  which 
we  have  referred  to  above,  one  never  known  in  any  other 
age, —  the  pursuit  of  legacy  hunters.  A  whole  class  of  in- 
triguers was  devoted  to  this  career  :  getting  into  the  good 
graces  of  some  testator,  inveigling  him  into  making  a 
will  in  their  favor,  then  waiting  for  his  death,  or,  if  ne- 
cessary, hastening  it.  Celibacy  and  divorce  opened  a 
vast  field  for  their  manoeuvres ;  the  stories  told  of  them 
by  contemporaries  would  seem  fabulous,  were  it  not  that 
they  all  agree  in  describing  this  strange  business  as  the 
most  popular  industry  of  their  times.  *^  The  rich  man 
without  children  found  himself  assailed  by  flatterers, 
overwhelmed  by  officious  services,  favors,  presents.  His 
works  were  applauded  and  praised  extravagantly  every- 
where. If  ill-luck  befell  him,  they  emptied  their  purses 
to  make  good  his  losses.^  Invited  on  every  hand,  ca- 
ressed by  the  great,  gratuitously  assisted  by  orators  of 
renown,^  he  enjoyed  such  advantages  that  "  very  many 
fathers  disowned  their  children  and,  of  set  purpose, 
joined  the  happy  lot  of  people  without  posterity. "  ^ 

1  Juvenal,  v.  160-170. 

2  Pliny,  Historia  NaturaUs,  xiv.  5. 

3  Martial,  iv.  56 ;  v.  39  ;  vi.  27  ;  ix.  48 ;  xi.  83  ;  xii.  90;  Horace,  Satirce, 
1.  11.  V.  12;  Epist.  1.  I.  78;  Ovid,  Ars  Amat.,  ii.  271,  319;  Pliny  the 
younger,  ii.  20;  Juvenal,  iii.  221 ;  iv.  18;  vi.  38-40,  97;  xii.  98,  etc. 

4  Plutarch,  De  Amore  Prolis,  iv. 

^  Seneca,  Ad  Marciam,  19,  2.  This  reversal  of  the  laws  of  Nature  was 
not  peculiar  to  Rome  alone.  Petronius,  living  at  the  other  end  of  Italy, 
witnesses  the  same  deviation  from  right  conduct.  "  Literary  culture  is  not 
v/hat  is  held  in  highest  esteem  at  Crotona :  eloquence  is  out  of  place ; 
neither  uprightness  nor  purity  of  conduct  prosper.  Here  all  men  that  one 
sees  are  divided  into  two  parties,  —  the  courted  and  their  courtiers.  No 
one  acknowledges  his  own  children,  for  if  a  man  has  natural  heirs  he  is 
not  invited  either  to  festivals  or  other  rejoicings ;  excluded  from  all  social 
privileges,  he  must  fain  resign  himself  to  be  confounded  with  the  lower 
classes.  On  the  contrary,  those  who  have  never  had  a  wife  or  any  near 
relatives  rise  to  the  highest  honors ;  they  alone  have  military  ability ;  only 
they  are  brave  and  innocent  in  the  judges'  eyes.     This  town  is  like  a  field 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   311 

It  would  be  hard  to  imagine  a  lower  state  of  deca- 
dence in  public  morals, —  the  money  power  in  the  hands 
of  corrupt  millionnaires ;  grouped  about  them  a  half- 
starved  population,  at  once  avaricious  and  slavish ;  all 
sunk  to  the  same  low  level,  effeminate  in  character,  with 
no  strength  to  strive  after  something  better,  seeking 
only  to  gratify  their  base  passions.  Other  ages  may 
seem  to  be  as  prone  to  vice,  but  there  was  never  any 
so  oblivious  of  virtue.^  In  the  days  of  its  splendor 
Athens  could  still  give  the  people  great  lessons  in 
living,  ^schylus,  Sophocles,  Menander,  and  Demos- 
thenes spoke  to  them  in  noble  language,  and  re-invigo- 
rated their  hearts.  But  Rome  no  longer  spoke  in  the 
voice  of  the  Forum ;  her  amphitheatres  were  scenes  of 
butchery  and  blood  ;  impure  spectacles  degraded  the  stage  ; 
and  the  populace  was  as  covetous  as  it  was  corrupt. 

As  some  excuse  for  this  epoch,  it  is  pleaded  that  the 
Capital  was  not  the  whole  Empire,  and  that,  away  from 
its  influence,  there  were  still  great  virtues  to  be  found. 
Indeed,  Tacitus  and  Pliny  assert  that  the  distant  lands 
offered  an  example  of  stern  morality.  The  deputies 
from  these  countries  blushed  at  the  sight  of  wickedness 
unknown  am.ong  them.  ^  Yet  for  the  few  regions  un- 
touched by  the  pestilence,  how  many  provinces  appear 
to  have  been  infected  equally  with  Home !  Greece  was 
destroyed  by  the  same  plague-spots.  "  In  our  towns, " 
Polybius  said,  "  by  reason  of  debauchery  or  idleness, 
men  avoid  marriage,  and  if  children  be  born  to  them, 
they  keep  only  one  or  two.  .  .  .  Thus  are  our  cities 
perishing.  "  ^  In  the  time  of  Plutarch  the  land  which 
once  sent  forth  the  armies  of  a  Themistocles,  an  Epami- 
nondas,  and  an  Alexander,  could  no  longer  put  three 
thousand  soldiers  in  the  field.*     In  Southern  Italy  there 

devastated  by  the  plague,  where  the  passer-by  beholds  nought  but  corrupt 
carrion  and  birds  of  prey  devouring  them"  (Petronius,  Sati/ricon,  cxvi.). 

1  "  At  Rome,  every  sort  of  vice  flaunted  itself  with  a  revolting  cynicism ; 
the  public  shows,  more  than  aught  else,  had  introduced  a  terriJble  state  of 
corruption"  (Renan,  Les  Apotres,  317). 

2  Tacitus,  Annales,  xvi.  5;  iii.  55  ;  Pliny  the  younger,  passim. 

^  Polybius,  xxxvii.  7.  *  Plutarch,  De  Defectu  Oraculorum,  8. 


312  SAINT  PETER. 

was  the  same  dearth  of  men  and  virtues.  ^  Pompeii  and 
Herculaneum  give  us  an  idea  of  the  conduct  of  life  in 
the  smaller  places.  Egypt  was  considered  one  of  the 
most  dissolute  regions  in  the  whole  world ;  and  Eome 
accused  the  East  of  having  infected  her  with  its 
maladies.  ^ 

The  provinces  recently  conquered  were  the  only  ones 
less  aflected ;  but  corruption  found  its  way  thither 
with  the  advent  of  the  legionaries.  Tacitus  holds  that 
their  depraving  influence  was  more  efficacious  than  their 
weapons  in  overcoming  the  vanquished  and  keeping 
them  under  the  yoke.^  Every  town  where  the  Eomans 
got  a  foothold,  whether  as  soldiers,  tax-gatherers,  or 
government  officials,  soon  became  a  nursery  of  vice,  a 
school  of  debauchery  and  cruelty.  The  first  thought  of 
the  conquerors  was  to  rebuild  their  new  surroundings  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Capital,  constructing  a  host  of  pleas- 
ure-resorts, baths,  circuses,  and  theatres.  The  ruins  of 
these  edifices  are  scattered  over  the  world,  from  the  Far 
East  to  Seville,  and  from  Great  Britain  to  the  oases  of 
Sahara.^  In  all  these  places  the  gladiators  shed  their 
blood,  and  horrible  scenes  of  cruelty  or  shame  little  by 
little  destroyed  every  sentiment  of  pity  and  modesty. 

Looking  at  this  summary  of  the  state  of  the  Empire, 
we  note  this  threefold  division  at  the  date  of  the  advent 
of  Christianity  :  first,  a  few  countries  that  had  as  yet 
escaped  the  contagion  of  vice ;  then  the  majority  of  the 
provinces,  and  these  the  loveliest  of  all,  for  many  a  day 
perverted  and  depraved;  while,  finally,  Eome  herself 
stands  forth  as  the  prey  of  a  corruption  which  no  sophis- 
try can  possibly  cover  or  conceal.      Granted  that  dis- 

1  Juvenal,  Sat.  vi.  294-297.  All  Italy,  according  to  Columella's  account, 
was  so  drained  of  its  masculine  forces  that  the  native  youth  seemed  at  its 
last  breath.  "  Sic  juvenum  corpora  fluxa  et  resoluta  sunt,  ut  nihil  mors 
mutatura  videatur  "  {De  Re  Rustica,  Prcefat.). 

2  Juvenal,  iii.  61-63. 

3  "  .  .  .  Voluptatibus,  quibus  Romani,  plus  adversus  subjectos,  quam 
armis,  valent "  (Tacitus,  Historice,  iv.  64). 

*  See  the  list  drawn  up  by  Friedlaender,  Mc<?wrs  romaines,  1.  vi.:  Les 
Spectacles. 


CONDUCT  OF  LIFE  IN  TIME   OF  AUGUSTUS.   313 

orders  which  are  common  in  times  of  prosperity  ought 
not  to  be  considered  more  criminal  in  her  case ;  let  us 
close  our  eyes  to  the  excesses  in  luxury  and  the  orgies 
at  their  banquetings  ;  find  some  excuse  for  the  slaughters 
of  the  circus  by  remembering  that  the  victims  were 
really  prisoners  of  war  and  already  condemned  to  death ; 
let  us  go  farther,  if  you  will,  and  regard  these  ferocious 
sports  as  a  spectacle  of  courage  and  noble  virtue,  ^  — 
even  then  you  will  not  have  effaced  the  features  on 
which  we  have  cast  the  light  of  history,  and  which 
give  us  the  standard  of  their  conduct  of  life, —  men 
renouncing  fatherhood  to  devote  themselves  to  base 
pleasures ;  women  devoid  of  moral  ideas  and  childless, 
marriage  become  by  means  of  divorce  no  better  than 
legalized  prostitution ;  these  disorders,  enervating  and 
degrading  the  wealthy,  and  from  them  reaching  the 
multitude  of  proletarians,  a  servile  horde,  listless  and 
lazy,  whose  only  cry  is  "  Give  us  bread  and  sport'  "2' 
Far  from  being  the  crime  of  a  small  fraction,  this  deadly 
depravity  rules  society,  laughs  at  every  reform,  sweeps 
away  all  attempts  at  resistance.  To  deny  this,  a  man 
would  have  to  confute,  not  only  the  writings  of  moral- 
ists, but  the  laws  of  the  epoch  as  well,  the  evidence  of 
their  monuments,  their  inscriptions,  and  their  history. 

The  meed  of  praise  still  due  this  age,  which  prevents 
us  from  condemning  it  unreservedly,  is  won,  then,  by 

1  Pliny  the  Younger  alleges  this  reason  why  Trajan  should  be  praised 
for  affording  the  crowd  such  cruel  diversions  :  "  This  then  is  no  effeminate 
spectacle,  merely  good  to  soften  and  soothe  men's  souls,  rather  it  enflames 
their  courage  by  a  line  contempt  of  glorious  wounds  and  death  itself ,  it 
shows  mankind  that  the  love  of  glory  and  the  desire  to  conquer  may  lodge 
even  in  the  bodies  of  slaves  and  criminals  "  {Panegyricus,  33).  Tacitus  is 
less  refined  in  his  handling  of  the  subject,  and  the  "only  excuse  he  gives  is 
that  after  all  "  it  is  only  the  shedding  of  venal  blood  "  {Annates,  i.  76).  Of 
all  the  writers  of  ancient  times,  Seneca  alone,  in  one  of  his  latest  works, 
rose  up  to  condemn  the  atrocity  of  this  custom.     Episf.  ad  Lucil,  vii. 

2  "  In  fine,  the  middle  of  the  first  century  is  one  of  the  worst  epochs  of 
ancient  history.  Greek  and  Roman  society  shows  a  state  of  decadence  as 
cornpared  with  that  of  the  preceding  century  and  is  far  behind  the  one 
which  was  to  follow  "  (Renan,  Les  Apotres,  p.  343),  This  is  the  very  same 
conclusion  advanced  by  Christian  scholars.  M.  Renan  is  too  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  period  in  question  not  to  own  frankly  that  it  stood  in 
need  of  regeneration. 


314  SAINT  PETER. 

the  virtues  of  a  few  patrician  families,  noble  charac- 
ters, whom  Tacitus  has  made  immortal, —  Cremutius 
Cordus,  Thraseas,  Helvidius  Priscus,  Musonius  Eufus. 
In  respect  to  them  we  can  do  no  more  than  repeat  what 
we  have  said  of  the  matrons  of  the  Empire.  By  perse- 
cuting the  highest  ranks,  the  Cifisars  restored  to  them 
something  of  their  innate  nobility  of  soul.  Hunted 
down,  and  never  sure  of  what  the  morrow  would  bring 
with  it,  these  men  grew  more  like  their  forefathers  in 
spirit;  but  one  thought  animated  them, —  how  best  to 
steel  their  souls  against  suffering,  and  meet  death  face 
to  face.  The  examples  of  bravery  they  have  given  us 
are  admirable  indeed,  shining  out  with  all  the  more 
brilliancy  because  of  the  surrounding  gloom.  But  the 
list  of  these  lofty  souls  is  easily  reckoned,  and  we  can- 
not judge  a  whole  people  by  a  few  exceptions  to  the 
general  rule. 

The  philosophy  which  sustained  such  courage  within 
them  was  the  austere  morality  of  Zeno.  Poets,  law- 
makers, politicians,  lived  on  his  doctrine.  Seeing  the 
virtues  with  which  it  inspired  men,  one  is  tempted  to 
believe  that  no  cause  could  have  been  more  active  in 
seconding  the  spread  of  the  Gospel ;  yet,  in  reality, 
Simon  Peter  found  very  little  help  from  that  source. 
This  opinion,  hitherto  accepted  by  all  writers,  is  nowa- 
days rejected  with  great  scorn.  The  new  schools,  setting 
up  Seneca  and  Saint  Paul  side  by  side,  boldly  declare 
that  though  the  restoration  of  the  world  is  partly  due 
to  Christianity,  the  principal  honor  is  rightfully  claimed 
by  Stoicism.  The  discussion  is  of  lively  interest,  since 
our  Faith  is  here  at  stake.  To  state  the  question  more 
frankly,  we  shall  begin  by  contrasting  the  great  deeds 
and  highest  conceptions  of  the  Stoics  with  the  preaching 
of  the  Apostles :  the  facts  must  speak  for  themselves. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE   STOICS   OF   THE   EMPIRE. 

To  many  Christians  of  our  day  the  reading  of  the  works 
of  the  Stoics  of  the  Roman  Empire  is  fraught  with  consid- 
erable difficulty.  As  they  are  very  little  accustomed  to 
distinguishing  the  dogmas  of  Revelation  from  the  truths 
made  known  by  man's  reason,  they  are  astonished  at 
finding  Pagans  expressing  themselves  on  many  subjects 
in  much  the  same  terms  as  those  of  our  Holy  Books. 
Indeed,  Seneca  preaches,  with  no  less  force  than  Saint 
Paul,  on  the  contempt  of  riches  and  the  consolations  of 
poverty  ^  and  suffering.  ^  To  the  mind  of  the  Philoso- 
pher, as  to  the  Apostle's,  life  appears  as  a  time  of  trial, 
a  warfare,^  the  body  a  prison,^  and  death  a  deliverance.^ 
Both  urge  the  same  obligations  as  binding  the  wise 
man.  He  must  shun  the  world  and  its  pleasures,  mor- 
tify the  flesh,  ^  heal  the  evil  which  lurks  in  his  soul;^ 
and  to  that  end  he  must  live  in  himself,  examine  his 
conscience  nightly,^  purify  his  heart,  and  thus  rise  in 
higher,  freer  flight  towards  Heaven.^  Both  alike  have 
uttered  admirable  words  in  praise  of  charity.  "  The 
unfortunate  man  is  a  sacred  object, "  ^^  says  Seneca;  "  his 
misery  protects  him  as  do  the  sacred  fillets  which  the 
suppliants  wear.  ^^  Is  it  needful  to  repeat  for  the  last 
time  that  we  must  lend  a  hand  to  the  shipwrecked  man, 

i  Seneca,  Epist.  xxxi.,  Ixxxii.,  Ixxxiii.,  cviii.,  cxviii. ;  De  Vita  Beata, 
xxiv.,  XXV, 

2  Id.,  Epist.  xcix.  3  i^^^  jid  Marciam,  x. 

*  Id.,  Ad  Helviam,  xi.  ^  Id. 

^  Id.,  Epist.  Ixxxix. 

'  Id.  Epist.  Ixv.,  Ixxiv.,  xcii.,  ciii.,  cxxii. ;  Ad  Marciam,  xxiv. 
8  Id.,  De  Ira,  iii.  36.  f  Id.,  Ad  Polyb.  xxviii. 

i*^  Id.,  Epigrammata,  iv  9.  ii  Id.,  Ad  Helviam,  xiii. 


316  SAINT  PETER. 

direct  the  strayed  wanderer  on  his  way,  and  share  our 
bread  with  the  hungry  ?  Why  should  we  use  so  many 
words  when  one  sentence  is  enough  to  teach  us  our 
whole  duty.  We  are  members  of  the  one  same  body, 
members  of  God.  "  ^  Even  purer  of  all  earthly  alloy, 
more  Christian,  too,  to  all  outward  seeming,  is  the 
Manual  of  Epictetus.  Saint  Nilus  had  only  to  change 
a  few  words  here  and  there  when  he  made  it  the  rule 
of  life  for  the  monks  of  Sinai. 

Whence  came  this  community  of  feeling,  which  often 
goes  so  far  as  to  employ  the  same  terms  ?  The  Middle 
Ages  answer  without  hesitation  that  the  Stoics  had 
listened  to  the  Apostles  of  the  Christ,  and  that  they 
reproduced  their  teachings.  Seneca,  in  particular,  was 
for  a  long  time  regarded  as  a  disciple  of  Saint  Paul.  In 
support  of  this  idea  they  produced  certain  letters  ex- 
changed between  the  Philosopher  and  the  Apostle, — 
letters  which  Saint  Jerome  saw  in  many  hands  during 
his  life,  and  to  which  he  too  lent  some  authority  by  not 
rejecting  them  with  sufficient  resolution.  ^  Tertullian 
contents  himself  with  saying  "  Seneca  is  often  one  of 
us, "  ^ — thus  recognizing  the  fact  that  the  moral  doc- 
trines of  the  Philosopher  have  much  that  is  in  conform- 
ity with  our  Faith.  And  this  is  all  that  it  is  possible 
to  grant ;  for  in  reality  the  Stoics  are  only  an  echo  of 
ancient  philosophy.  They  do  but  repeat,  with  less  of 
majesty  and  eloquence,  what  the  great  Schools  of  Greece 
had  taught  long  before. 

The  Pagans,  in  fact,  did  not  have  to  await  the  coming 
of  Seneca  and  Marcus  Aurelius  to  give  utterance  to  their 
conceptions  of  a  Supreme  Being,  man's  duty,  virtue, 
and  other  ideas  as  lofty  as  they  are  clear  and  precise. 
Saint  Paul  acknowledges  that  they  knew  all  that  reason 
could  discover  of  God, —  "  His  invisible  perfections,  His 
eternal  power,  and  His  Divinity, "  ^  —  together  with  "  the 

1  Seneca,  Epist.  xcv.  ^  g  Jerome,  De  Viris  lUustribus,  xii. 

'"'  "Seneca  ssepe  noster  "  {De  Anima,  xx.).     In  his  Apologetica,  Tertul- 
lian ranks  Seneca  as  one  of  the  Pagans  (Apolog.  150). 
4  Rom.  i.  19,  20. 


THE  STOICS  OF   THE  EMPIRE.  317 

moral  law  written  in  their  hearts ;  "  ^  and  he  declares 
that  they  are  inexcusable,  because,  having  known  the 
Lord,  they  have  not  glorified  Him,  but  have  gone  astray 
in  their  vain  reasonings.  ^  The  East,  especially,  from 
far  distant  ages,  had  beheld  the  radiance  of  "  that  true 
light,  which  enlighteneth  every  man  that  cometh  into 
this  world.  "  ^  The  sacred  books  of  India  and  Persia 
and  the  writings  of  Egypt  are  open  to  every  one  to-day. 
Whoever  reads  them  may  well  stand  amazed  at  the 
morality  which  they  teach.  Eome,  doubtless,  seldom 
went  so  far  afield  in  search  of  new  light;  but  Greece 
was  near  at  hand,  with  a  host  of  philosophers  ever  on 
the  lookout  to  surprise  the  secrets  of  true  wisdom, — 
Greece,  who,  ever  since  the  days  of  Thales  and  the 
Schools  of  Ionia,  never  ceased  in  her  bold  attempts  to 
scrutinize  the  Mystery  of  the  Infinite.  About  the  year 
150  B.  c. ,  when  this  marvellous  effort  of  man's  mind 
came  to  an  end,  they  had  exhausted  (so  to  say)  every 
resource  of  human  genius,  during  a  period  of  five  cen- 
turies ;  lonians,  Pythagoreans,  Eleatics,  with  Plato  and 
Aristotle,  had  done  their  best  to  lift  the  veil.  Though 
each  one  saw  truth  only  in  part,  yet  the  heights  which 
they  reached  had  never  been  climbed  before ;  never  be- 
fore had  mortal  glance  pierced  so  far  above  the  clouds. 
So,  then,  if  we  group  together  these  scattered  rays 
which  they  caught,  we  shall  have  some  idea  of  the 
highest  that  has  been  thought  and  said  outside  the 
pale    of   Christianity. 

The  Eomans,  though  the  heirs  of  this  learning,  were 
little  adapted  to  appreciate  it ;  men  of  action,  war,  and 
government,  they  did  not  look  for  sublime  thoughts, 
but  for  a  discipline  fitted  to  regulate  human  conduct 
and  the  present  life.  The  last  masters  whom  Greece 
produced  —  Epicurus  and  Zeno  —  offered  them  what 
they  desired.  Very  different  from  Aristotle  and  Plato, 
who    left    only  a   radiant    track    in    their   path,^   these 

1  Rom.  ii.  14,  15.  2  Rom.  i.  21  3  John  j,  9. 

*  "  All  of  Platonism  is  iu  Plato  himself,  who  left  no  successor.  The 
downward  course  of  degeneration  was  a  rapid  one  from  the  master  to 


318  SAINT  PETER. 

two  sages  had  founded  veritable  sects,  which  made 
their  way  from  Greece  into  the  Eoman  world,  and  there 
divided  the  empire  over  men's  minds.  The  philosophy 
of  Zeno,  which  was  Stoicism,  held  the  mastery  over 
sterner  natures,  craving  the  exercise  of  strife.  Epicu- 
rism found  favor  with  softer  and  less  decided  charac- 
ters,—  poets  and  artists,  who  felt  the  charm  of  Greece, 
and,  like  her,  were  content  with  a  state  of  peaceful 
serenity. 

The  age  of  Augustus  wavered  between  these  two  doc- 
trines ;  the  age  that  followed,  inclined  to  the  first. 
Indeed,  times  were  become  very  hard  for  any  one  who 
could  not  reconcile  himself  to  the  extremes  of  servitude 
or  pleasure-seeking.  Honest  men  led  a  precarious  exist- 
ence ;  finding  their  life  so  menaced,  they  took  refuge  in 
the  school  which  taught  them  to  be  calm  and  disdain 
death.  Furthermore,  Stoicism  was  more  in  harmony  with 
the  Eoman  genius,  for  this  people,  despite  its  incompar- 
able vigor  of  spirit,  was  of  a  mediocre  cast  of  mind  ;  what 
pleased  them  most  in  the  discourses  of  the  Porch,  was 
the  absence  of  any  profound  speculations ;  it  was,  in- 
deed, a  summary  of  practical  rules, —  virtue  shown  to 
consist  in  justice,  courage,  temperance,  but  also  in 
haughtiness  and  pride  of  life.  They  came  forth  thence 
insensible  to  any  blows  of  misfortune,  coldly  resigned 
to  whatsoever  might  come,  drawing  from  this  high- 
souled  energy  a  great  scorn  for  suffering :  what  more 
could  be  desired  by  a  race  of  lawgivers  and  soldiers  ? 

Although  propounded  for  the  first  time  in  Athens, ^ 
this  severe  moral  system  borrowed  nothing  from  the 
Greeks.  Zeno,  who  was  its  author,  came  of  a  Semitic 
race.  Born  at  Citium,  a  colony  founded  in  the  isle  of 
Cyprus  by  merchants  from  Tyre,  he  seems  to  have  re- 

Speusippus  and  Xenocrates,  aud  from  them  to  Polemon  and  Crautor.  .  .  . 
Peripateticism  died  with  Aristotle  and  Theophrastus.  Straton,  Lacon, 
Lacides,  and  Hieronymus  are  not  so  much  disciples  as  deserters  "  (Denys, 
Histoire  des  fheories'^et  des  fdees  morales  dans  Vantiqmte,  t.  i.  p.  385). 

1  Zeno  did  not  go  to  Athens  until  he  was  twenty-two  years  old,  accord- 
ing to  some  (Diogenes  Laertius,  28),  thirty  according  to  others  (Id.,  2), 
but  he  remained  there  the  rest  of  his  life. 


THE  STOICS   OF   THE  EMPIRE.  319 

tained  many  traits  of  his  origin ;  indeed,  he  was  called 
"  the  Phoenician.  "  ^  His  most  illustrious  disciples  came 
from  Babylon,  Sidon,  or  Carthage,  ^  and  the  masters 
whom  the  Porch  sent  to  Rome  belonged  to  Rhodes  or  to 
Tarsus  in  Cilicia.^  Thus  the  East,  more  than  Greece, 
has  left  its  mark  upon  the  teachings  of  Stoicism.  This 
accounts  for  many  peculiarities  in  that  doctrine,  —  the 
Pantheism  on  which  it  is  founded,  the  Divine  Force, 
which  encompasses  and  permeates  the  world,  investing 
itself  under  every  known  form ;  ^  Nature,  co-equal  with 
God,^  and  finding  its  perfection  in  man;  truth,  a  work 
of  intuition  rather  than  of  induction  ;^  the  religious  sen- 
timent going  hand  in  hand  with  materialism ;  mortifica- 
tion of  the  flesh  joined  with  a  licentious  conduct  of  life. 
A  state  of  perfect  impassibility,^  that  sovereign  virtue 
of  Stoicism,  always  has  been  the  dream  of  the  East.  To 
attain  it,  any  means  is  lawful,  every  act  allowable. 
Under  color  of  following  the  promptings  of  Nature,^  the 
teachers  of  the  Porch  authorize  even  those  excesses 
which  they  reprove.  Zeno  himself  indulged  in  the 
most  shameful  licentiousness ;  Chrysippus  lauded  the 
immodesty  of  Diogenes.^ 

Such  was   the  school  of  thinkers  which  formed  the 

1  Diogenes  Laertius,  ii.  120;  vii.  1,  25;  Cicero,  De  Finibus,  iv.  20. 

2  Zeno's  foremost  disciples  were  Atheuodorus  of  Soli,  Ariston  of  Chio, 
Herillus  of  Carthage,  and  Cleanthes  of  Assos ;  these  had  successors  not 
less  renowned,  —  Chrysippus  of  Soli,  Zeno  of  Tarsus,  ])iogenes  of  Baby- 
lon, Antipater  of  Sidon,  Panjetius  of  Rhodes,  and  Tosidonius  of  Apamea 
in  Syria. 

3  The  most  famous  Schools  of  Stoicism  were  as  follows  :  Rhodes,  where 
Fosidonius  and  Jason  taught ;  Tarsus,  which  boasted  of  several  celebrated 
masters  who  became  preceptors  in  the  imperial  family ;  Apollonia,  Perga- 
mos,  and  Alexandria. 

•i  Diogenes  Laertius,  vii.  137,  148,  156;  Plutarch,  Z)e  Placitis  Philoso- 
phorum,  i.  6,  7  ;  Cicero,  De  Natura  Deorum,  ii.  11. 

^  Cicero,  De  Natura  Deorum,  ii.  15;  Academica,,n.  37;  Plutarch,  De 
Repugnantiis  Stoicis,  xxxiv.-xl. 

®  Diogenes  Laertius,  vii.  51,  53,  54,  etc. 

7  Stobaeus,  Ecloc/arnm,  ii.  116,  122;  Diogenes  Laertius,  vii.  116;  Cicero, 
Academica,  i.  10;  ii,  44,  etc. 

®  'OfioKoyovixevoos  tt)  cpixrci  ^riv.     Diogenes  Laertius,  vii.  87,  89. 

9  Stobgeus,  Edogaram,  ii.  118,  230,  238;  Plutarch,  De  RepiKjnantiis 
Stoicis,  22;  Sextus  Empiricus,  Contra  Mathematicos,  xi.  193;  Diogenes 
Laertius,  vii.  188. 


320  SAINT  PETER. 

wise  men  of  the  Empire.  The  latter  did  not  adopt  their 
teachings  blindly  ;  they  first  purified  the  foreign  doctrine, 
and  then  enriched  it  with  matter  borrowed  from  other  Phi- 
losophies ;  for  Eome,  though  she  invented  so  little,  will- 
ingly accepted  from  the  work  of  others  whatever  suited 
her  character.  By  such  fortunate  changes  she  gave  to 
Koman  Stoicism  that  high  tone  of  ideas  and  feelings  which 
we  find  in  the  writings  of  Seneca  and  Epictetus.  Does 
their  doctrine,  thus  rehabilitated,  deserve  the  praises 
showered  on  it  in  our  day  ?  Does  it  prove  a  decided 
progress  in  man's  reason,  conducting  humanity  into  new 
and  higher  paths  ?  In  the  approaching  restoration  of 
good  morals  did  it  have  an  influence  equal  to  that  of 
Christianity  ?  Eelying  on  detached  texts,  men  aj^peal 
to  sentences  of  the  Stoics  which  are  easily  given  a 
Christian  character.  But  if  we  read  them  in  the  origi- 
nal works,  giving  them  the  sense  demanded  by  the  con- 
text, we  shall  stand  in  amazement  at  the  change  of 
tenor.  Eeading  them  thus,  Seneca  and  Epictetus  appear 
as  they  really  are, —  inferior  to  their  teachers,  corrupt- 
ing, nay,  actually  neglecting  the  splendid  legacy  left 
them  by  their  masters.  Whichever  portion  of  their 
work  we  happen  to  take  up,  we  find  this  decadence 
manifest  and  undeniable. 

To  arrive  at  some  knowledge  of  God  they  had  only  to 
listen  to  the  voice  of  Greece;  there  the  Poets  and 
Philosophers  had  spoken  of  the  Sovereign  Being  in  lan- 
guage so  perfect  that  our  own  theologians  have  thought 
they  could  not  do  better  than  appropriate  them.  "  He 
Who  giveth  commands  to  gods  and  men  is  One, "  says 
Xenophanes  of  Colophon.  "  He  hath  no  body  like  mor- 
tals, neither  hath  He  a  spirit  like  unto  theirs. "  ^ 
Thus  the  Supreme  Good  is  described  in  the  Hymn  of 
Cleanthes :  "  That  which  is  ordered,  righteous,  holy, 
pious,    master  of  itself. "  ^      His  endless  duration  was 

1  Xenophanes,  quoted  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Stromata,  v.  14 : 
Patrologie  cjrecque,  t.  ix.  p.  165). 

2  Cleanthes,  quoted  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Stromata,  v.  14 ;  Pa- 
trologie grecque,  t.  ix.  p.  168). 


THE  STOICS   OF  THE  EMPIRE.  321 

known  to  them.  "  He  hath  had  no  beginning, "  says 
Parmenides,  "  He  will  have  no  end ;  He  is  one,  unbe- 
gotten,  universal,  immutable.  "  ^  "  The  past  and  the 
future, "  Plato  adds,  "  are  the  fleeting  forms  of  time, 
which  we  do  ill  to  attribute  to  the  Eternal  Substance. 
That  is, —  which  is  all  we  can  say  of  it  with  truth. "  ^ 
When  the  Eternal  revealed  His  ineffable  Name  to  Moses, 
it  was  no  more  than  this,   "  I  am  Who  am. "  ^ 

Not  less  profound  was  the  teaching  of  these  sages  con- 
cerning Providence.  For  them  as  for  us,  "  God  seeth  all 
things  at  all  times,  heareth  everything,  is  present  every- 
where, watches  over  all  alike. "  ^  "  He  knoweth  the 
most  trifling  events  and  is  concerned  therefor,  .  .  .  nor 
do  these  cares  degrade  His  Majesty.  "  ^  Nothing  es- 
capes His  glance,  not  even  our  most  secret  thoughts. 
"  Oh,  thou  young  man  who  fanciest  that  the  gods  pay 
no  heed  to  thee,  know  that  neither  thou  nor  any  one 
will  escape  their  justice.  Vainly  wilt  thou  try  to  hide 
thy  littleness  in  the  depths  of  the  earth,  or  on  swift 
pinions  soar  into  the  far-off  skies ;  always  thou  must 
needs  satisfy  the  Divine  Justice.  "  ^  This  God,  this  just 
Judge,  is  at  the  same  time  "  Father  of  men.  "  The  songs 
of  Homer  and  the  Hymn  of  Cleanthes  invoke  Him  by 
that  title, '^  and  Eome  herself,  from  her  earliest  years,  wor- 
shipped a  Jupiter  who  was  at  once  "  Best  and  Greatest. " 

Instead  of  building  upon  this  glorious  heritage,  the 
Stoics  of  the  Empire  concocted  a  coarse  system  of  theol- 
ogy. Their  God  is  Nature,  the  soul  of  the  world  dis- 
tributed among  created  beings,  not  even  a  pure  spirit, 
but  a  fiery  substance,  —  the  ether  according  to  Zeno,  or 
according  to  Cleanthes  the  sun ;  for  all  it  was  a  subtile 
fire,   like  that  of  which  our  intelligence  is   composed.^ 

1  Parmenides,  quoted  in  the  same  chapter  (Patrologie  grecque,  t.  ix. 
p.  169). 

2  Plato,  TimcEus,  x.  3  Exod.  iii.  13. 

4  Xenophon,  Memorabilia,  1.  4.  ^  Plato,  Legum,  x.  ^  Id. 

7  Homer,  Iliad,  iii.  276 ;  Cleanthes,  quoted  by  Stobasus  (Eclogarum, 
i.  30). 

8  Diogenes  Laertius,  vii.  139,  148 ;  Plutarch,  De  Placitis  Philoso- 
phorum,  i.  6,  7  ;  Stobaeus,  Eclogarum,  i. ;  Cicero,  De  Natura  Deoriim,  i.  14. 

21 


322  SAINT  PETER. 

This  is  the  Stoics'  idea  of  God, —  the  God  of  Seneca  and 
Marcus  Aureliiis.  Surely  we  have  come  a  long  journey 
from  Socrates  and  his  disciples ! 

There  is  the  same  falling-off  in  their  belief  in 
Immortality.  This  was  a  matter  of  Faith  with  the 
Greeks.  Enamoured  as  they  were*  of  all  earthly  de- 
lights, sports,  honors,  and  beauty  of  form,  all  these  gifts 
of  God  could  not  quench  their  thirst.  Beyond  the  tomb 
they  looked  for  a  new  life,  eternally  serene ;  and  their 
artists  and  poets  vied  with  each  other  in  depicting  its 
charms.  The  philosophers,  without  contending  against 
these  popular  traditions,  merely  endeavored  to  purify  the 
too  material  views  of  the  Mystics.  To  Plato,  the  hap- 
piness of  the  righteous  after  death  is  to  consist  in  the 
contemplation  of  Truth  and  Eternal  Beauty,  and  in  the 
possession  of  absolute  good.  These  hopes  are  lofty 
rather  than  well  founded  certainly ;  but  they  are  set 
forth  in  such  magnificent  language,  in  such  a  pure,  clear 
light,  that  his  invisible  world  dazzles  our  eyes,  and  the 
soul  feels  itself  lifted  up  to  the  heights  whither  his 
enthusiasm  has  borne  him. 

This  radiance  of  hope,  which  robbed  the  grave  of  its 
terrors  for  the  Greeks,  never  shone  upon  the  scholars  of 
Eome.  With  Lucretius  many  among  them  looked  for- 
ward to  rising  tranquilly  from  the  festal  board,  "  like 
guests  sated  with  the  banquet  of  life.  "  ^  Over  their 
tombs  they  carved  out  sentences  devoid  of  any  belief  or 
hope  :  "  Behold  me  plunged  in  that  deep  sleep  from  which 
none  shall  awaken  me. "  ^  "  In  Tartarus  there  is  neither 
boat,  nor  Charon,  nor  Eacus,  nor  Cerberus.  All  we 
whom  Death  hath  here  laid  low,  we  are  nought  but 
ashes  and  fragile  bones ;  nothing  more. "  ^  "I  was 
nothing ;  I  am  no  longer  anything.  You,  who  are  still 
alive,  eat,  drink,  and  enjoy  yourself,  —  then  come 
hither.  "  *  It  was  said  that  Sardanapalus  once  dictated 
this  epitaph  to  the  Eomans  of  the  Empire.      "  What  I 

1  Lucretius,  iii  938.  •^  Stephani,  Tit.  Gr.  vi.  18. 

^  Corpus  Inscriptioniim  Grmcarum,  6298. 
^    Corpus  Inscription )im  Latinarum,  ii.  1434. 


THE  STOICS   OF   THE  EMPIRE.  323 

have  eaten  and  drunk,  that  I  have  with  me ,  what  I  left 
behind  is  lost  to  me.  "  ^  Several  philosophers  go  far- 
ther still.  "  What  accursed  folly, "  says  Pliny,  "  this 
notion  of  a  life  renewed  by  death !  Where  would  poor 
creatures  ever  find  repose,  if  the  soul  continued  to  be 
conscious  in  those  upper  regions  or  in  the  shades  of 
Hell  ?  Truly  this  consolation,  which  is  so  vaunted, 
this  blessedness  of  faith,  takes  away  the  one  virtue  of 
death  which  is  the  sovereign  good  of  Nature ;  and  the 
expectation  of  a  future  beyond  the  tomb  does  but  re- 
double the  dying  man's  agony.  For  though  it  is  sweet 
to  live,  who  can  say  that  it  is  sweet  to  have  lived  ?  "  ^ 

It  must  be  said  that  the  Stoics,  in  general,  did  not 
yearn  after  nothingness  with  such  intensity  as  this ; 
rather  they  resigned  themselves  to  the  necessity.  Sen- 
eca, indeed,  has  certain  happy  thoughts  anent  Immortal- 
ity, and  often  speaks  like  a  Platonist.  ^  But  when,  on 
returning  to  the  Porch,  he  questions  his  masters  and 
asks  them  what  such  hopes  are  really  worth,  some  an- 
swer that  the  soul,  as  a  fiery  substance,  shall  last  until 
the  universal  conflagration  which  is  to  destroy  every- 
thing ;  others  tell  him  that  his  soul  is  to  remain  a  little 
below  the  gods,  among  the  stars.  "  Thus  they  relegate 
it  to  the  moon, "  said  the  scoffers.  But  even  of  this  dis- 
mal existence,  only  heroes  have  any  share ;  ordinary 
mortals  are  extinguished  at  death,  or  if  they  retain  any 
semblance  of  life,  it  is  but  as  ashes  scattered  upon  a 
whirlwind,  which  sweeps  them  round  about  the  world. 
Such  doctrines  as  these  made  the  expectation  of  another 
life  so  fanciful  that  the  true  Stoics,  like  Epictetus  and 
Marcus  Aurelius  become  confused  when  speaking  of  it, 
and  can  pretend  to  knov/  nothing  surely. 

This  uncertainty  is  all  the  more  striking,  because  we 
have  only  to  go  among  the  populace,  and  we  shall  find, 
almost  at  the  same  period  the  very  firmest  belief  in 
Immortality.      The  mythological   scenes  sculptured  on 

1  Muratori,  1677,  2.  2  Pliny,  Hisforia  Naturalis,  vii.  188-189. 

3  Denys,  Hhtoire  des  theories  et  des  idees  morales  danr  rantiquite,  t.  ii. 
pp.  253-255. 


324  SAINT   PETER. 

the  tombs  symbolize  the  passing  from  one  life  to  the 
other,  —  Proserpine  rapt  away  into  the  realms  of  dark- 
ness, but  brought  back  into  the  light ;  Adonis  dying, 
only  to  be  born  again ;  Hercules  overcoming  Hell. 
Even  more  numerous  are  the  images  symbolical  of  the 
elect  in  their  felicity,  found  on  the  bas-rilievos  and  on 
burial-urns.  Bacchantes,  Moenads  and  Satyrs  mingle  in 
merry  dance;  the  Loves  fly  here  and  there  in  playful 
joy ;  Nereids  pillow  their  lovely  heads  upon  the  waves ; 
everywhere  happy  choruses,  high  festival,  and  every 
delight  of  life  meet  our  eyes.  Every  effort  of  fancy  was 
exhausted  to  vary  the  picture,  and  add  new  charms  to 
the  subject ;  for  the  dead,  so  they  believed,  still  clung 
to  the  handful  of  ashes  gathered  from  the  funeral  pyre. 
The  Shade,  the  Soul,  still  hovered  about  and  took  part 
in  the  pleasures  devised  for  it.  It  was  fed  by  the  sac- 
rifices and  libations,  and  delighted  in  the  gifts  heaped 
up  in  the  tomb,  —  the  furniture,  the  garments,  and  the 
jewels. 

Romans  were  so  fully  persuaded  of  this  that  they 
decked  out  their  last  abode  beforehand  with  the  greatest 
care,  surrounding  it  with  gardens  and  bosky  groves.  ^ 
Their  first  thought  was  how  best  to  insure  the  exclusive 
possession  of  the  place.  The  law  encouraged  this  feel- 
ing by  declaring  that  of  all  the  goods  which  had 
belonged  to  the  deceased,  his  sepulchre  alone  was  to 
remain  his  inalienable  property.  Numerous  inscrip- 
tions refer  to  this  right, ^  give  the  boundaries  of  the 
piece  of  ground,^  and  the  damages  to  be  paid  to  the 
treasury  by  any  one  daring  to  usurp  this  immutable 
domain  of  the  dead.  ^  Others  again  add  sundry  impreca- 
tions against  whoever  shall  venture  to  violate  the  rite 

1  Orelli,  4374,  4417,  4418,  4456,  4519,  4401,  4456;  Petronius,  Satf/Hcon, 
Ixxi, ;  De  Rossi,  Bidletino,  1863,  p.  95  ;  Roma  Sotteranea,  t.  ii.  2*"  partie, 
p.  57.  From  these  documents  M.  Allard  has  drawn  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
Roman  tombs  (iJomames  funeraires  parens  et  chretlens,  Rouen,  1879). 

^  H.  M.  H.  N.  S.  Hoc  moi^nmenttim  hceredes  non  sequitur,  a  formula 
found,  with  slight  variations,  in  numberless  inscriptions. 

^  Wilmanns,  Exempla  Inscnptioniim  Latinarnm,  t.  ii.  p,  692 :  Mensu- 

RiE  SePULCRORUM. 

4  Jahn,  Spec.  Epigr.  p.  28,  No.  29  ;  Orelli,  4427,  1175,  4431,  etc. 


THE  STOICS   OF   THE  EMPIRE.  325 

of  sepulture.  "  May  he  suffer  the  wrath  of  the  gods ! 
May  he  die  the  last  of  his  kin, "  ^  But  it  was  not 
enough  to  be  respected  in  the  tomb ;  the  dweller  therein 
longed  to  be  visited  too.  For  this  reason  the  mor- 
tuary monuments  were  set  up  along  the  sides  of  the  most 
frequented  streets,  ^  and  the  epitaph  became  a  dialogue 
with  the  passer-by.  "  Young  man,  hurried  as  thou  art, 
this  stone  still  asks  thee  to  observe  and  read  what  is 
written  thereon  :  Here  lie  the  bones  of  the  Poet  Marcus 
Pacuvius.  Lo,  this  is  what  I  wished  thee  to  learn ! 
Farewell !  "  ^  "  My  friends, "  says  another  inscription, 
"  may  the  gods  overwhelm  you  with  good  things.  You, 
too,  travellers,  who  do  not  pass  by  Fabianus  without 
stopping,  may  the  gods  protect  you  going  and  coming ; 
and  all  ye  who  bring  me  wreaths  and  flowers,  would  that 
you  might  do  it  for  many  years  !  "  ^  The  latter  aspira- 
tion alludes  to  the  feasts  which  many  times  a  year 
brought  a  throng  of  visitors  to  the  cemeteries.  From 
the  thirteenth  to  the  twenty-second  of  February  they 
celebrated  the  Pa r^/i^a/m,^  —  a  series  of  sacrifices,  termi- 
nating in  a  grand  banquet  on  the  last  day ;  in  March, 
they  brought  violets  thither ;  in  May,  roses ;  in  autumn, 
all  the  fruits  of  the  season.^     It  was  useless  for  the 


1  "  Quisquis  Manes  inquietaberit,  habebit  illas  iratas  "  (Inscript.  Neapol. 
3037).  "  Qui  violaverit,  sive  immutaverit,  deos  sentiat  iratos  "  (Henzen, 
7340).  "  Quisquis  hoc  sustulerit  aut  IjBserit,  ultimus  suorum  raoriatur  " 
(Orelli,  4790).  Elsewhere,  instead  of  threats,  we  come  across  a  humble 
prayer  :  "  Hospes,  ad  hunc  tumulum  ne  meias,  ossa  precantur  tecta  homi- 
uis;  sed  si  gratus  homo  es,  misce,  bibe,  da  mihi"  (Orelli,  4781). 

2  "  Titus  Lollius  Masculus  lies  here  by  the  roadside,  that  so  the  passers- 
by  may  cry  out,  Hail  Lollius  "  (Orelli,  4737).  All  the  roads  leading  out 
of  Rome,  notably  the  Appian,  Latin,  and  Flaminian  Ways,  were  bordered 
with  tombs  after  this  fashion. 

3  Aulus  Gellius,  Nodes  Atticce,  i.  24. 

*  Bulletin  de  I'lnstitut  Archeologique,  1864,  p.  154. 

^  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  B.  iii.  S.  298  ff. ;  Guther,  De 
Jure  Manhim,  1.  ii.  cap.  xii.  p.  128. 

^  "  Item  xi.  Kalendas  Apriles  die  violari  .  .  .  prsesentibus  dividereutur 
sportulse  vinu  et  pane.  .  .  .  Item  v.  Idus  Maias  die  ros£e  .  .  ."  (Wilmanus, 
Exempla  Inscriptionum,  No.  320).  The  Dies  Rosationis  is  sometimes  set 
down  for  May :  "  xii.  Kalendas  Junias  "  (Wilmanns,  No.  313),  sometimes  in 
June :  "  V.  K.  Julias  "  (ibid.,  No.  95),  and  sometimes  in  July  (ibid.,  No.  308). 
Cf.  No.  305,  note  1. 


326  SAINT  PETEB. 

Stoics  to  treat  this  cult  as  superstitious,  declaring  that 
the  grave  is  an  unfathomable  mystery.  ^  Their  words 
never  had  any  effect  on  the  people,  who  continued  to 
crowd  the  funeral  solemnities,  believed  in  souls  return- 
ing to  earth,  2  multiplied  their  charms  for  driving  away 
or  calling  forth  spirits,  good  or  bad,^  —  in  a  word, 
evidenced  in  every  way  possible  their  faith  in  a  future 
life. 

Though  less  enlightened  than  their  predecessors  as  to 
God  and  Eternity,  did  not  the  Stoics  have  some  new 
and  higher  ideas  at  least  of  human  life,  duty,  justice, 
honesty  ?  Certainly,  morality  owes  more  than  one  of  its 
dogmas  to  them.  They  have  discoursed  eloquently 
thereon,  and  —  what  is  more  important  —  many  of 
them  united  practice  to  precept.  But  neither  does  their 
virtue  surpass  that  of  the  ancient  Eomans,  nor  is  their 
doctrine  any  loftier  than  that  of  their  masters  in  Greece. 

Long  before  them,^  Pythagoras  had  uttered  the  maxim 
proudly  repeated  by  the  disciples  of  the  Porch,  "  Imi- 
tate God, "  '''  Follow  God.  "  ^  Taking  these  words  liter- 
ally, it  seems  as  if  we  heard  an  echo  of  our  Holy  Books. 
"  Walk  before  Him,  and  be  ye  perfect. "  ^  "  Be  ye  there- 
fore followers  of  God,  as  befits  most  dear  children. "  ^ 
But  it  is  a  deceptive  likeness,  this !  The  god  of  the 
Stoics  is  nought  but  Destiny.  To  follow  him,  to  take  him 
as  one's  exemplar,  merely  means  to  be  resigned  to  the  law 
of  fatality  which  governs  the  world,  to  follow  the  incli- 
nations of  Nature,  and  to  live  in  conformity  with  them.  ^ 
Plato  had  conceived  a  far  higher  idea  of  this  imitation 

1  Cicero,  Tusculanarum,  i.  24,  28  ;  Seneca,  Epist.  xxiv.  18  ;  Juvenal,  ii. 
149  ;  Lucian,  Charon,  22.  The  satirist  contradicts  himself  in  his  treatise, 
De  Luctu,  1-14. 

2  Preller,  Romisrhe  Mijthohgie,  S.  499  ;  Die  Larven  und  Lemurex. 

^  Friedlsender,  ISfceurs  romaines,  t.  iv.  pp.  482-485.  In  every  town  there 
was  a  deep  ditch,  called  the  mundus,  from  which,  it  was  believed,  the  dead 
came  forth  thrice  a  year  to  converse  with  the  living, 

*  Boethius  {De  Consolatione,  i.  4)  credits  this  maxim  to  Pythagoras  : 
Cicero,  to  one  of  the  Seven  Sages  {De  Einibus,  4). 

^  Seneca,  De  Providentia,  v,  Epist.  xcv  ,  cxxvi.,  etc. 

6  Gen.  xvii.  1.  "^  Eph.  v.  1. 

^  Seneca,  De  Beneficiis,  iv,  7,  8;  De  Ira,  ii.  16  ;  De  Providentia,  5,  etc. 


THE  STOICS   OF  THE  EMPIRE.  327 

of  the  divine ;  for  him  it  meant  a  contemplation  of  the 
Sovereign  Good,  thereby  rising  above  the  contaminations 
of  the  world,  drawing  nearer  to  God  through  holiness,  ^ 
and  love  of  Him ;  for  the  Platonists  had  risen  even  to  this 
great  thought.  ^  Long  before  Epictetus,  and  more  elo- 
quently than  he,  they  had  preached  this  lovely  code  of 
morals.  They  called  the  body  a  burden,  a  prison ;  the 
present  life  a  long  agony,  wherein  the  wise  man,  by 
breaking  little  by  little  the  bondage  of  the  flesh,  learns 
at  last  how  to  die.^  Before  Seneca's  time,  they  had 
proclaimed  the  dangers  of  wealth  and  pleasures,^  and 
man's  proneness  to  do  wrong. ^  Like  him,  they  taught 
the  necessity  of  a  guide,  a  director  for  one's  conscience ; 
better  than  he,  they  had  shown  that  in  the  confession 
of  his  crimes  man  finds  peace  and  health  for  his  soul.  ^ 
"  To  be  punished  after  we  have  done  wrong, "  writes 
Plato,  "  is  the  happiest  of  all  things,  after  innocence  it- 
self. ...  If  we  commit  any  fault,  we  must  go  of  ourselves 
to  the  place  where  we  shall  receive  the  allotted  correc- 
tion, and  hasten  to  the  judge  as  to  a  physician,  for  fear 
lest  the  malady  of  wrong-doing,  gradually  taking  up  its 
abode  in  the  soul,  should  breed  a  secret  corruption,  and 
render  it  incurable. " "  Even  the  practice  of  examining 
their  conscience,  for  which  the  sages  of  the  Porch  are  so 
highly  praised,  is  by  no  means  a  peculiar  merit  of  theirs. 
Pythagoras,  who  recommended  it  to  his  disciples,  re- 
ceived it  from  the  Gymnosophists  of  India.  ^ 

The  sole  glory  which  the  Stoics  of  the  Empire  can 
claim  as  their  own  is  that  they  introduced  among  the 
upper  classes,  in  that  society  of  law-givers  and  law- 
makers, and  thereby  into  the  laws  themselves,  certain 
maxims  of  humanity,   of  political  and  social  equality, 

1  Plato,  Thecetetus,  p.  133  (Cousin's  translation). 

2  S.  Augustine,  De  Civitate  Dei,  viii.  5  and  8. 
8  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Stromata,  iii.  3. 

*  Origen,  Contra  Celsum,  vi.  16. 

5  Schneider,  Christliche  Kldnge,  S.  122  ff. 

6  Plutarch,  Quomodo  quis  suos  in  virtute  sentiat  profectus,  xi. ;  Seneca, 
Epist.  xi.,  XXV.  "^  Plato,  Gorgias,  xxxvi. 

^  Diogenes  Laertius,  1.  viii.  cap.  i.  22 ;  Apuleius,  Florid,  i. 


328  SAINT  PETER. 

never  dreamed  of  by  either  the  Eepublicans  of  Eome  or 
the  Philosophers  of  Greece.  And  yet,  here  again,  these 
ideas,  as  generous  as  they  were  fruitful  of  good  results,  did 
not  originate  with  them.  A  conqueror,  the  peer  of  any 
that  ever  lived,  Alexander,  had  been  the  first  to  conceive 
of  an  Empire,  as  vast  as  the  world,  where  all  men  with 
equal  rights  should  be  bound  together  by  a  community 
of  duties  and  interests.  "  He  would  not  listen, "  says 
Plutarch,  "  to  his  preceptor,  Aristotle,  who  counselled 
him  to  treat  the  Greeks  as  his  friends  and  his  family, 
but  the  Barbarians  as  cattle  or  vile  tools.  .  .  .  Think- 
ing rather  that  he  was  sent  by  the  Divinity  to  be  an 
arbiter  for  all  mankind,  to  unite  them  together,  he  used 
the  force  of  arms  only  against  those  whom  he  could  not 
subdue  by  his  words,  and  out  of  a  hundred  various  na- 
tions he  formed  one  great  body,  by  mingling  in  the 
cup  of  friendship  (so  to  say)  their  customs,  manners, 
marriages,  and  laws.  He  wished  to  have  every  one 
regard  the  whole  world  as  a  common  fatherland.  "  ^ 

Alexander  died,  and  his  generous  visions  seemed  to 
have  vanished  with  him.  But  at  the  very  time  when 
his  star  was  eclipsed  in  the  far-away  Orient,  Zeno  of 
Cyprus  was  gathering  his  disciples  beneath  one  of  the 
porticos  of  Athens,  and  there  founded  a  school  which 
embodied  the  lost  hopes  of  the  conqueror  in  a  philo- 
sophical system.  By  this  philosophy  they  were  taught 
that  since  the  true  law  is  reason  whereof  all  mankind 
participates,  this  same  supreme,  universal  law  estab- 
lishes the  equality  of  all  men,  with  a  community  of 
rights  analogous  to  the  ties  of  blood.  By  the  same  title, 
all  are  citizens,  not  of  any  particular  town,  but  of  the 
world,  the  general  city.  This  fatherland  of  all  human 
kind  was  never  more  than  a  splendid  fancy  among  the 
Greeks ;  but  under  Augustus  it  became  a  reality,  for  the 
Eome  of  the  Csesars  knew  no  limits  save  those  of 
the  known  world  :  — 

"  Romanse  spatium  est  urbis  et  orbis  idem."  ^ 

1  Plutarch,  De  Alexandn  Fortuna  aut  Virtute,  or.  i.  6. 

2  Ovid,  Fastorum,  1.  ii.  684, 


THE  STOICS   OF  THE  EMPIRE.  329 

Thanks  to  the  warlike  character  of  their  race,  there- 
fore, the  Stoics  of  the  Empire  found  the  dream  of  their 
Grecian  masters  realized  at  last.  The  Universal  City 
existed,  and  it  was  their  task  to  refine  its  manners  and 
make  its  laws  more  equitable  and  less  savage.  For  this 
they  deserve  all  honor,  which  no  one  can  justly  deny 
them.  The  weak  and  despised,  so  pitilessly  crushed  by 
previous  legislation,  were  indebted  to  them  for  a  meas- 
ure of  relief.  Without  destroying  the  puissant  organi- 
zation of  the  family,  they  recognized  that  the  son  and 
the  wife  had  certain  rights,  and  they  even  set  them- 
selves to  work  at  mitigating  the  horrors  of  slavery.  On 
this  last  head,  their  efforts  merit  the  highest  praise ;  for 
the  servile  code  was  simply  atrocious.  On  losing  his 
liberty,  a  man  became  a  beast  of  burden  for  the  one  who 
bought  him.  As  he  was  no  longer  a  person,  but  a  chat- 
tel, there  could  be  neither  justice  nor  magistrates  for 
him.  He  could  not  contract  marriage.  As  the  creature 
of  his  master's  whims,  he  found  all  ties  of  kinship 
broken,  his  family  scattered  to  the  winds  by  any  hazard 
of  fortune,  while  his  little  ones,  like  those  of  a  brute 
beast,  were  the  property  of  his  owner.  To  his  master 
belonged  everything  that  the  slave  acquired,  everything 
that  he  was,  body  and  soul,  even  his  honor,  which  his 
lord  forced  him  to  prostitute  to  his  profit.^ 

From  the  outset  of  Augustus'  reign,  we  find  more 
humane  influences  entering  into  the  councils  of  the 
Empire.  The  Petronian  Law  forbids  any  citizen  to  ex- 
pose his  slaves  to  the  wild  beasts  of  the  amphitheatre.  ^ 
Under  Claudius,  merciful  measures  are  devised  in  the 
event  of  his  becoming  sick  or  incurable ;  should  he  be 
cast  out  into  the  street,  according  to  the  custom,  by  that 
very  fact  he  regains  his  liberty.  If  his  master  kills 
him  to  get  rid  of  him,  the  murderer  is  prosecuted.^ 
"  There  is  a  judge, "  says  Seneca,  "  to  take  cognizance  of 
the  injustice  of  their  masters,   to  set  bounds  to  their 

^  See  Paul  Allard's  Les  Esclaves  chrdlens,  liv.  i.  chap.  iv.  et  v. 

2  Dig.  xlviii.  8,  12,  12. 

3  Suetonius,  Claudius,  25. 


330  SAINT  PETER. 

cruelty,  their  avarice,  their  brutality.  "  ^  This  judge  is 
the  Prefect  of  Rome.  The  victim  appears  before  him, 
"  not  as  accuser,  for  that  is  a  privilege  not  to  be  allowed 
a  slave,  but  to  complain  discreetly,  if  he  has  been  too 
cruelly  beaten,  if  he  has  been  made  to  suffer  the  pangs  of 
hunger,  or  if  any  attempt  has  been  made  upon  his 
honor. "  ^  These  are  but  trifling  mitigations,  doubtless, 
but  in  one  way  they  are  of  capital  importance,  inasmuch 
as  they  are  a  departure  from  that  hoary  maxim,  "  The 
servile  soul  has  no  rights. "  ^  The  claims  of  the  slave 
upon  humanity  were  recognized  at  last;  later  on  he 
was  granted  some  right  to  justice. 

But  this  step  in  advance  exhausted  the  generosity  of 
the  Stoics.  No  one  of  them  dared  to  follow  in  his 
master's  footsteps  and  prove,  as  Zeno  had  done,^  that 
slavery  is  a  violation  of  the  natural  law ;  for  still  stronger 
reasons,  none  ever  thought  of  destroying  an  institution 
which  was  at  the  very  base  of  the  industry,  the  agri- 
culture, and,  in  great  measure,  of  the  whole  social  life 
of  Rome.  They  set  limits  to  the  rights  of  the  slave- 
owner, but  the  laws  of  slavery  were  still  in  force.  To 
abolish  slavery  something  more  was  needed  besides  the 
bare  idea  of  equality  preached  by  the  Stoics, —  there 
must  needs  be  a  revelation  that  all  men  are  sons  of  the 
one  same  Father,  and  members  of  the  God-Man  by  holy 
baptism.       With  such  claims  to  brotherhood,   the  dig- 

1  Seneca,  De  Beneficns,  iii.  22,  3, 

2  Dig.  i.  12,  1.  3  Id.  iv.  5,3. 

4  The  glory  of  putting  forth  these  claims  does  indeed  belong  by  right 
to  the  founder  of  the  Porch.  Before  him  the  wise  men  of  Greece  had 
held  that  slaves  might  be  endowed  with  honor  and  bravery,  and  they  urged 
men  to  treat  them  kindly.  But  Zeno  was  the  first  to  transform  these 
vague  sentiments  into  a  positive  doctrine,  branding  slavery  for  what  it  is, 
in  the  name  of  Reason :  "  There  is  a  sort  of  slavery  which  has  its  rise  in 
conquest,"  he  says  ;  "  another  which  comes  from  purchase ;  for  both  there 
exist  certain  corresponding  rights  accruing  to  the  master.  Now,  these 
rights  are  evils"  (Diogenes  Laertius,  vii,  1,  No.  122).  Neither  Seneca 
nor  any  of  his  contemporaries  ever  wrote  anything  like  this.  We  have  to 
wait  till  the  second  century  to  hear  any  similar  condemnation,  —  when  the 
declaration  rings  forth  from  the  orator's  lips  that  the  enslavement  of  the 
first  human  creature  was  "an  act  of  violence,  an  unrighteous  deed,  value- 
less in  the  eyes  of  justice,  and  that  from  such  iniquity  no  right  can  ensue  " 
(Dion  Chrysostom,  Disc.  xiv.  et  xv.). 


THE  STOICS   OF   THE  EMPIRE.  331 

nity  of  man  is  too  high,  the  union  too  intimate,  ever 
to  be  degraded  to  a  state  of  servitude. 

A  charity  so  noble  as  this,  divine  in  its  source,  was 
never  to  be  found  among  the  Stoics.  We  can  easily  con- 
vince ourselves  of  this  by  merely  studying  their  essays 
in  philanthropy.  They,  more  than  any  other  Pagans, 
have  exalted  mercy  and  brotherly  love.  Alms-giving, 
the  care  of  the  infirm  and  unfortunate,  were  favorite 
themes  with  them.  "  No  sect, "  says  Seneca,  "  is  gentler 
or  more  kindly ;  none  so  filled  with  love  for  mankind, 
more  watchful  for  the  general  welfare ;  since  its  princi- 
pal object  is  to  be  useful  and  helpful  to  all,  and  to  each 
one  in  particular. "  ^  How  was  it  that  such  beautiful 
speeches  brought  forth  no  fruit?  Why  did  not  these 
sages  of  the  great  Empire,  —  rich  men  and  statesmen,  con- 
trolling legislation  and  the  public  treasury, —  why  was 
it  that  they  did  not  create  anything  comparable  to  the 
works  of  Christianity  ?  The  reason  lies  in  that  very 
difference  of  first  principles.  The  disciples  of  the  Porch 
regarded  philanthropy  as  a  duty  dictated  by  pure  reason  ; 
the  followers  of  Christ  found  the  motive  deep  down 
in  the  human  heart.  Now,  the  heart  of  man  is  the 
sole  source  whence  spring  great  thoughts  and  mighty 
sacrifices. 

And  for  the  rest,  it  must  be  said  that  no  one 
realized  the  futility  of  their  doctrines  more  keenly  than 
the  Stoics  themselves.  They  did  their  best  in  preach- 
ing by  personal  example,  and  by  upholding  their  vir- 
tue in  death  and  exile ;  still,  they  saw  that  they  were 
doomed  to  remain  few  in  numbers,  without  either 
authority  or  influence.  The  populace,  comprehending 
the  whole  philosophical  tribe  in  a  common  contempt, 
encouraged  every  one  who  made  sport  of  them.  Per- 
seus depicts  a  crowd  gathered  about  an  old  centurion 
and  applauding  the  veteran's  witticisms.  "  Well,  as  for 
Philosophy,  I  've  got  all  I  want  of  it.  I  don't  expect 
to  become  one  of  your  moody  Solons,  always  walking 
with  head  bowed  down,   eyes  fixed  on  the  ground,  for- 

1  Seneca,  De  dementia,  ii.  5. 


332  SAINT  PETER. 

ever  growling  between  my  teeth  and  raging  inwardly, — 
one  of  those  fellows  who  always  have  their  lips  pursed 
out,  and  act  as  if  they  weighed  every  word  they  speak, 
forever  chewing  some  old  fool's  rigmarole  such  as  ' Noth- 
i7ig  is  horn  of  nothing  !  Nothing  returns  to  nothingness  !  ' 
That 's  what  makes  you  so  pale,  my  man ;  that 's  what 
spoils  your  appetite.  "  ^  Hearty  laughter  from  the  by- 
standers greeted  this  coarse  caricature. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  add  that  the  average  citizens 
hardly  ever  entered  the  portals  of  the  Schools;  they 
were  only  to  be  seen  there  on  rainy  days,  seeking  them  as 
a  fine  shelter  from  the  storm,  or  when  the  lack  of  any 
public  shows  drove  them  to  such  insipid  distractions.  ^ 
They  saw  no  difference  at  all  between  the  philosopher 
and  the  actor;  and  it  is  quite  certain  that  many  de- 
served this  want  of  respect,  because  of  their  vices,  their 
secret  licentiousness,  and  their  keen  pursuit  of  gain.^ 
In  the  higher  classes  it  was  easier  to  distinguish  the 
hypocrites  from  the  really  wise  men ;  but  even  the  latter 
were  often  accused  of  being  mere  visionaries,  wasting  in 
day-dreams  the  time  they  owed  to  public  business.* 
Still  severer  in  their  judgments  were  the  politicians, 
who  considered  the  Stoics  as  a  dangerous  sect,  a  hot-bed 
for  ambitious  and  unruly  men.^  Tacitus  himself,  who 
records  so  many  facts  in  praise  of  them,  does  not  hesitate 
to  call  them  chimerical  thinkers.  During  a  sedition  in 
the  army,  he  ascribes  a  ridiculous  part  to  Musonius 
Eufus,  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  these  philosophers. 

^^  Mingling  with  the  soldiers,  he  went  about  discoursing  on 
the  blessings  of  peace  and  the  dangers  of  war,  and  recited 
his  little  lessons  to  these  disciples  in  arms.  He  made  some 
of  them  laugh,  but  he  exhausted  the  patience  of  thettiajority; 
nor  were  there  wanting  some  fellows  who  would  have  rushed 
upon  him  and  trampled  him  under  foot,  had  he  not  yielded 
to  the  advice  of  the  more  sensible  and  the  threats  of  the  rest, 
and  discontinued  his  peace-making  propaganda.''  ^ 

^  Perseus,  Satirce,  iii.  77-87.        ^  Seneca,  Epist.  xcv.        ^  Id.,  xxix. 
^  Quintilian,  xi.  1,  35  ;  xii.  2,  6,  7 ;  Tacitus,  Historice,  iv.  5. 
^  Tacitus,  Annales,  xiv.  57.  ^  Id.,  Historice,  iii.  81. 


THE  STOICS   OF  THE  EMPIRE.  333 

The  Stoic  is  drawn  from  life  in  this  scene ;  here  we 
see  him  just  as  the  Koman  Empire  knew  him, —  a  noble 
soul,  smitten  with  the  love  of  uprightness  and  universal 
brotherly  love,  eager  to  spread  his  ideas,  but  doomed  to 
a  fatal  collision  with  the  indifference  of  his  contempo- 
raries. How  often  this  feeling  of  powerlessness  betrays 
itself  in  the  words  of  Seneca  and  Marcus  Aurelius ! 
What  bitter  complaints  against  our  poor  weak  nature,  and 
the  tyranny  of  evil  which  enslaves  mankind !  The  per- 
fection whereof  they  dream  is  far  out  of  reach  of  the 
common  herd.  They  themselves  are  conscious  of  the 
contradictions  in  their  doctrines,^  of  the  slight  help 
given  the  soul  by  pride  and  an  outward  show  of  virtue. 
As  members  of  God,  according  to  their  theories,  they 
feel  themselves  crushed  by  this  lying  divinity.  The 
future  life  seems  to  them  uncertain  and  misty,  the 
present  fills  them  with  disgust.  Dissatisfied  with  them- 
selves and  with  others,  despairing  of  any  better  state  of 
humanity,  most  of  them  are  given  over  to  melancholy 
moods,  and  look  for  no  peace  save  only  in  death.  Mar- 
cus Aurelius  longed  for  it,  that  he  might  no  longer  stay 
"  amid  this  darkness  and  filth ;  "  and  he  recommended  it 
as  a  remedy  for  men  incapable  of  ever  becoming  wise. 
To  the  Stoic  school,  suicide  was  almost  a  moral  precept, 
the  deed  and  sign-manual  of  a  great  soul.^ 

Thus  we  see  the  end  to  which  these  beautiful  specu- 
lations of  the  Stoics  tended,  —  final  despair.  There  we 
have  the  dark  shadows  cast  by  this  Philosophy,  which 
is  so  luminous  from  many  points  of  view.  We  can  see 
it  now,  not  as  modern  writers  too  often  lead  us  to  fancy  it, 
equally  fruitful  in  good  works  with  Christianity,  but 
just  as  it  has  ever  been  regarded  until  our  day, —  nourish- 
ing virtue  in  the  hearts  of  only  a  chosen  few,  sterile  and 
ineffective  so  far  as  the  people  are  concerned,  and  utterly 
incapable  of  regenerating  the  world.  ^     To  convince  the 

^  Plutarch  has  written  a  whole  treatise  on  these  contradictions,  De 
Repugnantus  Stoicis. 

2  Seneca,  Epist.  Iviii.  Ixx.  Ixxvii. ;  De  Providentia,  vi. 

8  "  It  is  a  grave  mistake  to  believe  that  Philosophy  was  capable  of  re- 
newing the  world,  and  that  Christianity  checked  its  onward  course ;  every- 


334  SAINT  PETER 

Stoics  of  their  powerlessness,  God  was  not  content  with 
merely  giving  them  great  lights,  whereby  they  could 
discover  remedies  for  the  soul;  He  had  even  revealed 
to  them  that  the  one  thing  needful  is  to  know  how  to 
apply  them.  1  Accordingly,  they  exhausted  themselves 
in  this  search,  and  we  have  seen  how  utterly  vain  their 
efforts  were.  "  No  one, "  Seneca  confesses,  "  has  strength 
enough  to  rise  of  himself,  if  no  helping  hand  aids 
him. "  2  This  outstretched  arm,  with  power  to  raise 
the  fallen  world,  was  already  succoring  Judea  and  the 
East.  Eome,  in  its  turn,  guided  by  Peter,  was  to  know 
this  Helper  from  on  High. 

thing  goes  to  show,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  philosophical  movement  came 
to  an  end  in  the  second  century ;  indeed,  it  is  not  likely  that  it  could  have 
produced  any  other  results  than  those  we  are  acquainted  with ;  and  if  hu- 
manity was  ever  to  he  empowered  to  go  further,  it  was  necessary  that  it 
should  receive  a  fresh  impulse "  (Boissier,  La  Religion  romaine,  t.  ii. 
p.  110). 

^  "  The  soul's  remedies  have  all  been  discovered  long  before  our  day ; 
only  it  rests  with  us  to  seek  how  and  when  to  employ  them "  (Seneca, 
Epist.  Ixiv.  8). 

2  Seneca,  Epist.  lii. 


CHAPTEK  XVIII. 

SAINT   PETER'S   MINISTRY   IN   ROME. 

The  details  of  Saint  Peter's  ministry  in  Eome  are 
almost  entirely  unknown.  Accordingly,  as  it  is  not 
part  of  our  plan  to  construct  a  story  out  of  supposititious 
events,  we  shall  simply  note  the  circumstances  sur- 
rounding it,  see  to  what  classes  of  society  it  was 
addressed,  and  finally  what  parts  of  the  city  have  pre- 
served any  traces  of  the  Apostle's  sojourn.  Out  of 
these  evidences,  vague  enough  doubtless,  but  at  any  rate 
not  imaginary,  it  will  be  possible  to  make  at  least  a 
sketch  of  the  scene  which  the  subjects  of  the  Emperor 
Claudius  had  before  their  eyes. 

Eor  the  first  few  Sabbaths  which  Peter  passed  in 
Eome,  he  was  to  be  seen  taking  part  in  the  religious 
services  of  his  nation,  praying  with  his  fellow-country- 
men to  the  God  of  his  fathers.  There  was  nothing 
about  the  new-comer  to  attract  special  notice,  neither 
high  rank,  nor  great  learning ;  consequently,  he  was  not 
invited  to  speak  in  the  synagogues,  as  was  generally  the 
custom  with  strangers  of  any  renown.  As  his  speech 
betrayed  the  fact  that  he  was  an  illiterate  Galilean,^ 
he  got  no  warm  welcome  from  the  head  men  of  Israel. 
When,  later  on.  Saint  Paul  came  to  visit  the  Jewish 
congregations  of  the  Eoman  world,  his  standing  as  a 
Scribe,  as  well  as  his  learning,  opened  the  doors  to  any 
gathering  he  chose  to  address ;  but  Saint  Peter  enjoyed 
no  such  advantages.  He  had  to  begin  by  winning  souls 
one  by  one,  telling  the  Glad  Tidings  during  his  conver- 
sations with  friends,   gaining  over  such  as  listened  to 

1  Matt.  xxvi.  73. 


336  SAINT  PETER. 

him,  preaching  rather  by  example  than  by  eloquence, 
showing  towards  one  and  all  "  compassionate  kindness, 
love  for  his  brother  man,  a  forbearing  charity  of  min- 
gled gentleness  and  humility. "  ^  This  love  of  the 
neighbor,  so  often  insisted  upon  by  the  Saviour,  was  the 
most  striking  feature  of  his  preaching.  He  was  listened 
to,  because,  while  excluding  no  man  from  the  hope  of 
salvation,  he  promised  it  first  and  foremost  to  the  com- 
mon people,  —  to  the  very  men  whom  the  philosophers 
debarred  as  incapable  of  knowing  the  truth ;  still  more, 
because  he  offered  an  unhoped-for  consolation  to  the 
poor  and  suffering.  Like  all  cities  devoted  to  pleasure- 
seeking,  Eome  concealed  great  depths  of  sadness  under 
her  gay  exterior.  Nowhere  else  were  shed  so  many 
tears,  because  nowhere  was  there  ever  so  little  pity  for 
the  unfortunate.  Thus  Saint  Peter  made  his  first  con- 
quests among  the  most  wretched.  As  our  warrant  for 
asserting  this  fact,  we  have  the  contempt,  which  from 
the  very  outset  was  evinced  towards  the  Roman  Church 
by  the  philosophers.  They  would  have  us  believe  that 
it  was  nothing  but  a  rabble  of  slaves,  miserable  laborers, 
and  old  women.  ^  Their  jeers  are  overstrained,  undoubt- 
edly, yet  they  testify  that  in  the  beginning  by  far  the 
greater  number  of  believers  belonged  to  the  lowest 
classes.  The  formation  and  the  continuity  of  this  cur- 
rent just  setting  in  towards  Christianity,  have  their  rise 
in  causes  clearly  traced  and  easily  understood. 

If  ever  any  class  of  men  was  disposed  by  the  very 
conditions  of  their  existence  to  welcome  the  Good  News, 
that  class  was  the  slaves  of  Rome.  Deprived  of  all 
rights,  defenceless,  despoiled  of  all  dignity,  with  no  hope 
save  in  the  quiet  of  the  tomb,  these  men  found  in  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Christ  everything  which  a  cruel  world 
denied  them.  Great  must  have  been  their  joy  on  hear- 
ing that  Truth  set'  them  free,  and  that  the  only  bondage 
is  that  of  sin.     "  Whosoever  is  vanquished, "  Peter  told 

1  1  Peter  iii.  8. 

2  Tatian,  Adversus  Grcecos,  33;  Minucius  Felix,  Octavius,  16;  Origen, 
Contra  Celsum,  50. 


SAINT  PETER'S  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  337 

them,  "  becometh  the  slave  of  him  who  hath  vanquished 
him.  "  ^  Who  were  more  completely  vanquished  than 
their  masters,  enslaved  by  a  multitude  of  evil  passions  ? 
Seeing  how  heavy  were  the  chains  which  bound  them  to 
earth,  the  bondsman  felt  his  own  grow  lighter.  The  lash 
and  the  tortures  seemed  less  grievous  to  him  now  that 
he  knew  that  his  soul  could  not  be  hurt  by  such  indig- 
nities, and  that  suffering  did  but  ennoble  it.  This  was 
the  lesson  of  Peter's  teaching.  "  Servants,  be  subject  to 
your  masters  with  all  manner  of  respect,  not  only  to 
such  as  are  good  and  gentle,  but  also  to  those  who  are 
harsh  and  unreasonable ;  for  it  is  a  great  grace  to  endure, 
with  the  wish  to  please  God,  those  sorrows  which  they 
make  us  suffer  unjustly.  What  is  there  to  glory  in,  if, 
being  buffeted  for  evil-doing,  you  endure  it?  But  if, 
doing  well,  you  suffer  and  endure,  this  is  thankworthy 
before  God.  To  this  you  have  been  called,  because  the 
Christ  also  hath  suffered  for  us,  leaving  an  example  that 
you  should  follow  in  His  footsteps.  ...  By  His  bruises 
and  His  wounds  you  have  been  healed.  "  ^  And  not  only 
healed,  but  regenerated  and  re-instated  in  a  dignity  so 
lofty  that  never  any  slave  could  have  dreamed  of  such 
a  transformation.  In  Eome,  the  contrast  was  more 
striking  because  the  servile  law  was  so  ferocious  there. 
It  was  to  these  "  despairing  ones, "  ^  regarded  as  mere 
animals,  treated  as  bodies  bereft  of  souls,  to  whom  Peter 
addressed  those  astounding  words  :  "  You  are  a  chosen 
race,  a  royal  priesthood,  a  holy  nation,  a  people  God 
hath  made  His  own  that  you  may  declare  the  greatness 
of  Him  Who  hath  called  you  out  of  darkness  into  His 
marvellous  light. "  ^ 

It  is  easy  to  understand  the  surprise  and  emotion  of 
these  poor  unfortunates,  and  the  eagerness  with  which 
they  thronged  about  the  Apostle.  And  though  Peter 
did  not  speak  to  them  then  in  such  sublime  terms, —  for 
these  words  were  uttered  in  his  later  years, —  still  it  was 
the  self -same  doctrine  set  forth  in  more  familiar  language, 

1  2  Peter  ii.  19.  2  i  Peter  ii.  18-24. 

8  Pliny,  Historia  NaturaUs,  xviii.  7.  *  1  Peter  ii.  9. 

22 


338  SAINT  PETER. 

offering  them  the  same  promises,  which  were  at  once 
realized  in  fact ;  for  as  soon  as  a  little  knot  of  believers 
could  form  a  Church  in  Eome,  the  slaves  were  allowed 
the  same  rights  therein,  the  same  privileges,  and  the 
same  honors  that  were  given  to  their  masters.  Made  their 
equals  by  baptism,  and  their  brethren  in  Jesus  Christ, 
they  took  part  together  in  the  ceremonies  of  worship, 
listened  with  them  to  the  preaching  of  the  Word,  and 
were  present  together  at  the  Holy  Mysteries.  In  the  most 
august  of  all,  the  Eucharist,  the  one  same  Bread  of  Life 
brought  freemen  and  slaves  together  about  a  common 
table.  The  feeling  of  charity  which  swayed  all  hearts 
at  these  sacred  banquets  was  so  sweet  to  their  souls 
that  the  name  "  Love,  Agape, "  ^  was  given  them,  and 
the  respectful  embrace  which  marked  its  close  is  spoken 
of  in  Saint  Peter's  letters ^  as  "the  kiss  of  love." 

The  slave  took  part  in  all  these  rites ;  he  whom 
Pagan  Eome  adjudged  unworthy  of  any  religion,  thrust- 
ing him  away  from  the  altars  where  his  master  sacri- 
ficed,^ this  outcast  saw  with  wonder  that  he  was 
admitted  to  the  sacredest  rites  of  the  Christians'  wor- 
ship. His  gratitude  responded  instantly  to  such  kind- 
nesses ;  and  the  feeling  was  lasting,  because  he  found 
within  the  Church,  besides  this  religious  equality,  a 
company  of  brethren  who  did  not  ignore  him  after  the 
Holy  Sacrifice  was  ended,  but  comforted  him  whenever 
the  yoke  of  his  taskmaster  pressed  heavily  upon  him, 
tendering  him  a  helping  hand  till  the  day  when  freedom 
or  death  released  his  toil-worn  spirit.  But,  in  truth, 
the  liberty  so  dearly  desired  by  the  servile  class  did  not 
mean  immediate  rescue  from  their  miserable  condition. 
The  freedman  came  forth  from  slavery  penniless,  without 
credit  or  influence,  and  accordingly  his  first  steps  in 
his  new  surroundings  were  beset  with  difficulties.     The 

1  Kraus,  Real  Encyclopddie  der  chnsth'chen  Aherthumer :  Agapen. 

2  'A<rTrd(Ta<r6€  dW-fjXovs  iv  (piA^fiari  dyaTTrjs   (1  Peter  v.  14). 

3  Cato  De  Re  Rustica,  143;  Minucius  Felix,  Octavius,  24;  Cicero,  Ora- 
tio  de  Haruspicum  Responsis,  11,  12.  "  Slaves  have  no  religion  at  all,  or 
none  save  that  of  foreigners"  (Tacitus,  Annales,  xiv.  44). 


SAINT  PETER'S  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  339 

Church  was  the  only  organization  to  lend  him  a  helping 
hand,  at  this  juncture.  Many  came  to  the  fold,  accord- 
ingly, with  the  certainty  of  finding  there  a  haven  of 
rest,  protection  from  the  stormy  times  in  which  they 
lived,  and,  most  of  all,  assurance  of  eternal  good  things 
to  be  gained  from  their  society. 

The  same  causes  which  attracted  the  slaves  and  freed- 
men  to  Christianity,  operated  quite  as  powerfully  with 
the  common  people,  the  servants  and  shopkeepers.  This 
poor  but  active  class  of  citizens  was  making  every  effort 
to  keep  themselves  alive  as  a  body  distinct  from  the 
slave  population,  which  had  wellnigh  monopolized  every 
sort  of  industry.!  To  these  busy  folks  some  sort  of 
union  and  mutual  aid  were  an  urgent  necessity ;  and  yet 
what  means  were  to  be  adopted  at  an  epoch  when  their 
rulers  and  statesmen  were  devising  every  means  of  sup- 
pressing such  associations  ?  ^  In  the  small  number  of 
societies  spared  by  Augustus  there  was  not  room  enough 
for  the  multitude  of  free  workmen.^  Their  only  expe- 
dient was  to  become  affiliated  with  some  one  of  the  foreign 
Colleges, —  that  of  the  Jews  being  particularly  popular, 
because  it  enjoyed  such  notable  privileges.  For  this  rea- 
son a  considerable  number  of  the  poorer  class,  urged  on 
by  poverty  and  loneliness,  sought  a  refuge  in  the  Syna- 
gogue, and  found  there  some  alleviation  of  their  mis- 
eries. But  we  know  how  very  suspicious  the  Eabbis 
were   of  Pagan    proselytes ;  *   they  always    doubted  the 

1  For  an  account  of  the  development  of  private  industry  in  the  first 
century  and  the  multitude  of  professions  in  vogue  then,  see  Priedlasnder, 
Moeurs  romaines  au  temps  d'Auguste,  t.  iii. ;  Supplement,  pp.  64-72. 

2  The  senatus-consultus  and  imperial  decrees,  which  are  so  sweeping  in 
their  proscriptions  of  illegal  "  Colleges,"  ordained  very  terrible  punish- 
ments against  them ;  for  the  guilty  members,  who  were  likened  to  the 
desecrators  of  temples,  might  be  thrown  to  the  wild  beasts,  beheaded,  or 
burned  alive.     Dig.  xlvii.  22,  2. 

3  The  Corporations,  founded  in  such  numbers  under  the  Republic,  had 
become,  in  Csesar's  time,  hotbeds  of  sedition,  and  almost  all  were  sup- 
pressed by  the  Dictator.  When  renewing  this  proscription,  Augustus 
tolerated  only  such  "  colleges  "  as  were  authorized  by  a  senatus-consultus. 
Dion,  xxviii.  13 ;  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  42 ;  Octavius,  32 ;  Josephus,  Antiqui- 
tates,  xiv.  10,  8;  Digest,  xlviii.  4,  1. 

4  See  pp.  58,  59." 


340  SAUVT  PETER. 

sincerity  of  their  professions,  and  never  opened  their 
doors  to  one  without  misgivings  and  fear.  To  the 
poorer  classes  they  showed  themselves  more  than  usually 
frigid  and  distant,  for,  anxious  as  they  were  to  reserve 
all  almsgifts  for  their  needy  brethren,  they  were  loath 
to  succor  men  who  were  neither  of  their  blood  nor  faith. 
Furthermore,  their  dread  of  offending  the  Eoman  politi- 
cians by  adding  to  their  numbers,  compelled  the  Jews 
to  limit  their  activity  to  the  "  ghettos. "  Accordingly, 
when  the  rumor  went  abroad  that  new  Synagogues  were 
being  founded  wherein  a  more  generous  charity  obtained, 
the  poorer  people  hastened  to  join  them ;  and.  indeed, 
these  were,  as  they  soon  discovered,  their  own  posses- 
sions, now  thrown  open  to  receive  them, —  the  Kingdom 
promised  to  the  persecuted,  to  them  who  suffer  and 
weep. 

In  every  meeting-place  of  their  confraternities,  as 
well  as  in  the  small  shopkeepers'  quarters,  the  crowds 
of  bystanders  offered  Peter  frequent  opportunities  of 
conversing  with  strangers  and  communicating  the  Glad 
Tidings.  He  met  with  all  the  warmer  welcome  because 
he  had  but  recently  come  from  Judea.  We  have  seen 
how  the  Israelites  gathered  together  in  certain  parts  of 
the  Capital.  Soon  a  little  populace  of  Easterners  grew 
up  about  them,  —  Syrians,  Egyptians,  and  natives  of  far- 
off  Asia.  Some  had  been  brought  to  Eome  as  captives, 
and  managed  to  win  their  freedom  later  on ;  others 
had  come  of  their  own  choice,  wishing  to  enjoy  the  at- 
tractions of  this  Babylon  of  the  West.  Among  these 
people  of  the  same  race,  many  traditions  and  longings 
were  common  to  all,  but  one  above  all  others  filled  their 
hearts  with  tremendous  expectations.  "  Throughout  the 
whole  East,  "  says  Suetonius,  "  there  was  a  long  cherished 
and  firm  belief  that  about  this  date  the  empire  of  the 
world  would  devolve  upon  a  man  born  in  Judea. "  ^ 
Peter  came  from  that  land,  and  he  proclaimed  the  ad- 
vent of  a  Saviour.  There  was  therefore  a  double  reason 
why  his  preaching  should  be  favorably  received. 

^  Suetonius,  Vespasianus,  iv. ,  Tacitus,  Histonce,  v.  13. 


SAINT  PETER'S  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  341 

Howbeit  these  poor  foreigners  were  not  the  only  ones 
willing  to  give  him  a  hearing ;  for  the  oracles  of  their 
Sibyls  and  the  soothsayers  of  Chaldea  had  awakened 
similar  longings  among  the  Pagans  of  the  West.  More 
than  one  Eoman  listened  with  all  his  soul  for  the  first 
tidings  of  salvation.  Their  women-folk  cherished  this 
feeling  still  deeper  down  in  their  heart  of  hearts.  In- 
volved as  much  as  the  men  in  the  universal  corruption, 
but  more  apt  than  they  to  feel  shame  for  their  sins,  they 
longed  to  wash  away  the  guilty  stains.  And  so  for 
many  a  long  day  their  eyes  had  searched  the  Eastern 
horizon  for  some  presages  of  Redemption.  The  worship 
of  the  Egyptian  Isis  was  the  first  to  promise  them  entire 
purification,  and  they  had  hastened  to  embrace  the  op- 
portunities it  held  forth.  No  ablution,  no  penitential 
rite  seemed  too  severe.  Juvenal  tells  us  how  they  were 
wont  to  break  the  ice  in  order  to  plunge  thrice  every 
morning  in  the  Tiber,  thereafter  dragging  themselves 
across  the  Field  of  Mars  on  their  trembling  knees  all 
stained  with  blood.  "  If  the  white  lo  so  ordains,  she 
will  travel  to  the  very  ends  of  Egypt;  she  will  bring 
back  with  her  water  drawn  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Meroe,  and  therewith  sprinkle  the  temple  of  Isis,  which 
stands  hard  by  the  ancient  sheepfold  of  Romulus. "  ^ 
In  these  bands  of  penitents  were  numbered  women  of 
all  ranks,  ladies  of  high  social  standing,  as  well  as  the 
freedwomen  who  led  immoral  lives.  Tibullus  depicts 
his  Delia  as  a  scrupulous  observer  of  the  rites  of  Isis. 
She  performs  the  prescribed  ablutions,  attires  herself  in 
linen,  and  shakes  the  cithern  while  she  prays.  ^  But 
even  more  numerous  than  these  followers  of  Isis,  as  we 
have  seen, 3  were  the  proselytes  of  the  Jewish  religion; 
for  the  Mosaical  system  had  one  great  attraction  for 
them  in  that  it  treated  women  with  such  respect. 

Such  being  the  dispositions  of  a  great  number  of 
Pagan  women,  it  is  easy  for  us  to  understand  the  mo- 
tives which  prompted  so  many  eagerly  to  throng   the 

^  Juvenal,  vi  51 1  2  Tibullus,  i.  3,  23-32. 

3  Chapter  xiv  p.  260. 


342  SAINT  PETER. 

early  Church,  despite  the  mockery  and  remonstrances 
of  the  philosophers.  They  listened  to  the  Christians' 
Message  as  soon  as  it  reached  their  ears,  simply  because 
it  actually  gave  them  what  Egypt  and  Judea  had  prom- 
ised in  vain,  while  it  added  new  and  unhoped-for  good 
things.  Not  content  with  recognizing  woman  as  the 
companion  of  man,^  the  new  Faith  made  her  his 
equal.  On  the  one  hand  it  declared  that  marriage  is  a 
holy  act,  and,  on  the  other,  it  exalted  maidenhood  and 
virginity,  yet  with  a  never-failing  compassion  for  the 
sin-stained,  suffering  soul.  "  Many  sins  are  forgiven 
her  because  she  hath  loved  much. "  ^  The  woman  heark- 
ening to  those  words  knew  that  there  could  be  no  mis- 
take,—  she  recognized  the  voice  of  her  Saviour  and 
believed  in  Him. 

The  first  Christians  of  Eome  belonged  for  the  most 
part  to  the  lower  classes.  Nevertheless,  it  was  not  long 
before  certain  patrician  ladies  joined  company  with 
them.  A  short  time  after  Peter's  arrival  there,  a  ma- 
tron of  the  highest  rank,  Pomponia  Grsecina  by  name, 
suddenly  quitted  the  world  of  fashion  and  pleasure,  and, 
clothing  herself  in  sad-colored  garments,  withdrew  into 
the  seclusion  of  her  palace.  It  was  just  about  the  year 
43  that  she  began  to  lead  this  sort  of  life.  Julia,  the 
daughter  of  Drusus,  had  been  put  to  death  recently,  the 
victim  of  certain  intrigues  of  Messalina.^  At  first  it  was 
supposed  that  Pomponia  was  in  mourning  for  her  friend  ; 
but  years  passed,  and  brought  about  no  change  in  her 
conduct.  Still  she  abstained  from  worldly  pleasures, 
still  she  wore  the  same  severely  simple  costume.  "  She 
lived  a  long  time, "  says  Tacitus,  "  and  always  in  this 
sad  state ;  ...  for  forty  years  she  never  wore  any  but 
mourning  robes. "  Such  a  singular  sort  of  existence 
finally  excited  suspicion.  Pomponia  was  accused  of  be- 
ing addicted  to  foreign  superstitions,  and  brought  before 
her   husband  to  be  tried.     The  latter  was  the  Consul 

*  Gen.  ii.  18.  ^  Luke  vii.  47. 

s  Dion  Cassius,  Ix.  18;  Tacitus,  ^nno/es,  xiii  32,  43;  xiv.  63;  Sueto- 
nius, Claudius,  29. 


SAINT  PETERS  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  343 

Plautius,  one  of  the  conquerors  of  Brittany.  The  case 
was  investigated  at  a  family  council,  according  to  an- 
cient usage,  and  he  formally  declared  his  wife  innocent. 
Thereafter  no  one  could  criticise  her  for  the  austerity  of 
her  life,   and  her  constancy  "  turned  to  her  glory. "  ^ 

What  was  this  new  life?  What  worship  was  con- 
cealed under  this  penitential  garb?  And  what  was 
Pomponia  Grsecina  ?  The  answer  is  that,  according  to 
all  appearances,  she  was  a  servant  of  the  Lord  Christ. 
It  is  true  Tacitus  does  not  say  so  distinctly ;  but  all  he 
recounts  of  her  gives  us  the  idea  of  a  Christian  rather 
than  a  Jewish  proselyte,  and  the  expression,  "  foreign 
superstitions,"  generally  used  to  designate  our  Faith, 
supports  this  supposition.  Eecent  discoveries  have 
brought  to  light  further  proofs  in  confirmation,  by  estab- 
lishing the  fact  that  one  of  the  first  Christian  cemeteries, 
the  Crypt  of  Lucina,  was  the  property  of  Pomponia 
Grsecina.  ^  That  in  the  year  43,  thirteen  years  after  the 
Saviour's  death,  a  woman  belonging  to  the  Eoman  aris- 
tocracy should  have  been  numbered  among  the  faithful, 

1  Tacitus,  Annales,  xiii.  32. 

2  This  conclusion  is  the  fruit  of  observations  quite  as  ingenious  as  they 
are  delicate.  The  first  token  which  wakened  Sig.  de  Rossi's  attention  was 
a  discovery,  in  the  Crypt  of  Lucina,  of  certain  Pagan  epitaphs  containing 
the  names  of  the  Pomponii  Attici  and  Bassi.  These  sepulchral  tablets, 
liaving  fallen  into  the  subterranean  galleries  owing  to  the  working  of  the 
soil  over  where  they  stood,  had  furnished  the  material  for  several  Christian 
tombs.  The  learned  archteologist  was  struck  with  the  coincidence,  sug- 
gesting, as  it  did,  the  idea  that  the  unknown  person  to  whom  this  land 
once  belonged  might  really  be  none  other  than  the  Pomponia  Grcecina 
spoken  of  by  Tacitus.  According  to  a  common  custom,  she  might  have 
assumed  the  title  of  Lucina  (The  Enlightened),  in  memory  of  her  spiritual 
illumination  by  baptism  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotterranea,  t.  i.  p.  319).  In 
1864  this  was  simply  hazarded  as  a  conjecture,  since  it  had  no  more  posi- 
tive proof  to  support  it  than  the  presence  in  this  crypt  of  some  Pagan 
inscriptions  belonging  to  the  Gens  Pomponia.  Three  years  later  the  hy- 
pothesis became  almost  a  certainty,  for  in  the  same  spot  De  Rossi  deci- 
phered a  Christian  epitaph  bearing  the  name  of  a  certain  Pomponius 
Grcecinus.  It  would  be  wellnigh  impossible  to  deny  that  this  man  must 
have  been  a  descendant  of  Pomponia,  like  her  won  over  to  the  Faith ;  and 
consequently  nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  the  supposition  that  this 
matron  was  the  Christian  lady  who  bequeathed  her  own  mystical  title  of 
Lucina  to  the  burial-grounds  of  her  ancestors  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotterranea, 
t.  ii.  pp.  282,  263  ;  Allard,  Rome  souterraine,  pp.  164-168;  Northcote  and 
Brownlow,  Roma  Sotterranea  (1879),  vol.  i.  pp.  81,  82,  277-281), 


344  SAINT  PETER. 

is  a  fact  all  the  more  noteworthy  because  the  upper 
classes,  the  statesmen  and  men  of  letters,  evinced  noth- 
ing but  contempt  for  the  Faith  in  Christ  until  a  very 
much  later  date. 

We  possess  no  other  evidence  of  personages  of  illus- 
trious or  noble  rank  having  belonged  to  the  number  of 
the  first  Christians  of  Eome.  All  that  the  pious  credu- 
lity of  the  following  ages  could  do  was  to  seize  at  the 
name  of  Pudens,^  in  one  of  Saint  Paul's  epistles,  and 
connect  it  with  that  of  the  Consul  spoken  of  by  Martial 
in  many  of  his  epigrams.  ^  Little  by  little  the  popular 
stories  grew  into  the  primitive  legend,  as  we  read  it. 
In  the  sixth  century  it  was  asserted  that  Peter,  after 
converting  the  Senator  Pudens,  lodged  in  his  house,  and 
there  assembled  his  faithful  flock  for  the  celebration  of 
the  Holy  Mysteries.^  The  dwelling  of  this  patrician, 
situated  on  the  Viminal,  thus  became  the  first  sanctuary 
at  Eome,  This  tradition,  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in 
the  first  centuries  of  the  Church,  cannot  be  considered 
as  having  sufficient  authority  to  warrant  us  in  accepting 
it.  The  only  fact  related  which  has  any  semblance  of 
likelihood  is  that  Peter,  during  his  first  sojourn  in  the 
city,  lived  in  the  region  of  the  Viminal.  Vague  as  this 
conclusion  may  seem,  it  is  worthy  of  respectful  consid- 
eration, and,  indeed,  when  taken  in  connection  with 
other  proofs  collected  by  modern  archaeologists,  it  will 
even  enable  us  to  point  out  the  several  parts  of  Rome 
where  the  Apostle  dwelt,  and  consequently  help  us  to 
follow  the  course  of  his  labors. 

During  the  first  days  after  his  arrival,  Peter  took 
lodgings  in  one  of  the  little  by-streets  in  which  the 
Jews  of  Trastevere  and  Porta  Capena  were  crowded  to- 
gether. There  he  must  have  received  a  warm  welcome 
from  the  few  brethren  of  his  own  faith,  for  the  name  of 
Jesus  had  preceded  the  Gospel  in  the  Capital   of   the 

1  2  Tim.  iv.  21. 

2  Martial,  i.  32;  iv.  29;  v.  48;  vi.  58;  vii.  11,  97;  viii.  60;  xi.  53. 

3  Martyrologium  Romanum,  Baronii  notationibus  illuslratum,  16  maii; 
I'iorentini,  Vestustius  Occidentalis  Ecdesice  Martyroloyium,  p.  697. 


SAINT  PETER'S  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  345 

world.  Among  the  strangers  present  in  Jerusalem  at 
the  time  of  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  who  re- 
ceived baptism,  the  Acts  mention  certain  citizens  of 
Kome.  ^  On  their  return,  these  converts  could  not  pos- 
sibly either  forget,  or  fail  to  speak  of,  all  that  they  had 
heard ;  and  every  year  their  testimony  was  confirmed  by 
the  pilgrims  who  went  up  to  celebrate  the  Passover. 
Doubtless,  the  leading  men  and  the  doctors  bestowed 
little  attention  upon  a  doctrine  which  did  not  emanate 
from  any  illustrious  scribe ;  but  among  the  lower  classes 
there  was  much  talk  of  the  Christ  and  His  Kingdom. 
Accordingly,  the  Apostle  chose  this  poorer  quarter  for 
the  field  of  his  first  ministry,  remaining  among  them 
until  the  Synagogue  took  alarm  and  compelled  him  to 
exercise  his  zeal  elsewhere.  ^ 

The  violence  displayed  by  a  number  of  the  Jews  in 
rejecting  the  faith  is  witnessed  to  by  Saint  Paul  in  his 
letter  to  the  Church  of  Kome.  "  Because  of  their  un- 
belief, "  he  says,  "  the  natural  branches  were  broken  off 
from  the  wild  olive. "  ^  The  figure  used  by  the  Apos- 
tle infers  that  there  had  been  a  dissension  in  the  Eoman 
colony.  Though  peaceable  and  charitable  to  one  another 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  life,  yet  when  they  felt  their 
faith  was  in  danger,  the  sons  of  Israel  displayed  a  ter- 
rible fanaticism ;  passions  burned  high ;  from  disputes 
they  speedily  came  to  loud  outcries  and  bloody  strifes. 
From  all  that  we  know,  it  appears  that  his  abode  in 
the  Jewish  quarter  soon  became  unsafe  for  Peter,  who 
was  marked  out  as  the  head  of  the  schismatics.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  became  the  leader  of  an  exodus  whereof 
certain  local  traditions  remain,  making  it  possible  to 
follow  its  course  step  by  step. 

The  first  locality  where  he  made  his  abode  is  now 
marked  on  the  Aventine  by  the  church  of  Saint  Prisca. 
In  the  fifteenth  century  the  following  inscription  still 
stood  over  the  door  of  this  sanctuary :  "  Here  stands 
the  house  of  Aquila  and  Prisca,  the  charitable  virgin. 

1  Acts  ii.  10.  ^  2  Rom.  xi.  1-18. 

*  Rom  xi.  20 :  Tj?  aiTLcnla.  €^€K\d(rdrj(Tav. 


346  SAINT  PETER. 

.  .  .  Here,  Peter,  thou  didst  give  the  Word  Divine  to 
be  their  food ;  many  a  time  and  oft  thou  didst  sacrifice 
unto  the  Lord  on  this  very  spot. "  ^ 

Living  on  the  Aventine  '^  these  two  faithful  followers 
were  separated  by  a  considerable  distance  from  the  quar- 
ters peopled  by  Israelites.  Their  dwelling  was  a  hos- 
pitable one,  their  hearts  so  filled  with  generosity  that 
they  gladly  endangered  their  property  and  their  lives  to 
serve  those  they  loved.  ^  They  were  worthy  of  offering 
an  asylum  to  Peter  when  he  quitted  his  fellow-country- 
men to  carry  the  Gospel  through  the  length  and  breadth 
of  Pagan  Eome.* 

If  the  church  of  Saint  Prisca  on  the  Aventine  marks 
the  first  step  taken  by  Peter  outside  the  limits  of  the 
Eoman  "  ghettos, "  that  of  Saint  Pudentia  on  the  Viminal 
records  his  second  resting-place.  Continuing  to  move 
still  farther  from  the  lower  quarters,  the  Apostle 
found  his  way  into  regions  inhabited  by  the  patricians ; 

^  Hsec  domus  est  Aquilae,  seu  Priscse,  virginis  almse, 
Quos  .  .  .,  Paule,  tuo  ore  vehis  Domino. 
Hie  Petre  divini  tribuebas  fercula  verbi, 
Ssepius  hocce  loco  sacrificans  Domino. 
De  Rossi,  Bulleitino,  1867,  May  and  June  :  S.  Peter's  Chair,  §  vi. 

2  We  know  Aquila  and  Prisca  (or  Priscilla)  from  the  Acts  (xviii.  2,  25, 
26)  and  S.  Paul's  Epistles  (Rom.  xvi.  3,  4 ;  2  Tim.  iv.  19).  After  being 
driven  from  Rome  by  the  edict  of  Claudius,  which  expelled  both  Jews  and 
Christians,  they  returned  together  and  maintained  a  church  in  their  dwell- 
ing, which,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  bore  the  name  of  Aquila  and  Prisca,  and 
after  the  fourth  century  was  generally  designated  under  this  abridged 
form,  —  "Title  of  Saint  Prisca." 

3  1  Rom.  xvi.  3,  4. 

*  Through  their  intervention,  apparently,  the  Apostle  was  introduced 
into  the  noble  family  of  Pudens.  In  fact,  the  apocryphal,  but  very  ancient, 
letters  of  Pastor  and  Timotheus  tell  us  that  Pudens  had  a  kinswoman 
named  Priscilla,  the  same  who  gave  her  name  to  the  catacombs  in  the  Via 
Salaria  where  the  bodies  of  Pudens  and  his  two  daughters  Pudentia  and 
Praxedes  have  been  discovered.  This  hypogeum  also  contains  sepulchres 
bearing  the  names  of  Aquila  and  Prisca.  i)e  Rossi  identifies  these  two 
personages  with  the  Saints  whose  house  is  venerated  on  the  Aventine,  and 
the  antiquity  of  the  Catacomb  of  Priscilla  makes  this  identification  very 
plausible.  But  how  was  it  that  two  Jews  came  to  be  interred  in  a  burial- 
place  belonging  to  members  of  the  Roman  nobility  ?  Very  likely,  as  the 
freedmen  of  Pudens.  Slaves  often  took  the  names  of  the  masters  who  re- 
stored them  their  liberty ;  thus  Prisca  the  Jewess  might  have  taken  that  of 
the  matron  Priscilla,  and  obtained  a  burial-place  for  herself  and  her  family 
in  the  Christian  cemetery  owned  by  her  patrons.  De  Rossi,  Bullettino, 
1867,  May  and  June ;  S.  Peter's  Chair,  §  vi. 


SAINT  PETER'S  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  347 

for  Pudens'  residence  stood  in  a  very  aristocratic  centre, 
the  so-called  "  Vicus  Patricius. "  That  Peter  did  really 
make  his  home  the  foremost  sanctuary  at  Eome,  is, 
as  we  have  said,  an  opinion  for  which  there  is  slender 
evidence.  However,  the  traditions  which  tell  of  the 
Apostle's  doings  in  this  part  of  the  town  show  that 
at  least  he  dwelt  thereabouts,  and  that  he  even  suc- 
ceeded, through  the  medium  of  Jewish  freedmen,  in 
introducing  Christianity  into  several  noble  families, 
notably  that  of  Pudens.  ^ 

The  last  trace  left  us  of  Peter's  first  stay  at  Eome 
during  the  reign  of  Claudius  is  the  ancient  catacomb 
called  the  Ostrian  Cemetery,  lying  between  the  Via 
Salaria  and  the  Via  Nomentana.  The  names  given  to 
this  necropolis  in  the  inscriptions  and  martyrologies 
afford  some  glimpses  into  the  ministry  of  the  Apostle 
thereabouts.  Not  only  do  they  designate  it  as  "  the 
Great  Cemetery, "  the  oldest  of  all,  and  the  one  where 
they  venerated  "  the  first  Chair  occupied  by  Peter, "  but 
they  often  call  it  "  the  Cemetery  of  the  waters  wherein 
Peter  baptized. "  ^  Evidently  the  throngs  of  catechu- 
mens were  become  so  numerous  that  after  a  few  years 
the  Apostle  was  obliged  to  go  outside  of  Eome,  in  search 


1  Apparently  it  was  the  memory  of  their  intimate  relations  which  gave 
rise  to  the  belief  that  the  throne  of  Peter  preserved  at  the  Vatican 
was  a  gift  from  this  patrician.  At  first  sight,  the  exterior  of  the  precious 
relic  seems  to  justify  this  belief.  In  fact,  as  it  has  been  remarked  else- 
where, the  ivories  which  cover  it  are  similar  to  those  that  adorned  curule 
chairs ;  the  carver's  work  is  not  unworthy  of  the  artists  contemporaneous 
with  the  first  Ccesars;  furthermore,  the  use  of  chairs  carried  by  bearers 
was  introduced  during  Claudius'  reign,  and  the  Vatican  Chair  is  con- 
structed precisely  after  this  fashion.  These  indications,  collected  by  Car- 
dinal Wiseman,  seemed  at  first  to  warrant  the  opinion  that  S.  Peter 
received  his  pontifical  throne  from  Pudens.  But  these  illusions  vanished 
the  moment  that  De  Rossi,  on  examining  the  monument  more  closely, 
announced  the  existence  of  a  primitive  chair  still  visible  beneath  the  ivory 
and  ornaments  added  by  later  ages.  The  real  Episcopal  Seat  was  but  a 
poor  chair  of  common  wood :  to  regard  it  as  the  curule  chair  of  a  great 
personage  of  Rome  was  no  longer  possible.  De  Rossi,  Bullettino,  1867,  for 
May  and  June ;  S.  Peter's  Chair,  §  iii.,  iv.  et  v. 

^  De  Rossi,  Roma  sofferranrn,].  p.  207;  Bullettino,  1867,  magfjio  e  giugno, 
Del  luogo  appellato  ad  Capream  presso  la  via  Nomentana,  Roma,  1884,  pp. 
7-10. 


348  SAINT  PETER. 

of  pools  larger  than  those  he  had  been  using  at  first 
within  the  city  limits.  These  he  found  near  the  home 
of  Pudens  and  the  existing  basilica  of  Saint  Agnes. 
There  some  rich  Pagan,  a  convert  to  the  Faith  of  Christ, 
owned  one  of  those  family  tombs  so  common  then, — 
a  vast  enclosure,  including  gardens  and  parks.  The  do- 
main sloped  down  to  a  low  basin,  formerly  the  bottom 
of  a  marsh  which  had  been  drained,  but  still  collected 
sufficient  rain-water  for  the  immersion  of  the  neophytes. 
In  the  sixth  century,  the  watercourses  and  the  little 
ponds  1  were  still  to  be  seen,  to  which  the  people  gave 
the  name  of  the  "Goat's  Marsh,"  "ad  Capream."'^ 

But  it  was  not  only  the  convenient  neighborhood  of 
these  waters  which  attracted  the  Apostle  to  the  Ostrian 
Cemetery;  for  no  other  part  of  the  town  could  have 
offered  equal  security  to  the  new  Faith.  There  Peter 
resided  at  the  very  gates  of  the  Pretorian  Camp,  far 
from  the  Jews,   whose  menaces  were  no  longer  to  be 

1  This  fact  is  attested  by  the  author  of  the  Gesta  Liberii,  an  apocry- 
phal work  of  the  sixth  century.  Constant,  Epist.  Rom.  Pontif.,  p.  Ixxxvi. 
App.  col.  87  et  seq.     De  Rossi,  Del  luogo  appellato  ad  Capream,  p.  12. 

^  "  In  via  Nomentana  ad  Caprea  in  coemeterio  majore,  natalis  sancti 
Emerentiani."  Martyrologium  Hieronymianum,  xvi.  kal.  Octobris;  Fioren- 
tini  {Martyr.  Vetust.  Occid.  pp.  836,  837)  is  at  fault  in  adopting  the  read- 
ing ad  Capua  ;  all  the  manuscripts  consulted  by  De  Rossi  have  ad  Caprea 
or  ad  Capria.  The  locality  known  by  this  name  is  renowned  in  Latin 
literature.  "  It  is  a  locality,"  says  Ovid,  "  which  men  of  old  used  to  call 
the  Goat  Marsh.  One  day,  as  Romulus  was  giving  forth  laws  to  his  peo- 
ple, the  sun  of  a  sudden  disappeared,  and  fast-flying  clouds  veiled  the 
heavens ;  rain  fell  in  torrents,  thunders  crashed,  lightnings  rent  the  air, 
and  all  men  fled ;  nevertheless,  Romulus  ascended  into  the  heavens,  borne 
by  the  chariot  of  his  father  "  (Fastorum,  ii.  409  et  seq.).  Where  are  we 
to  locate  this  celebrated  marsh?  Livy  seems  to  place  it  in  the  Field 
of  Mars :  "  Quum  .  .  .  concionem  in  campo  ad  caprse  paludem  haberet." 
{Historice,  i.  16) ;  but  a  contemporary  of  Augustus,  Verrius  Flaccus,  speaks 
more  precisely  of  the  fields  which  surround  it :  "  Cupruli  (Capralis)  appel- 
latur  ager,  qui  vulgo  ad  capras  paludes  dici  solet."  (Festus,  ed.  Miiller,  p. 
65.  This  author  is  merely  giving  an  abridgment  of  Flaccus'  work). 
Hence  this  spot  is  to  be  looked  for  outside  the  city ;  and  as  it  is  hardly 
likely  that  Rome  should  have  had  two  so-called  Goat  Marshes,  we  need 
not  hesitate  about  identifying  this  one,  renowned  as  Romulus'  death-place, 
as  the  same  marshy  cemetery  of  that  name  pointed  out  by  the  martyrolo- 
gies  and  Christian  inscriptions  near  the  Via  Nomentana.  On  the  spot 
where  the  founder  of  Pagan  Rome  disappeared,  Peter  brought  to  life  a 
new  and  Christian  Rome. 


SAINT  PETER'S  MINISTRY  IN  ROME.  349 

feared.  These  advantages  first  forced  him  to  seek  out 
this  city  of  the  dead  and  finally  kept  him  there,  "  where 
he  baptized. "  As  proof  of  this  we  have  the  Apostolic 
Chair  placed  on  this  spot,  and  there  visited  and  vene- 
rated by  all  antiquity. 

Thus,  of  the  Apostle's  first  stay  at  Eome,  we  have  only 
discovered  these  few,  half-effaced  vestiges.  The  doings 
of  his  ministry  are  still  more  vaguely  recorded,  for  one 
single  tradition  is  all  that  has  come  down  to  us, —  that 
of  the  strife  between  Peter  and  Simon  the  Magician. 
The  impostor,  terrified,  but  not  converted,  by  the  disci- 
ples of  the  Lord,^  fled  from  Judea  to  Eome.^  In  that 
city  he  again  performed  his  marvellous  feats  with  such 
success  that  he  was  regarded  as  a  divine  personage,  and 
had  a  statue  made  of  himself,  which  was  adored  by  his 
disciples.  ^  "  The  arrival  of  Peter, "  says  Eusebius, 
"  sufficed  to  ruin  his  great  renown.  "  * 

This  fact  we  believe  to  be  historical,  but  the  legends 
have  added  to  it  various  circumstances  which  have  little 
appearance  of  likelihood.  This  among  others, —  that 
the  Samaritan  was  lifted  high  in  air  in  the  presence  of 
Nero  and  his  whole  court;  but  at  the  Apostle's  prayer 
he  was  abandoned  to  the  mercy  of  the  devils  who  were 
supporting  him,  and  falling  to  the  earth,  was  dashed 
to  pieces.  The  prodigies  with  which  this  story  is  filled 
are  too  suspicious  to  warrant  us  in  accepting  it ;  but  if 
Simon's  defeat  was  not  accompanied  by  such  wonders, 
it  was  none  the  less  sudden  and  complete.  Eusebius 
gives  us  a  very  fair  notion  of  what  happened.  The  ex- 
citement caused  by  the  impostor  suddenly  died  out. 
His  power  was  paralyzed,  and  he  relapsed  into  the  ob- 
scurity to  which  so  many  religious  and  philosophical 
sects  have  been  doomed.  To  bring  about  this  reverse  of 
popularity,  Peter  had  no  need  of  appealing  to  a  crucial 
trial  before  the  Emperor  and  the  assembled  people. 
The  grace  of  Jesus  was   on  his  side,   and  the  devils, 

1  Acts  viii.  18-24.  2  gee  chapter  v. 

^  See  Appendix  V. 

*  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ii.  15, 


350  SAINT  PETER. 

fearing  him  as  much  as  they  did  his  Master,  fled  before 
him  here  in  Eome  as  formerly  in  Galilee;  with  them 
vanished  the  last  hope  of  their  wicked  agent.  But  it 
was  through  humility  that  Peter  won  his  triumphs ; 
obscure  and  alone,  he  began  his  preaching  and  the 
foundation  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 


CHAPTEE  XIX. 

THE  LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 

We  have  been  watching  the  birth  of  the  Church  in 
Rome,  poor  as  it  was  obscure  in  its  origin,  but,  thanks 
to  this  same  lowly  estate,  at  first  escaping  the  notice  of 
the  masters  of  the  Empire.  Yet  we  must  not  suppose 
that  they  feared  these  rulers,  nor  that,  after  the  manner 
of  some  of  our  secret  societies,  they  sought  safety  by 
enveloping  their  doings  in  mystery.  On  the  contrary, 
until  Nero's  reign,  the  Church  was  free  to  grow  and 
expand  openly,  by  virtue  of  that  tolerant  spirit  in  which 
Rome  treated  all  kinds  of  worship ;  and  I  know  no 
better  way  of  showing  its  liberality  than  by  calling  to 
mind  the  series  of  events  which  illustrate  their  conduct 
towards  religious  bodies. 

"  Our  fathers, "  Sallust  declares,  "  were  the  most  reli- 
gious of  mankind. "  ^  The  Romans  still  deserved  this 
high  encomium,  not  only  because  their  faith  continued 
strong,  but  also  on  account  of  their  respect  for  every- 
thing religious.  They  had  conquered  the  world  with- 
out ever  violating  the  divinities  of  the  vanquished. 
The  first  care  of  their  generals  when  besieging  a  city 
was  to  invoke  its  tutelary  gods  in  a  prayer  remarkable 
for  its  reverent  feeling. 

^^I  pray  and  beseech  thee,  I  ask  of  thee  this  favor,  0  thou 
great  god  who  hast  taken  this  town  under  thy  protection,  do 
thou  desert  these  houses,  temples,  and  sacred  places,  depart 
far  from  them;  inspire  this  people  and  this  city  with  fear, 
terror,  and  obliviousness.     Abandon  it,  and  come  to  Rome 

1  "Majores  uostri  religiosissimi  raortales"  (Sallust,  Catdina,  12). 


352  SAINT  PETER. 

to  dwell  with  me  and  mine.  ...  If  thou  hearest  my  prayer, 
I  pledge  an  oath  that  I  will  raise  altars  to  thee,  and  celebrate 
games  in  thine  honor.''  ^ 

Nor  were  these  vain  promises.  At  the  sacking  of 
Veii  the  temples  were,  as  usual,  left  untouched,  while 
young  men,  chosen  with  care  from  the  whole  army,  dili- 
gently purified  themselves  ;  then,  robed  in  white,  entered 
as  suppliants  into  the  sanctuary  of  the  goddess. 

"  Juno, "  they  cried,  "  wilt  thou  go  to  Eome  ?  " 

A  shout  from  the  spectators  was  their  answer.  'They 
had  seen  the  statue  bow  its  head  in  token  of  assent. 
She  was  brought  to  the  Aventine,  where  Camillus  forth- 
with consecrated  the  edifice  promised  to  her  before  the 
siege.  2  Instead  of  transferring  the  divinity  after  this 
fashion,  they  sometimes  left  a  certain  number  of  fami- 
lies in  the  depopulated  towns,  in  order  to  do  honor  to 
its  gods ;   but  this  measure  was  very  rarely  necessary. 

Ordinarily,  Eome  tried  to  assimilate  her  conquests 
with  her  own  body  politic,  and  with  this  idea  she 
wisely  refrained  from  any  innovations.  Accordingly, 
so  far  from  seeking  to  impose  her  own  beliefs  upon  the 
beaten,  she  treated  those  of  the  vanquished  with  the  great- 
est respect,  often  going  so  far  as  to  adopt  them.  In  Gaul, 
Apollo  and  Sirona,^  Eosmerta  and  Mercury,^  were  ven- 
erated on  the  same  altars.  When  the  religious  systems 
were  too  different  to  admit  of  such  a  confusion  of  rites 
and  homage,  the  Eomans  took  part  in  the  religious  cere- 
monies of  the  countries  where  they  chanced  to  be.  In 
Greece  they  asked  to  be  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of 
Eleusis,^  in  Asia  into  those  of  Samothrace.  On  the 
banks  of  the  Nile  they  pledged  their  vows  to  the  divini- 
ties of  Egypt.  ^    The  more  credulous  went,  like  Apuleius, 

1  Macrobius,  Saturnaliorum,  lib.  iii.  cap.  ix.  Macrobius  had  read  these 
formulas  in  a  treatise  on  Rerum  Conditarum,  by  Sammonicus  Serenus,  who 
asserted  that  he  had  copied  them  from  a  very  ancient  work  written  by  a 
certain  Furius. 

^  Livy,  Historice,  v.  22,  ^  Qrelli,  2407. 

4  Id.,  5909.  5  Lobeck,  Aglaoph.  p.  37. 

6  Friedlander,  Mceurs  romaines,  t.  ii.  p.  447,  and  the  Supplement  to 
Book  Second  in  vol.  iv.  p.  .50;  Letronne,  tnscript.  de  ViSgypte,  t.  i.  p.  241. 


THE  LEGAL  STATUS   OF   THE   CHRISTIANS.    353 

from  sanctuary  to  sanctuary  in  order  not  to  neglect  any 
source  of  favor  and  protection.^ 

Nor  was  it  only  in  the  provinces  that  Eome  displayed 
this  tolerant  spirit.  Within  her  own  walls  she  allowed 
even  to  the  most  singular  sects  a  liberty  which  was 
almost  unrestricted.  All  foreigners  attracted  thither 
were  given  full  permission  to  bring  their  gods  with 
them,  and  to  honor  them  after  their  own  fashion.  Con- 
sequently, they  soon  had  temples  of  their  own,  with 
befitting  ceremonies,  which,  begun  inside  the  sanctuary, 
presently  appeared  outside  the  edifice.  Long  proces- 
sions were  to  be  seen  filing  along  the  streets.  Here  the 
devotees  of  Isis,  clad  in  fine  linen,  with  shaven  heads, 
bearing  her  statues  aloft  in  solemn  state  ;2  elsewhere, 
the  priests  of  Cybele  and  Bellona  went  through  their 
bloody  scourgings  in  the  presence  of  a  curious  but  re- 
spectful public.  2 

Such  scenes  as  these  stirred  the  souls  of  a  people  eager 
for  evidences  of  real  piety,  and  they  abandoned  the  cold 
practices  of  their  national  worship,  turning  with  hope 
to  these  devotions  of  the  Orient.  Particularly  in  the 
more  populous  quarters  the  crowds  of  worshippers  in- 
creased daily,  and  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the 
gods  of  Eome.  A  serious  danger  this ;  but  moved  more 
by  religious  scruples  than  by  prudence,  the  politicians 
avoided  using  any  vigorous  measures  against  it.  Leav- 
ing unnoticed  the  ancient  edict  which  forbade  the  con- 
secration of  any  divinity  without  the  approbation  of 
the  Senate,^  they  were  content  with  merely  conferring 
upon  a  college  of  priests,  called  the  Quindecemvirs,  the 
right  to  supervise  foreign  forms  of  worship  and  nomi- 
nate their  ministers.^  By  this  means  they  established 
some  authority  over  them,  while  in  many  cases  they 
made  them  adopt  the  Eoman  rubric.  The  formularies 
for  public  prayers,   their  ceremonies,  and  their  demon- 

1  Apuleius,  Florida,  i.  1. 

2  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltunq ,  B.  i.  S.  79,  80. 

3  Id.,  S.  74,  334,  353-358.  ^  Tertullian,  Apolog.  v. 

^  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltunq ,  B.  iii.  S.  368,  381 ;  Inscript. 
Reg.  Neapol.  2558. 

23 


354  SAINT  PETER. 

strations  of  joy  or  sorrow  were  regulated  beforehand  and 
watchfully  ordered  in  the  execution.^ 

But  these  precautions  were  not  always  sufficient  to 
prevent  abuses ;  and  however  much  the  Komans  might 
shrink  from  striking  a  blow  at  anything  religious,  it 
often  became  necessary  under  the  Eepublic  to  display 
great  severity.  One  hundred  and  eighty-seven  years 
before  our  era,  the  Consul  Postumius  denounced  the 
Bacchanalia,  imported  from  Greece,  branding  it  as  such 
a  farrago  of  crimes  and  obscenities  that  the  Senate  felt 
moved  to  order  the  arrest  of  all  persons  compromised  by 
these  guilty  rites.  ^  Seven  thousand  were  apprehended, 
and,  as  always  in  Eome,  justice  was  executed  after 
a  pitiless  fashion.  Half  of  the  male  offenders  fell 
under  the  axe,  while  the  women,  after  being  tried  by 
their  kinsfolk,  were  put  to  death  within  their  own 
houses.  Despite  the  vigorous  spirit  displayed  by  the 
Senate  in  this  occurrence,  usually  it  was  as  timorous 
about  using  force  as  before.  Instead  of  a  rigorous  inter- 
diction, the  laws  merely  forbade  the  celebration  of  the 
feasts  of  Bacchus  by  more  than  five  persons,  and  with- 
out the  authorization  of  the  Praetor.  Indeed,  while  ex- 
horting the  Conscript  Fathers  to  act  with  all  sternness, 
Postumius  had  justified  their  moderation  in  advance, 
"  Even  at  such  times, "  he  said,  ''  when  religion  serves 
as  a  cloak  for  crime,  we  greatly  dread  lest  in  punishing 
the  guilty  we  should  ourselves  commit  some  impiety. "  ^ 

Such  scruples  were  still  more  manifest  in  the  meas- 
ures taken  against  the  worship  of  Isis.     The  Egyptian 

1  Orelli,  2314,  2315;  Cicero,  De  Legibus,  ii.  1.5. 

2  After  being  initiated  into  these  Mysteries  before  reaching  their  twen- 
tieth year,  the  members  held  the  dogma  that  there  is  no  line  of  demar- 
cation between  good  and  evil  in  men's  actions ;  consequently  any  crime 
is  lawful.  In  their  meetings,  which  took  place  five  times  a  month,  they 
indulged  among  themselves  in  the  most  monstrous  excesses.  "  From  this 
unclean  sink,"  says  Livy,  "issued  forth  false  witnesses,  forged  signa- 
tures, counterfeit  wills,  calumnious  attacks,  murder,  and  poisoning.  Such 
as  refused  to  undergo  initiation,  or  rather,  recoiled  from  its  infamy,  were 
precipitated  by  an  apparatus  into  gloomy  caverns.  Savage  howls,  witli 
the  uproar  of  drums  and  cymbals,  smothered  the  cries  of  the  victims  who 
were  either  slaughtered  or  dishonored"  (Livy,  xxxix.  8,  18). 

^  Livy,  xxxix.  16. 


THE  LEGAL  STATUS   OF   THE    CHRISTIANS.    355 

priests  were  emboldened  to  erect  a  statue  of  this  divin- 
ity in  the  Capitol,  the  very  abode  of  Jupiter.  A  decree 
of  the  Senate  ordered  them  to  be  driven  away ;  but  we 
shall  see  what  was  the  result  of  this  resolution.  In  the 
year  58  before  Christ,  the  Consuls  Piso  and  Gabinius 
enforced  this  senatus-consultus  for  the  first  time.^ 
Again  in  53,  Calvinius  and  Messala  were  obliged  to  in- 
stitute a  similar  course  of  proceedings.  ^  Yet  three  years 
later  the  sanctuary  of  Isis  was  still  standing,  and  as  no 
workman  could  be  found  willing  to  violate  it,  the  Con- 
sul Emilius  had  to  take  the  axe  into  his  own  hands,  and 
with  it  break  in  the  doors.  ^ 

This  stubborn  superstition  of  the  populace  was  as 
favorable  as  was  the  hesitancy  of  the  patricians  to  the 
maintenance  of  foreign  rites  in  perfect  liberty.  In  the 
disorderly  scenes  of  the  Republic's  last  hours,  this  toler- 
ance went  to  such  lengths  that  the  Triumvirs  them- 
selves, in  their  eagerness  for  popularity,  dedicated  an 
altar  to  Isis  and  Serapis.  ^  This  was  so  scandalous 
an  act  of  complaisance  that  Augustus  hastened  to  re- 
pudiate any  responsibility  for  it,  by  returning  to  the 
traditions  of  the  olden  days  of  Rome.  With  all  respect 
for  the  religions  of  the  various  peoples  who  made  up 
his  Empire,  he  countenanced  and  even  favored  them 
so  long  as  they  remained  within  their  own  territories ; 
but  in  Rome  he  treated  them  with  suspicion,  keeping 
watch  on  their  actions,  and  interdicting  any  out-of-door 
ceremonies,  while  on  one  occasion  he  went  so  far  as  to 
destroy  several  temples.^  Tiberius  and  Claudius  fol- 
lowed the  same  policy.  Thus,  then,  under  the  first  of 
the  Caesars,  legislation  on  religious  affairs  was  notable 
for  two  features, —  perfect  freedom  granted  the  prov- 
inces to  practise  their  peculiar  cults;  at  Rome,  a 
similar  liberty  accorded  to  foreigners,  provided  that 
they  caused  no  disturbances  and   did  not  endeavor  to 

1  Tertullian,  Apolog.  vi. ;  Ad  Nation,  i.  10;  Arnobius,  ii.  73. 

2  Pauly,  Real  Encyclopddie ;  Isis,  t.  iv.  p.  290. 

3  Valerius  Maximus,  i.  3,  3,  ^  Dion  Cassius,  xl.  47. 
5  Suetonius,  Augustus,  93;  Dion  Cassius,  liv.  6. 


356  SAINT  PETER. 

make  proselytes.  The  minds  of  the  politicians  were 
pre-occupied  by  the  desire  of  keeping  order  rather  than 
of  defending  the  ancient  gods.  What  they  feared  most 
of  all  was  "  lest  the  introduction  of  new  divinities  should 
give  rise  to  secret  meetings,  with  their  passwords  and  con- 
spiracies,—  dangerous  things  for  the  one-man  power.  "  ^ 
Accordingly,  every  time  that  the  Emperors  attacked  a 
system  of  worship,  the  end  in  view  was  not  so  much  to 
harry  the  religion  itself,  as  it  was  to  prevent  the  assem- 
bling of  men,  to  which  it  offered  dangerous  facilities. 
They  did  not  demand  that  the  members  should  abjure 
their  faith,  but  simply  forbade  them  to  meet  together  to 
profess  it ;  and  in  case  of  obstinate  resistance  they  were 
content  with  banishing  the  offenders. 

But  so  far  as  these  associations  were  concerned,  the 
magistrates  were  already  armed  with  legal  weapons, 
notably  the  Senate's  decree  against  the  Bacchanals, 
whose  main  features  were  as  follows :  A  clause  oblig- 
ing them  to  obtain  a  license  from  the  city  Prsetor  and 
the  Senate ;  another  limiting  the  membership ;  finally,  a 
prohibition  of  anything  like  a  common  treasury,  or  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  priesthood.  ^  Augustus 
took  advantage  of  this  legislation  to  suppress  those 
societies  whose  turbulent  spirit  disquieted  him,  and  to 
interdict  the  creation  of  any  new  "  Colleges.  "  ^  His  im- 
mediate successors  were  no  less  severe  in  their  policy 
towards  such  confraternities.  Consequently,  as  the 
Csesars  were  strongly  opposed  to  these  associations,  the 
Christians  could  not  think  of  such  a  thing  as  trying  to 
form  themselves  into  "  Keligious  Colleges, "  as  very 
many  foreigners  had  been  wont  to  do  under  the  Kepublic. 
And,  furthermore,  what  was  the  use  of  soliciting  this 
right,  one  only  to  be  obtained  with  great  difficulty,  when 
they  were  assured  of  living  in  security  so  long  as  they 
were  not  distinguished  from  the  larger  body  of  Israel- 
ites ?      When    examining    the   condition    of    the    latter 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lii.  36. 

2  Livy,  xxxix.  8-18;   Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  i.  pp.  43,  44. 

3  Suetonius,  Augustus,  32. 


THE  LEGAL   STATUS   OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.   357 

under  the  Empire,  we  have  seen  how  Christianity  grew 
up  everywhere  under  the  shadow  of  the  Synagogue.  As 
the  first  disciples  at  Eome,  like  those  of  Jerusalem, 
were  Jews  by  birth,  they  continued  for  some  time  to  be 
confounded  with  their  brethren  who  clung  to  the  ancient 
Law,  up  to  the  day  when  the  open  hostility  of  the  latter 
rendered  a  separation  inevitable.  This  division,  how- 
ever, did  not  prevent  the  Christians  from  keeping  up 
the  major  part  of  their  former  practices.  Aside  from 
certain  peculiar  rites,  the  churches  which  met  in  the 
dwellings  of  Prisca  and  other  baptized  Israelites  were 
not  very  different  in  outward  aspects  from  the  strict 
Mosaical  synagogues.  Owing  to  this  fact,  they  enjoyed 
the  legal  prerogatives  of  their  nation,  and  shared  its 
fortunes.  1  Those  of  Hebrew  origin  were  not  the  only 
ones  to  profit  by  these  privileges ;  for  Pagans  who  fre- 
quented the  synagogues  were  likewise  participants. 
Accordingly,  the  Christian  Churches  of  Eome,  so  long  as 
Jews  were  in  the  majority,  offered  to  neophytes  of  Gen- 
tile birth  the  same  sureties  possessed  by  the  sanctuaries 
of  Israel. 

This  toleration  was  shown  to  gatherings  composed 
almost  entirely  of  Pagan  converts.  In  fact,  whatever 
the  disagreements  between  the  Church  and   the    Syna- 

1  When  Claudius,  wearied  with  the  tumults  which  followed  the  pro- 
gress of  Christianity  in  the  Roman  ghettos,  decided  to  restore  the  peace 
of  the  city  at  any  cost,  he  found  no  better  means  of  accomplishing  his 
object  than  by  banishing  all  Israel,  Jews  and  Christians  alike  (Suetonius, 
Claudius,  25).  In  other  parts  of  the  Empire,  the  magistrates  followed  his 
example,  refusing  to  discriminate  between  the  disciples  of  Moses  and  those 
of  the  Christ.  Gallio,  Proconsul  of  Achaia,  answers  the  Jews  who  drag  S. 
Paul  before  his  judgment-seat :  "  If  this  were  a  question  of  any  injustice 
or  some  evil  deed,  I  should  consider  myself  obliged  to  hear  you  patiently : 
but  if  it  has  to  do  with  doctrinal  contentions,  —  an  interpretation  of  words 
or  of  your  law,  —  do  you  settle  your  differences  as  you  deem  fit,  I  will  not 
make  myself  your  judge"  (Acts  xviii.  14,  15).  In  Palestine,  Lysias,  Pelix, 
and  Festus  all  act  in  like  manner  (Acts  xxiii.  29;  xxiv.  22-25;  xxv.  18- 
21).  Everywhere  where  S.  Paul  does  suffer  maltreatment,  —  at  Antioch 
in  Pisidia,  Iconium,  Philippi,  Thessalonica,  Berea,  and  Ephesus,  —  his  perse- 
cutors are  municipal  authorities  (Acts  xiii.  50 ;  xiv.  5  ;  xvi.  20-23  ;  xvii.  6, 
13 ;  xix.  23-40).  Rome  never  interferes ;  her  officers  only  take  cognizance 
of  the  senatus-consultus  and  decrees  which  allow  the  Jews  entire  freedom 
in  religious  matters. 


358  SAINT  PETER. 

gogue,  the  magistrates  of  Eome  had  seen  for  themselves 
that  one  was  the  offspring  of  the  other ;  and  in  order  not 
to  have  to  proceed  against  the  former  as  a  foreign  system 
of  worship,  they  continued  to  treat  them  as  two  branches 
from  the  same  parent  trunk.  It  is  true  that  any  such 
confusion  as  this,  —  which  was  a  sore  trial  to  the  Jews, 
—  only  existed  as  a  legal  fiction  kept  up  by  the  Koman 
authorities.  The  common  people,  indeed,  had  no  diffi- 
culty in  distinguishing  the  disciples,  whom  they  called 
"  Christians  "  ^  (a  term  of  contempt),  and  whose  wor- 
ship they  held  to  be  an  "  execrable  superstition. "  ^  So 
when  Nero  cast  about  for  some  one  to  accuse  of  the 
burning  of  Eome,  he  had  only  to  lay  hands  upon  this 
"  great  multitude  "  ^  spoken  of  by  Tacitus,  hated  by  the 
populace,  and  disowned  by  the  Jews.  The  Church,  sud- 
denly deprived  of  the  guarantees  which  had  favored  her 
growth,  was  for  some  years  *  thereafter  at  the  mercy  of  vio- 
lent enemies.  But  the  tortures  devised  for  her  children 
were  so  odious  that  the  universal  hatred  soon  turned  to 
compassion.  "  Men  took  pity  on  them,  because  they 
were  sacrificed,  not  for  the  general  good,  but  to  gratify 
the  cruelty  of  one  man.  "  ^  This  new  reversal  of  popular 
feeling  had  its  effect  on  the  magistrates,  who  by  degrees 
returned  to  their  former  tolerant  mode  of  treatment. 

Two  facts  support  this  hypothesis,  and  make  us  be- 
lieve that  the  milder  political  measures  of  Koman  state- 
manship  again  came  in  force  after  the  death  of  Nero. 
According  to  the  account  of  Sulpicius  Severus,  when 
Titus  was  besieging  Jerusalem  (70),  he  agreed  with  his 
staff-officers  that  the  Temple  should  be  razed  to  the 
ground,  "  in  order  to  destroy  at  one  and  the  same  time 

1  "  Quos  per  flagitia  invisos,  vulgus  Christianos  adpellabat "  (Tacitus, 
Annates,  xv.  44), 

2  " Exitiabilis  superstitio "  (Id.). 

3  "Igitur  primo  conrepti,  qui  fatebantur,  deinde,  indicio  eorum,  multi- 
tudo  ingens,  baud  perinde  in  crimine  incendii,  quam  odio  humani  generis, 
convicti  sunt  "  (Id.). 

4  From  64  to  the  death  of  Nero,  June  11,  68. 

^  "  Quanquam  adversus  sontes  et  novissima  exempla  raeritos,  miseratio 
oriebatur,  tanquara  non  utilitate  publica,  sed  in  s^evitiam  unius,  absume- 
rentur"  (Tacitus,  Annales,  xv.  44). 


{ 


THE  LEGAL  STATUS   OF   THE   CHRISTIANS.    359 

the  Jews'  religion  with  that  of  the  Christians,  since 
both,  though  opposed  to  each  other,  have  a  common 
source.  "  ^  Twenty  years  later,  Domitian,  to  replenish  his 
empty  treasury,  forced  the  Christians  to  pay  the  same  tax 
which,  since  the  year  70,  had  been  forthcoming  from 
every  Israelite  community.  ^  The  imperial  decree  desig- 
nates the  faithful  by  these  words,  "  those  who  live  after 
the  manner  of  the  Jews, "  ^  —  thus  giving  us  to  understand 
that  they  enjoyed  the  privileges  granted  to  Israel,  and 
that  it  was  on  these  grounds  that  they  were  compelled  to 
fulfil  the  same  duties.  So  then  it  seems  to  be  an  estab- 
lished fact  that  in  the  first  century  the  Christians  had 
but  one  safeguard,  politically  speaking,  though  it  was  a 
solid  one,  — to  wit,  the  tolerant  spirit  of  the  magistrates, 
who  persisted  in  regarding  them  as  merely  a  sect  of 
Israelites. 

The  early  conversion  of  certain  patricians,  while  fos- 
tering these  liberal  notions  among  statesmen,  also  helped 
to  shield  the  Church  from  the  popular  malevolence.  In 
the  residences  of  these  great  personages,  almost  as  vast 
as  a  city  district,^  hundreds  of  clients  entered  every 
morning  to  salute  their  lord.^  So  numerous  were  the 
visitors  that  a  slave,  called  the  Nomenclator,^  was 
appointed  to  announce  them,  and  oftentimes  it  hap- 
pened that  his  trained  memory  failing  him,   he  would 

1  "  Fertiir  Titus  adhibito  consilio  prius  deliberasse  ...  at  contra  alii  et 
Titus  ipse  evertendum  templum  in  primis  censebant,  quo  plenius  Judseo- 
rum  et  Christianorum  religio  tolleretur ;  quippe  has  religiones,  licet  cou- 
trarias  sibi,  iisdem  auctoribus  profectas:  Christianos  ex  Judseis  extitisse ; 
radice  sublata,  stirpem  facile  perituram "  (Sulpicius  Severus,  Chron.  ii. 
30).  Here  this  author  is  reproducing  a  passage  from  Tacitus,  otherwise 
lost  to  us. 

2  Josephus,  Bel/urn  Judaicum,  vii.  6. 

3  "  Praeter  cseteros  Judaicus  fiscus  acerbissime  actus  est ;  ad  quern  de- 
ferebantur  qui  vel  improfessi  Judaicam  viverent  vitam,  vel,  dissimulata 
origine,  imposita  genti  tributa  non  pependissent "  (Suetonius,  Domit.  12). 

*  "Domos  in  urbium  modum  exaedificatas  "  (Sallust,  Catilina,  12). 

Urbis  opus  domus  una  fuit :  spatiumque  tenebat 
Quo  brevius  muris  oppida  multa  tenent. 

Ovid,  Pastor.,  vi.  641,  642. 

^  Marquardt,  Handbuch  der  Rdmischen  Alterthiimer ;  Das  Privat 
Leben,  t.  i.  pp.  200-208. 

*^  Panly,  Real  Encyclopadie :  Nomenclator, 


360  SAINT  PETER. 

give  them  fictitious  names.  ^  At  meal-times  there  was 
the  same  throng ;  for  the  rich  gloried  in  displaying  gen- 
erous hospitality,  and  often  their  dining-halls  contained 
as  many  as  thirty  tables  sumptuously  decked  and  served.  ^ 
It  is  easy  to  fancy  what  opportunities  these  crowds  must 
have  given  the  Christians.  The  common  people,  accus- 
tomed to  seeing  a  multitude  daily  besieging  the  gates  of 
the  patricians,  would  be  unable  to  distinguish  the  com- 
panies of  disciples  who  came  thither  to  meet  in  the 
houses  of  their  wealthy  brethren. 

Still  more  available  as  meeting-places  were  the  burial 
domains  which  the  noble  families  possessed  round  about 
Kome.  These  funereal  regions  enclosed,  besides  the  tombs, 
very  many  edifices,  — lodges  for  the  keepers,  ^  large  halls 
for  festivals  and  sacrifices,^  cellars,  wells, ^  and  long  gal- 
leries ;  farther  away  were  gardens,  shady  avenues,  with 
orchards  and  vineyards.^  They  visited  these  places  of 
sepulture,  not  only  on  the  feast-days  of  the  dead,''  but 
on  oft-recurring  anniversaries ;  for  few  rich  persons  died 
without  leaving  instructions  in  their  wills  that  on  stated 
days  libations  and  offerings  should  be  made  about  their 
tombs.  The  distributions  of  food  and  money  promised 
to  every  one  who  attended  the  ceremonies,  insured  a 
large  crowd  on  each  occasion.^     Consequently,  no  one 

1  Seneca,  De  Bene/,  i.  3 ;  Macrobius,  Saturn,  ii.  4. 

2  Plutarch,  Qucest.  Conviv.  v.  5,  9. 

3  "  Ceterum  erit  raihi  curge,  ut  testamento  caveam,  ne  mortuus  injuriam 
accipiam ;  prseponam  enim  unum  ex  libertis  sepulcro  meo  custodice  causa  " 
(Petronius,  Satyr.  71  ;  Orelli,  4366,  4367,  4353,  4368,  4369,  4371). 

*  Orelli,  4433  ;  Marini,  Atti  e  monumenti  de^  frateUi  Arvali,  t.  ii.  p.  616. 

^  AVilmanns,  Exempla  Inscriptionuni  Latinarum:  "  Huic  monumento 
cedet  hortus  in  quo  tricliae,  viniola,  puteum,  tediculae  ..."  (240). 
"Taberna  cum  sedificio  et  cisterna  ..."  (Marini,  Atti,  t.  i.  p.  12). 

6  "Hortus  cinctus  maceria"  (Orelli,  4373);  "Agellus"  (Id.,  4561); 
"  Hortos  cum  sedificio  huic  sepulturas  junctos  vivos  donavit,  ut  ex  redditu 
eorum  largius  rosae  et  escse  patrono  suo  et  quandoque  sibi  ponerentur " 
(Id.,  4418).  "  Omne  genus  etiam  pomorum  volo  sint  circa  cineres  meos  et 
vinearum  largiter  "  (Petronius,  Satyr.  71). 

Hoc  nemus  aeterno  cinerum  sacravit  honori 
Faenius  et  culti  jugera  pulchra  soli. 

Martial,  i.  116. 

7  For  these  festivals  of  the  dead,  see  chapter  xvii. 

^  Cf.  Paul  AUard,  Hisfoire  des  Persecutions  pendant  la  premiere  moitii 
du  trosieme  Steele,  Appendix  A. 


THE  LEGAL  STATUS   OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.    361 

would  be  surprised  to  see  Christians  flocking  to  the 
burial-grounds  of  friendly  patricians.  Indeed,  all  kinds 
of  religious  worship  were  treated  with  more  respect 
there  than  elsewhere ;  for  tombs  were  declared  by  law 
to  be  sacred  and  inviolable,  and  easily  escaped  the 
prescriptions  of  hostile  religious  edicts.  ^  For  a  long 
time  Jews,  Syrians,  worshippers  of  Isis  or  of  Mithra 
had  also  owned  cemeteries,  and  therein  sacrificed  as  they 
pleased.  In  this  great  diversity  of  rites,  and  all  the 
questions  as  to  personal  property,  what  could  the  pontiffs 
charged  with  the  general  supervision  do,  except  close 
their  eyes  until  such  time  as  abuses  occurred,  forcing 
them  to  interfere  ? 

Nevertheless,  valuable  as  these  franchises  must  have 
been,  a  necessity  more  urgent  than  mere  freedom  of  wor- 
ship soon  forced  the  Church  to  frequent  these  regions  of 
the  dead  :  this  was  her  anxiety  to  inter  with  decency 
those  of  her  members  who  slept  in  the  faith.  To 
bring  any  Gentiles  into  the  Jewish  cemeteries  was  no 
longer  possible  after  the  rupture  with  the  Synagogue ; 
to  deposit  them  in  a  columharium,^  crowded  with  urns 
which  were  covered  with  idolatrous  emblems,  could  not 
be  done  without  irreverence,  for  the  body  of  a  Christian, 
consecrated  by  baptism  and  united  by  the  Holy  Euchar- 
ist to  the  Blood  of  his  God,  was  regarded  as  a  hallowed 
relic.  Furthermore,  it  was  an  irrefragable  custom  in  the 
East,  not  only  to  refrain  from  undue  haste,  but  still 
more  to  delay  as  long  as  possible  the  dissolution  of  mor- 
tal remains.  This  cherished  tradition  of  the  Jews  was 
in  accordance  with  Christian  principles,  and  the  Church, 
on  coming  in  contact  with  Eoman  customs,  continued  to 
give  her  dead  all  the  honors  of  burial.  So  it  came 
about  that  these  cemeteries  were  established,  ^  —  verita- 

1  Paul  Allard,  Hist,  des  Persecutions,  Appendix  B. 

2  This  was  the  name  the  Romans  gave  the  sepulchres  erected  for  the 
reception  of  the  members  of  a  whole  family  or  fraternity.  They  were 
called  a  "  Columbarium,"  or  dovecote,  on  account  of  the  niches,  shaped 
like  pigeons'  nests,  wherein  the  burial-urns  were  deposited. 

8  Originally  "  cemetery,  csemeterium  " :  Koifj.riT'fjpicv,  sleeping-place, 
from  Koifxikw,  to  slumber. 


362  SAINT  PETER. 

ble  "  resting-places, "  where  tlie  brethren  slept  side  by 
side,   waiting  for  the  last  great  wakening. 

Although  entire  liberty  was  granted  them  to  own  pri- 
vate burial-places,^  brotherly  love  generally  made  them 
desire  to  be  united  in  death  as  they  had  been  in  life. 
From  the  outset,  it  would  seem  that  certain  wealthy 
citizens  of  Eome  received  their  poorer  brethren  in  their 
funeral  domains.  The  Ostrian  Cemetery,  where,  as  we 
have  seen,  stood  the  first  chair  of  Peter's  Episcopate, 
belonged  to  some  rich  neophyte.  That  of  Lucina  was 
set  apart  from  the  burial-ground  of  the  Pompon ia 
Family.  The  Catacomb  of  Priscilla  was  within  prop- 
erty belonging  to  the  Senator  Pudens.  On  the  Via 
Ardeatina,  a  daughter  of  the  Flavians,  named  Domitilla, 
was  soon  to  consecrate  to  Christ  the  cemetery  which 
still  bears  her  name,  where,  too,  she  welcomed  the  slave 
Ampliatus,  apparently  the  one  mentioned  by  Saint  Paul,^ 
and  Petronilla,  a  descendant  of  T.  Flavins  Petro,  also  of 
the  Flavian  stock.  ^ 

Without  fixing  upon  the  precise  date  when  these  little 
cities  of  the  dead  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Church, 
archeologists  hold  it  as  a  settled  fact  that  even  in  the 
first  century  they  were  used  for  Christian  gatherings. 
We  need  only  wander  through  one  of  them  to  under- 
stand how  easy  it  was  for  the  disciples  to  find  a  safe 
refuge  therein.  Pagan  observers  could  discover  nothing 
unusual  in  them,  nothing  to  distinguish  them  from  the 
mausoleums  which  the  noble  Romans  were  erecting  on 
all  sides.  Later  on,  to  gain  ampler  room,  the  catacombs 
were  extended  underground  ;  but  at  the  outset,  the  sepul- 
chral edifice  rose  above  the  surface.  The  monument  of 
Lucina  stands  beside  the  Appian  Way;  Domitilla's  is 
on  the  Via  Ardeatina.  In  the  latter  the  inscription 
over  the  door  indicated  the  name  of  the  owner,  and  the 

1  "  We  have  withdrawn  apart,"  says  a  Christian  couple  in  their  epi- 
taph; "we  have  set  up  this  sarcophagus  in  our  own  gardens."  Gruter, 
1059,  G. 

■2  Rom.  xvi.  8. 

2  Paul  Allard,  Rome  souterraine,  p.  54;  supplement,  pp.  605-612; 
also  the  Cuhiculum  d^ Ampliatus  in  his  Lettres  chretiennes,  t.  iv.  p.  416. 


THE  LEGAL  STATUS  OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.    363 

vestibule  stood  open  to  the  gaze  of  passers-by.  Any  one 
curious  enougb  to  penetrate  within  the  sacred  precincts 
would  find  nothing  there  to  excite  his  surprise.  On  the 
arches  the  same  paintings  as  inPagan  sepulchres, —  scenes 
from  the  vintage,  the  trailing  vines  delicately  sketched, 
while  here  and  there  bright  birds  and  spirits  flit  about. 
These  frescos  rival  those  at  Pompeii  in  grace.  Christian 
artists  had  not  created  anything  original  as  yet,  but  merely 
reproduced  the  arabesques  with  which  the  patrician  resi- 
dences were  decorated ;  only  they  banished  everything 
that  was  idolatrous  or  immoral.  Nor  was  there  any- 
thing about  the  epitaphs  on  these  earliest  tombs  which 
differed  essentially  from  the  profane  inscriptions.  The 
lapidary  style  and  all  the  formulas  compatible  with 
Christian  doctrines  are  still  in  use.  Much  of  the  orna- 
mentation is  still  the  same  as  in  Pagan  times,  —  palms, 
crowns,  footprints,  and  figures  of  animals.  The  visitor 
must  needs  be  a  keen  observer  to  detect  in  the  aspirations 
for  "  peace,  refreshment,  the  Vision  of  God, "  indications 
of  a  New  Faith.  ^ 

So,  too,  with  the  Christian  Eitual :  although  bor- 
rowed from  the  Synagogue,  it  resembled  the  usual  rites 
of  funeral  festivals  in  so  many  particulars  that  at  first 
no  one  noticed  any  striking  divergences.  The  Euchar- 
istic  Banquet  was  the  soul  of  the  new  Worship ;  now 
just  such  repasts,  eaten  in  common,  played  a  consider- 
able part  in  the  anniversary  feasts  celebrated  by  the 
Pagans.  2  The  important  position  assigned  to  these 
ceremonies,  and  the  festival  halls  requisite  for  them, 
made  it  possible  for  the  Church  to  construct  large  meet- 
ing places  in  every  necropolis.  These  became  the  first 
sanctuaries,  wherein  they  took  care  to  introduce  as  few 
innovations  as  possible.  One  instance  will  suffice  to 
show  how  far  this  prudence  was  carried.  The  mortuary 
monuments  usually  exhibited  a  picture  of  the  banquets 

1  Martiguy,  Dictionnaire  des  anfiguites  chre'tiennes :  Inscriptions. 

2  One  of  these  "  Funeral  Colleges  "  that  were  allowed  to  multiply  un- 
hindered in  the  second  century,  adopted  the  following  title,  which  betrays 
the  main  object  of  its  meetings :  "  Society  of  men  who  dine  together." 
** Convictorura  qui  uno  epulo  vesci  solent"  (Orelli,  4073). 


364  SAINT  PETER. 

celebrated  on  the  birthdays  of  the  donors,  and  these 
feasts  were  also  designated  by  some  such  formulary  as 
this  :  — 

^'  The  VIII.  before  the  Ides  of  March :  birthday  of  Coesennus 
.   .   .   father. 

''The  XIII.  before  the  Kalends  of  September:  birthday  of 
Coesennus  Silvanus,  brother. 

''The  XIX.  before  the  Kalends  of  January:  birthday  of 
Coesennus  Eufus,   patron  of   the  municipium."  ^ 

These  time-hallowed  terms  in  no  wise  offended  the 
New  Faith,  and  the  Church  accordingly  adopted  them 
in  making  the  calendar  of  her  feasts.  ^  The  sole 
change  was  that,  to  the  disciples,  "  birthday  "  {natalis 
dies)  no  longer  meant  the  anniversary  of  one's  birth,  but 
that  of  one's  death,  inasmuch  as  with  the  Christian's 
last  breath  on  earth  his  true  life  begins  in  Eternity  and 
in  the  bosom  of  his  God. 

So,  then,  whether  preserving  the  outward  aspects  of 
Judaism,  or  whether  casting  them  aside,  the  Church 
found  her  safety  assured  in  either  case  here  in  Kome. 
Up  to  the  year  64  she  profited  by  this  state  of  affairs,  free 
to  expand  unhindered,  and  partaking  of  the  protection 
granted  to  all  subjects  of  the  Empire.  A  precious  safe- 
guard this,  which  Heaven  had  provided  to  shield  this 
cradle  of  the  New  Eaith  from  the  Jews,  bent  upon 
exterminating  it.  At  this  date  they  were  her  only 
enemies,  and  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  she  knew  hardly 
any  others ;  and  yet  she  had  everything  to  dread  from 
these  fraternal  strifes.  Twice  since  the  Saviour's  death 
the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  the 
right  to  pronounce  sentence  of  death.  They  had  made  use 
of  it  to  slay  Stephen  and  James,  ^  while  they  "  compelled 
the  disciples,  by  means  of  tortures  and  executions,  to 
blaspheme  the  Christ. "  *  If  they  had  been  but  once  per- 
mitted to  give  free  rein  to  their  fanatic  hatred,  they 

'  '*  VIII.  Id.  Mar.  natali  Caesenni .  .  .  patris. 
XIII.  k.  sept.  na[t.  Caesejnni  Silvani  fratris, 
XIX.  k.  Jan.  n[at.  Caesjenni  Rufi  patr[oni]  mum[cipii]. " 

WiLMANNS,  Exempla  Inscriptionum,  319. 

2  Our  Martyrologies  still  preserve  these  Roman  formulas. 
^  Acts  vii.  56-58;  xii.  1,  2.  *  Acts  xxvi.  11. 


THE  LEGAL   STATUS   OF  THE   CHRISTIANS.   365 

would  have  crushed  the  lowly  edifice  erected  in  honor  of 
the  Saviour ;  but  the  iron  hand  of  Eome  held  them  in 
check,  and  allowed  nothing  more  serious  than  passing 
outbursts  of  frenzy.  Here  we  see  outbreaks  of  the  mob 
promptly  repressed,  elsewhere,  infrequent  abuses  of  au- 
thority on  the  part  of  provincial  magistrates.  Taking 
everything  into  consideration,  we  may  conclude  that  dur- 
ing the  whole  of  the  first  century  the  Church  was  protected 
oftener  than  she  was  disturbed  by  the  Eoman  authorities. 

She  merited  this  kindly  treatment,  not  only  because 
of  her  anxiety  to  avoid  anything  which  might  shock  the 
Pagans,  but  still  more  for  her  ready  obedience  to  decrees 
of  the  State.  The  Rationalist  critics  endeavor  to  repre- 
sent our  fathers  in  the  Faith  as  a  constant  menace  to 
the  institutions  of  Rome,  a  dangerous  faction  in  open 
revolt  against  religious  order.  Hence,  they  conclude 
that  the  magistrates  must  be  excused  for  visiting  the 
rebels  with  those  atrocious  punishments  common  at  that 
date,  and  that  the  best  and  wisest  of  sovereigns  were 
right  in  letting  justice  take  its  course.  The  best  answer 
to  these  novel  views  is  the  spectacle  presented  during 
the  first  thirty  years,  when  Rome  watched  Christianity 
growing  up  within  her  walls,  without  evidencing  the 
slightest  alarm ;  still  further,  we  have  the  teaching  im- 
bibed by  the  disciples  of  that  day.  Never  was  respect 
for  the  law  preached  with  greater  insistence,  together 
with  perfect  submission  to  legitimate  rulers.  Just  at 
this  date  Saint  Paul  wrote  to  the  Christians  of  Rome, 
"  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher  powers ;  for 
there  is  no  power  which  cometh  not  from  God,  and  He 
it  is  Who  hath  established  all  those  that  exist.  There- 
fore he  that  resisteth  the  powers,  resisteth  the  ordinance 
of  God.  .  .  .  The  prince  is  an  instrument  of  God  to  exe- 
cute his  vengeance  on  him  who  doeth  evil.  Wherefore 
we  must  be  subject  not  only  out  of  fear  of  punishment, 
but  for  conscience'  sake.  Therefore,  also,  you  pay  trib- 
ute to  princes,  because  they  are  the  ministers  of  God.  "  ^ 
It  is  true  that  Christians  used  very  different  language 
later  on.      When  Nero  was  suspected  of  burning  Rome, 

1  Rom.  xiii.  1-6. 


366  SAINT  PETER. 

he  threw  the  odium  upon  the  new  sect,  and  to  prove  to 
the  people  that  the  Christians  were  really  guilty,  devised 
all  manner  of  horrible  tortures  for  them.  It  was  natural 
that  a  cry  of  horror  should  escape  the  lips  of  virgins 
delivered  over  to  unspeakable  indignities,  ^  and  from 
that  throng  of  martyrs  steeped  in  resin  and  set  aflame 
like  living  torches.  ^  They  could  no  longer  regard  Eome 
as  other  than  "  the  great  Babylon,  the  Mother  of  prosti- 
tutes, and  the  abominations  of  the  earth,  —  the  Woman 
drunk  with  the  blood  of  the  Saints  and  of  the  Martyrs  of 
Jesus. "  ^  To  them  it  seemed  that  Csesar  was  the  Beast 
having  seven  heads  and  ten  horns,  —  a  scarlet  Beast, 
covered  over  with  names  of  blasphemy.  *  In  his  Apoca- 
lypse Saint  John  has  voiced  these  lamentations  which, 
one  and  all,  bewail  the  past  and  foretell  a  future  repara- 
tion ;  but  he  never  incites  the  surviving  victims  to  re- 
volt. It  is  for  God  to  avenge  His  elect,  for  them  to 
suffer  patiently,  evermore  repeating  the  Christian's 
words  of  mourning,  "  Blessed  are  the  dead  who  die  in 
the  Lord;  from  henceforth  now,  saith  the  Spirit,  that 
they  may  rest  from  their  labors,  for  their  works  do 
follow  them.  "^ 

Clearer  still  rang  forth  the  words  of  Peter.  The  Head 
of  the  Twelve  survived  the  first  persecution.  Bitter 
and  severe  as  that  time  of  trial  was  to  him,  it  brought 
about  no  change  in  his  teaching.  What  Saint  Paul 
had  written  ten  years  before,  this  the  Apostle  repeated 
once  more,  then,  as  ever,  giving  an  immutable  form  to 
the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  "  Be  ye  subject  for  the 
love  of  God  to  all  established  governments,  whether  to 
the  King,  as  being  above  all,  or  to  Governors  sent  by 
him  for  the  punishment  of  evil-doers  and  for  the  praise 
of  the  good.  .  .  .  Fear  God ;  honor  the  King. "  ^  Yet 
this  King  was  Nero,  who  had  been  torturing  the  Chris- 
tians,  and  was  about  to  crucify  Peter. 

1  AlKia-fiaraBiiva  Kol  auSffiairadovcrai  (S.  Clement,  /.  ad  Corinthios,  vL). 

2  Tacitus,  Annales,  xv.  44.  ^  Apoc.  xvii.  5,  6. 
*  Apoc.  xvii.  3.  ^  Apoc.  xiv.  13, 

6  1  Peter  ii.  13-17. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

THE   GOSPEL   OF   SAINT   MARK. 

We  know  very  little  as  to  the  form  in  which  Saint 
Peter  clothed  his  preaching  at  Rome ;  but  the  substance 
of  it  is  better  known ;  for,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
all  ancient  writers,  we  possess  it  to-day  as  Saint  Mark 
compiled  and  preserved  it  in  the  Second  Gospel.  In  the 
capital  of  the  world  Peter  continued  the  work  he  and  his 
brethren  had  begun  in  Judea.  He  set  forth  the  Life  and 
teachings  of  the  Master,  and  every  day  and  in  much  the 
same  terms  he  repeated  a  sort  of  historical  catechism  to 
the  neophytes  who  surrounded  him.  A  contemporary 
of  the  oldest  of  the  Apostles,  John  the  Priest,^  tells  us 
that  this  spoken  Gospel  was  almost  immediately  put  in 
writing. 

'*  Mark,"  he  says,  "  who  became  interpreter  to  Peter, 
put  together  very  exactly,  but  without  any  precise  order, 
all  that  he  recalled  of  the  words  and  actions  of  the  Christ. 
For  he  had  never  heard,  nor  had  he  accompanied  the 
Lord  ;  but  later  on,  as  I  have  said,  he  followed  Peter,  who 
arranged  his  instructions  according  to  the  needs  of  his 
audience,  and  not  as  if  he  wanted  to  construct  a  method- 
ical collection  of  the  discourses  of  the  Lord.  Mark  is 
not  to  be  blamed  for  having  written  only  a  small  number 
of  details,  just  as  he  remembered  them  ;   for  he  had  only 

1  This  personage  was  one  of  the  "  Elders  "  who  while  living  with  the 
last  of  the  Apostles,  gathered  together  their  traditions.  All  that  we 
know  of  him  is  that  he  resided  at  Ephesus,  in  the  company  of  S.  John  the 
Apostle,  his  master,  whose  name  he  bore  (Papias,  in  Eusebius,  Historia 
Ecclesiastica,  iii.  39  ;  Constitutiones  Apostolicce,  vii,  46).  In  the  third  cen- 
tury their  tombs  were  still  shown  in  that  city  (Dionysius  of  Alexandria, 
in  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vii.  25). 


368  SAINT  PETER. 

one  object  in  view,  — not  to  omit  anything  he  had  heard, 
and  not  to  allow  anything  untrue  to  creep  into  his 
narrative."  ^ 

Though  rather  confusing  on  the  whole,  this  bit  of  evi- 
dence nevertheless  furnishes  us  with  a  few  invaluable 
details  as  to  the  preaching  of  Saint  Peter.  The  title  of 
Interpreter  given  Mark  leads  us  to  infer  that  the  Apostle 
did  not  speak  Greek  well  enough  to  be  easily  understood. 
The  Evangelist  therefore  stood  beside  him,  and  repeated 
the  discourses  of  the  Galilean  fisherman  in  the  popular 
tongue.  This  sort  of  sermon  was  really  a  recital  ''  of  the 
words  and  actions  of  the  Christ,"  ^  but  ''without  any  set 
order ; "  ^  for  Peter  thought  only  of  instructing  his  hearers, 
and  adduced  events  and  parables  ''  according  to  the  needs 
of  his  subject-matter."  *  He  was  to  proclaim  Jesus  to 
the  world  ;  and  to  that  end  any  one  of  the  striking  fea- 
tures of  His  Life  answered  his  purpose ;  he  had  no  idea 
of  attempting  the  work  of  an  historian,  still  less  of  con- 
structing a  moral  treatise  out  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Saviour.  He  did  not  try  "  to  make  a  synopsis  of  His 
discourses,"  ^  as  the  writer  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  was 
afterwards  to  do  :  *'  his  only  end  in  view  was  to  be  care- 
ful neither  to  omit  nor  to  alter  anything  whatever."  ^ 

If  we  are  to  accept  this  tradition,  Mark,  it  seems,  had 
a  very  small  part  in  the  compilation  of  the  work  which 
bears  his  name.  Yet  we  find  the  same  idea  repeated  in 
the  following  centuries.  Saint  Justin  calls  the  Second 
Gospel  "  the  Memoirs,  the  Eecollections  of  Peter ; "  "^ 
Saint  Irenseus   asserts  again  that  "  Mark  did  no  more 

1  This  testimony  of  John  the  Priest  has  been  handed  down  to  us  by 
Papias,  Bishop  of  Hierapolis.     Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  39,  15. 
^  Ta  vrrh  rov  Xpiarov  ^  Aex^eWa  ^  irpaxO^vra. 

*  Ov  fiivTOi  rd^ci. 

*  Tlpbs  Tos  XP^''*^  iTroi€?TO  rds  5i5a<TKaAias. 

^  OvK  tkairep  (Tvvra^iv  rSov  KvpiaKwv  iroio^/xevos  \6yo)V  {Koyiwv). 

^  .   .  .  'Evhs  iiroir^craTO  irpovoiav,  rov  fX7]^\v  Sju  ^Kovae  irapaXiiruu. 

''  ^kirofxvqixovevfxara  rov  Tlerpov  (S.  Justin,  Dialog,  cvi.).  Eusebius 
makes  use  of  this  expression  twice.  Udvra  yap  ra  irapa  MdpKca  rov  Uerpov 
SiaX^^ecav  elvM  Keyerai  cnro/jLvrf/nouevfJiara  {Demonstr.  Evangel,  iii.  5).  Toi^tow 
(n^rpou)  MdpKos  yvwpi^os  Koi  (poirr}T7]s  y^yovus,  airo/j.vrjiJ.ovevarai  Ae-yerot  rhs 
rod  UeTpov  TTcpl  Tobv  Trpd^fwv  rov  'ItjctoD  5taA^|6iy.      (Id.) 


THE   GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  369 

than  set  down  in  writing  just  what  the  Apostle  taught ; "  ^ 
Origen  says  that  ''he  composed  it  under  the  supervision 
of  Peter."  ^  At  the  same  period  Clement  of  Alexandria 
heard  "  from  his  elders  of  the  preceding  generation  "  a 
similar  tradition.  "  '  So  this  is  the  way/  said  these  ven- 
erable witnesses,  '  that  Mark  went  about  the  writing  of 
his  Gospel.  Peter  had  preached  the  word  of  God  publicly 
in  Kome,  and,  under  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
had  announced  the  Glad  Tidings.  Many  of  his  hearers 
besought  Mark,  who  had  been  in  Peter's  company  for 
now  a  long  time  and  had  a  lively  remembrance  of  his 
words,  to  write  down  the  discourses  of  the  Apostle,-  Ac- 
cordingly, Mark  composed  his  Gospel  and  gave  it  to  all 
who  asked  for  it :  and  when  Peter  was  apprised  thereof, 
he  neither  forbade  nor  encouraged  him."  ^ 

Any  such  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  Apostle  in 
regard  to  the  inspired  pages  did  not  seem  at  all  shock- 
ing to  the  contemporaries  of  Clement  of  Alexandria.  It 
caused  more  surprise  in  succeeding  centuries,  and  doubt- 
less that  was  the  reason  why  they  modified  the  tradition, 
giving  it  the  meaning  which  Eusebius  has  handed  down 
to  posterity  in  his  account.  "  Those  who  listened  to 
Peter  were  not  content  with  hearing  his  doctrine  as  it  fell 
from  his  lips,  they  earnestly  begged  Mark  to  give  it  to 
them  in  written  form,  and  allowed  him  no  rest  until  he 
consented  to  compose  his  Gospel.  Enlightened  by  the 
Holy  Ghost,  Peter  was  well  aware  of  what  he  was  doing ; 
the  ardent  zeal  of  these  people  filled  him  with  exceeding 
joy,  and  he  authorized  the  work  to  be  used  for  reading 

1  S.  Irenaeus,  Contra  Hcereses,  iii.  1,  1. 

2  'fis  Uirpos  v(t>t]yi\(TaTo  avr^.  Origen,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia 
Ecclesiastica,  vi.  25). 

3  Clement  of  Alexandria,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia  Ecclesiastica, 
vi.  14).  The  same  Father,  in  his  Adumhratio  ad  1  Ep.  Petri  {PatroJogie 
grecque,  t.  ix.  p.  732),  records  this  tradition,  at  the  same  time  adding  a 
curious  matter  of  detail :  "  Marcus,  Petri  sectator,  palam  praedicante  Petro 
Evangelium  Romse  coram  qitibusdam  Ccesarensis  equitibus  et  multa  Christi 
testimonia  proferente,  penitus  ab  eis  ut  possent  quee  dicebantur  memorise 
commendare,  scripsit  ex  his  quae  Petro  dicta  sunt,  Evangelium  quod  secun- 
dum Marcum  vocitatur."  The  presence  among  his  hearers  of  certain 
knights  of  Caesar's  household  is  especially  worthy  of  note. 

24 


370  SAINT  PETER. 

in  the  churches.  This  is  the  report  left  us  by  Clement  in 
the  sixth  book  of  his  Institutions."  ^  The  Alexandrian 
Doctor  had  said  nothing  of  the  sort,  as  we  have  just  seen, 
and  the  actual  evidence  of  Clement  is  that  Saint  Peter 
did  not  concern  himself  at  all  in  the  matter  of  Saint 
Mark's  Gospel.  "  He  had  not  commanded  him  to  write 
it,"  says  Eufinus  in  his  translation  of  this  passage  ;  "but 
the  work  once  completed,  he  did  not  interdict  it."  ^ 

The  conduct  of  the  Apostle  is  to  be  explained  in  the 
light  of  the  command  given  both  to  him  and  to  the 
Twelve,  —  to  wit,  that  they  were  to  preach  the  Gospel, 
not  write  it.^  Peter  saw  clearly  that  his  unhampered 
and  impetuous  manner  of  preaching  had  already  pene- 
trated everywhere,  under  the  fostering  aid  of  the  Spirit, 
adapting  itself  to  time,  place,  and  the  peculiar  characters 
of  his  hearers,  and  ever  increasing  in  power  and  clearness. 
To  embody  it  in  a  written  book  would  be  tantamount  to 
giving  it  an  invariable  form,  robbing  it  of  that  glowing 
enthusiasm  which  day  by  day  inspired  the  messengers  of 
the  Good  News  with  renewed  fervour.  He  knew  well  that 
some  part  of  the  Christian  doctrines  would  come,  after  a 
time  and  by  degrees,  to  be  set  down  in  written  documents  ; 
but  he  knew,  too,  that  the  entire  Deposit  of  Faith  could 
not  be  contained  in  fixed  and  rigid  language  ;  he  saw  that 
the  Apostolic  word  would  always  continue  to  be  an  un- 
failing source  of  Truth,  ever  living  and  ever  fruitful,  em- 
bodied in  the  teaching  of  his  successors.  On  their  lips 
it  was  to  pass  down  from  age  to  age,  illuminating  and 
explaining  the  written  revelation,  penetrating  farther  than 
revelation,  and  freed  from  all  slavery  to  the  letter  which 
killeth.  Apparently  this  was  the  reason  why  Peter  al- 
lowed Mark  to  write  the  reminiscences  of  all  he  heard 
from  him  *'  without  either  hindering  or  encouraging  him." 

But  the  Christians  of  Eome  recognized  the  teaching  of 
their  Pastor  as  contained  in  the  Second  Gospel,  and  like 
them  we  need  but  re-read  this  book  if  we  wish  to  listen 
to  the  very  language  of  the  Apostle  and  be  present  at  the 

1  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica,  ii.  15. 

2  Id.,  vi.  14.  ^  Mark  xvi.  15. 


THE   GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  371 

instructions  he  gave  in  the  great  Capital.  If  the  form  is 
Mark's,  the  matter  came  from  Peter,  — •  not  merely  the 
principal  ideas,  but  the  minor  details  in  the  events  related 
and  the  peculiarities  of  expression  as  well.  Indeed,  noth- 
ing hinders  us  from  supposing  that  the  Evangelist  limited 
his  share  of  the  labor  to  a  careful  selection  of  those 
words  in  the  Greek  language  which  would  best  convey 
the  exact  meaning  of  his  teacher.^ 

Composed  in  this  manner,  the  Life  of  the  Saviour  differs 
sensibly  from  the  one  Saint  Matthew  had  written  pre- 
viously for  the  Hebrews  of  Jerusalem.  Certainly,  the 
general  lines  are,  broadly  speaking,  the  same ;  sometimes, 
indeed,  they  are  set  forth  in  precisely  similar  terms  ;  ^ 
but  outside  the  points  where  the  two  sacred  authors  meet 
and  agree  perfectly,  the  teaching  of  the  Prince  of  the 
Apostles  displays,  first  of  all,  his  own  character,  clean- 
cut,  exact,  and  of  a  practical  rather  than  a  speculative 
turn;  but,  what  is  most  interesting,  it  tells  us  of  his 
personal  relations  with  Jesus. 

The  priceless  advantage  possessed  by  Peter  was  that 
he  had  been  in  the  Saviour's  company  from  His  Baptism 
to  the  Ascension,^  and  that  he  was  one  of  the  three  dis- 
ciples whom  Jesus  kept  by  Him  always,  in  Tabor  as  in 
Gethsemani.^  He  had  been  an  eye-witness  of  all  he  re- 
lates ;  the  minuteness  of  his  narrative  is  enough  to  prove 
that  he  was  an  attentive  observer.  Before  him,  the  First 
Evangelist  had  told  the  story  of  the  calling  of  the  four 
disciples  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Genesareth  ;  ^  but  Saint 
Matthew  does  not  speak  as  one  who  was  present,  as  we 
perceive    at   once   when    reading   the    account   in   Saint 

^  We  are  warranted  in  inferring  this  from  the  emphasis  which  John 
the  Priest  lays  on  his  words  to  Papias,  reiterating  that  "  Mark,  Peter's  in- 
terpreter, wrote  down  exactly  .  .  .  all  ivhaf soever  he  recalled  of  the  words  or 
deeds  of  the  Christ ;  that  he  wrote  them  .  .  .  just  as  he  recalled  them,  .  .  . 
and  that  he  had  no  anxiety  save  to  omit  nothing  of  that  which  he  had  heard." 
Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  iii.  39. 

2  What  has  been  said  above  (chap.  xii.  pp.  206-216)  of  the  oral  Gospel 
as  delivered  by  the  Twelve  sufficiently  explains  these  similarities. 

^  "  Oportet  .  .  .  incipiens  a  baptismate  Joannis  usque  in  diem  qua  as- 
sumptus  est  .  .  .  testem  resurrectionis  fieri  "  (Acts  i.  21,  22). 

4  Mark  v.  37;  ix.  1  ;  xiv.  33.  ^  Matt.  iv.  18-22. 


372  SAINT  PETER. 

Mark  :  ^  thus  Peter  recalls  the  fact  that  the  boat  belong- 
ing to  the  sons  of  Zebedee  lay  near  the  one  in  which  he 
himself  was  fishing  ^  when  the  Saviour  called  him  ;  and 
that  Zebedee  was  not  left  alone  upon  the  departure  of  his 
sons,  but  that  his  hired  servants  remained  with  him. 
Everywhere  there  is  the  same  exactness ;  the  other  Evan- 
gelists remark  that  certain  men  carried  the  paralytic  of 
Capharnaum  ;  ^  but  Peter  had  counted  them,  and  tells  us 
they  were  four  in  number.*  He  had  noticed  that  there 
was  but  one  loaf  of  bread  to  be  found  in  their  little  ves- 
sel.^ He  knew  all  about  Jairus'  daughter,  and  remarks 
that  she  was  twelve  years  old ;  in  the  chamber  whither 
he  accompanied  Jesus,  he  describes  her  as  not  simply 
rising  at  the  Master's  bidding,  but  '*  running  back  and 
forth  "  with  all  the  natural  petulancy  of  a  hungry  child.^ 
The  dearest  and  liveliest  remembrances  are  of  Jesus  Him- 
self ;  His  looks,  gestures,  attitudes,  all  live  again  here. 
How  often  and  often  he  represents  Him  as  bending  his 
gaze  upon  the  crowds  which  encircle  Him,  or  with 
a  glance  sounding  the  depths  of  their  hearts ;  ^  here 
we  see  Him  embracing  the  little  ones,^  and  again  walk- 
ing before  the  terrified  Twelve !  ^  Peter  has  heard  his 
sighs,^^  and  repeats  His  very  words,  as  they  still  ring  in 
his  ears :  "  Talitha  cumi  !  Ep'pheta  !  Eloi,  Eloi,  lamma 
sahachtani!  "  ^'^ 

It  is  partly  owing  to  the  fact  that  these  impressions 
were  so  deeply  graven  in  his  memory  that  the  narrative 
in  the  second  Gospel  possesses  such  a  vivid  and  original 
character.  And  yet  we  can  note  everywhere  the  charac- 
ter of  Simon,  for  the  Galilean  fisherman  appears  side  by 
side  with  the  Apostle  :  always  the  man  of  the  people,  the 
illiterate  seaman,  neither  caring  for  elegant  expressions, 
nor  attempting  anything  more  than  the  most  vigorous 

1  Mark  i.  16-20. 

2  "  Jesus  had  taken  but  a  few  steps,"  he  says  {trpo^hs  6\iyov),  "  when  he 
caught  sight  of  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  with  John,  his  brother." 

3  Matt.  ix.  2;  Luke  v.  18,  19.        *  Mark  ii.  3.        ^  Mark  viii  14. 

6  Mark  v.  35-43.  '  Mark  iii.  5,  34 ;  v.  32  ;  vi.  6  ;  x.  21,  23  ;  xi.  11  • 

8  Mark  ix.  36;  x.  16.       ^  Mark  x.  32.         lo  Mark  vii.  34;  viii.  12. 
11  Mark  v.  41 ;  vii.  34 ;  xv.  34. 


THE    GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  373 

expression  of  his  thoughts.  The  appropriate  word,  how- 
ever rude  it  might  sound,  was  used  without  hesitation. 
Thus  he  depicts  for  us  the  scene  when  the  kinsfolk  of  the 
Saviour  seized  him  by  force,  and  treated  him  as  a  "  mad- 
man ; "  ^  so,  too,  he  says  the  Pharisees  accused  our  Lord 
of  being  possessed  "  by  an  unclean  spirit."  ^  He  calls 
Jesus  "  the  carpenter  ;  "  ^  describes  him  at  Nazareth  in 
the  family-circle  "  of  brothers  and  sisters  ; "  *  at  eventide, 
after  long  hours  of  preaching,  he  tells  how  He  went  on 
board  tired  out,  stained  with  sweat  and  dust,  "  just  as  He 
was  ; "  ^  at  Gethsemani  he  says  that  He  was  "  in  a  state 
of  stupor."  ^  Nowhere  do  the  other  Synoptic  Writers 
bring  out  the  details  in  such  bold  relief.  They  do,  in- 
deed, paint  the  possessed  creature  at  Gergesa  in  suffi- 
ciently sombre  colors  ;  but  the  salient  feature  is  found 
in  Saint  Mark  :  "  night  and  day  he  wandered  among  the 
tombs  and  the  mountains,  crying  out  and  cutting  himself 
with  stones."  ^  It  is  the  same,  too,  in  the  case  of  the 
possessed  boy,  healed  after  the  Transfiguration.  In 
Saints  Matthew  and  Luke  the  scene  is  sketched  with  a 
light  hand  ;  Saint  Mark  lingers  over  it  until  it  is  a  liv- 
ing picture,  —  the  poor  victim  writhing  at  Jesus'  feet, 
foam  flying  from  his  lips,  while  he  grinds  his  teeth  ;  the 
father  in  tears  ;  the  devil  driven  from  the  child,  uttering 
a  shriek  and  dashing  him  to  the  ground  :  "  He  is  dead  ! "  ^ 
the  bystanders  exclaim.  Peter  had  heard  these  words, 
and  he  describes  what  he  has  seen.  And,  furthermore, 
how  many  minor  incidents  he  gives  us  which  are  peculiar 
to  his  Gospel !  The  name  of  Alpheus,^  father  of  Levi  the 
publican ;  those  of  Bartimeus  ^^  and  Boanerges,  the  title 
given  to  the  sons  of  Zebedee,^^  —  all  these  we  owe  to  him  ; 
from  him  we  learn  that  Simon  the  Cyrenean  had  two  sons 
called  Alexander  and  Eufus  ;  ^^  and  that  the  poor  sup- 
pliant, vaguely  designated  by  Saint  Matthew  as  a  Cha- 

1  Mark  iii.  21.  2  Mark  iii.  30. 

^  Mark  vi.  3.  *  Mark  vi.  3.  ^  Mark  iv.  35,  36. 

^  "HploTo  CKda/jL^eTcreai.     Mark  xiv.  33.  ^  Mark  v.  5, 

8  Mark  ix.  14-27  ;  Cf.  Matt.  xvii.  14-21  ;  Luke  ix.  37-43. 

9  Mark  ii.  14.  i'  Mark  x.  46.  "  Mark  iii.  17. 
12  Mark  xv.  21 . 


374  SAINT  PETER. 

naanitish  woman,  spoke  the  Greek  tongue,  and  came  from 
the  Phoenician  provinces  of  Syria.^ 

In  view  of  these  many  individualities  of  style  in  the 
second  Gospel,  it  is  hard  to  explain  the  verdict  of  Saint 
Augustine :  "  Mark  appears  to  be  the  abbreviator  of 
Matthew."  ^  The  truth  is  that,  though  the  Good  News 
as  taken  down  from  the  lips  of  Saint  Peter  by  his  inter- 
preter contains  fewer  facts  than  are  found  in  the  other 
Synoptical  Writers,  it  gives  us,  on  the  other  hand,  a  more 
circumstantial  series  of  narratives.  Far  from  being  a 
faded  copy,  the  picture  left  us  by  Saint  Mark  seems,  on 
the  contrary,  fresher  and  more  original  than  that  of  any 
of  the  other  four  inspired  Witnesses. 

It  differs  from  Saint  Matthew  notably  in  the  absence 
of  long  discourses.  Not  a  trace  remains  of  the  Sermon 
on  the  Mount ;  the  instructions  to  the  Apostles  are  re- 
duced to  a  few  lines  ;  ^  only  four  Parables  are  reported, 
and  in  concise  terms.*  The  Master's  example.  His  deeds, 
and  especially  His  Miracles,  in  Peter's  eyes,  seemed  the 
preaching  best  fitted  to  touch  the  souls  of  men,  and  thus 
harmonized  perfectly  with  his  end  in  view.  Saint  Mat- 
thew had  shown  the  Jews  how  in  the  Christ  was  realized 
all  that  had  been  foretold  of  the  Messiah ;  Saint  Luke, 
later  on,  was  to  proclaim  Him  to  the  Gentiles  as  the 
Saviour  of  the  World  ;  but  the  title  given  to  the  Gospel 
of  Peter  indicates  a  very  different  design  :  "  The  beginning 
of  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God."  ^  Son  of 
God  !  in  the  very  same  terms  the  Apostle  had  proclaimed 
the  Divinity  of  his  Master  at  Ca^.sarea  Philippi.^  This 
his    solemn    Confession    always  remains  his   controlling 

1  Mark  vii.  26. 

2  "  Pedissequus  et  brevlator  ejus  videtur"  (S.  Augustin,  De  Consensu 
Evangel,  i.  4). 

3  Mark  vi.  8-11. 

*  The  Parable  of  tlie  sower  ^iv.  3-8),  the  mustard-seed  (iv.  31,  32),  tlie 
murderous  husbandmen  (xii.  1-9),  and  finally  that  of  the  seed  which  grows 
up  unpereeived,  which  this  Gospel  is  the  only  one  to  recount  (iv.  26-29). 

5  Mark  i.  1. 

•^  Mark  viii.  29.  The  Sina'itic  MS.  (t?)  and  the  Codex  Regius  Parisiensis 
(L)  contain  the  words  6  vlbs  rod  Qeov,  as  Ave  have  it  in  the  Vulgate.  Cf. 
Matt.  xvi.  0;  Luke  ix.  20;  John  vi.  70. 


THE   GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  375 

thought ;  it  impels  him  to  remind  Cornelius  that  Jesus  is 
"  the  Lord  of  all ;  .  .  .  that  God  hath  anointed  Him  with 
the  Holy  Spirit ; "  ^  and  throughout  the  Second  Gospel 
it  is  the  central  point  toward  which  all  his  teaching  tends. 
In  the  very  first  lines,  Jesus,  descending  to  the  waters  of 
Jordan,  is  called  the  Son  of  God ;  ^  in  the  desert  He 
manifests  Himself  as  sovereign  Lord,  dominating  the  wild 
beasts  and  served  by  Angel  ministers.^  Then  begins  a 
long  series  of  Miracles,  wherein  we  are  shown  the  almighty 
powers  of  the  Christ :  nature  and  mankind  alike  yield  to 
His  orders  ;  the  demons  fall  down  before  Him,  crying  out, 
"  Thou  art  the  Son  of  God  ;  "  ^  His  death  is  followed  by 
such  prodigious  happenings.  His  last  sigh  is  so  trium- 
phant, that  the  Centurion  exclaims,  "  Surely  this  man  was 
the  Son  of  God  1"  ^  So  then  on  this  fundamental  point, 
the  testimony  of  Peter  at  Eome  is  precisely  what  it  had 
been  at  Jerusalem,  —  the  preaching  of  the  Saviour's 
Divinity.  The  Apostle,  on  leaving  the  Supper  Eoom, 
concluded  his  first  discourse  thus  :  "  Let  all  the  House  of 
Israel  know  most  certainly  that  God  hath  made  Him 
Lord  and  Christ,  —  this  same  Jesus  Whom  you  have 
crucified."  ^  The  last  words  of  the-Second  Gospel  repeat 
the  same  thought :  "  So  then  the  Lord  was  lifted  up  on 
high  into  Heaven,  and  sitteth  on  the  right  hand  of  God."  ' 
Moreover,  the  God  Whom  Peter  announced  to  Eome  re- 
vealed Himself  to  the  Apostle  in  increasing  splendor  from 
Pentecost  morning  to  the  hour  of  his  death.  He  Whom 
the  first  Christians  of  Jerusalem  worshipped  was  still  the 
Jehovah  of  the  old  Covenant,  a  God  belonging  peculiarly 
to  Israel,  a  jealous  God  Who  had  declared  by  the  mouth 
of  Moses,  "  The  Eternal  shall  raise  up  from  among  your 
brethren  a  Prophet  like  unto  me  ;  Him  you  shall  hearken 
to  in  all  that  He  may  say  unto  you,  and  it  shall  come  to 
pass  that  every  soul  which  will  not  hear  that  Prophet 
shall  be  destroyed  from  among  the  people."  ^  But  at 
Joppa  the  Heavenly  mandate  had  decreed  that  he  was  to 

1  Acts  X.  34-42.  2  Mark  i.  9,  11.  ^  Mark  i.  13. 

4  Mark  iii.  11,  12.    ^  Mark  xv.  39.    e  Acts  ii.  36.         i  Mark  xvi.  19. 
^  S.  Peter's  second  discourse.     Acts  iii.  22. 


376  SAINT  PETER. 

publish  the  Glad  Tidmgs  to  all  men,  laying  aside,  little 
by  little,  every  peculiar  feature  of  Judaism.^  The  Second 
Gospel  testifies  to  the  fidelity  with  which  Peter  obeyed. 
Therein  we  find  no  traces  of  the  spirit  which  had  inspired 
Saint  Matthew  in  writing  his  book  for  the  Hebrews. 
*  The  genealogical  tables  of  the  Jews  are  omitted,  the  Sa- 
viour's childhood  is  passed  over  in  silence  ;  Peter  leaves 
it  to  his  fellow-countrymen  to  meditate  upon  those  early 
years  when  as  yet  the  Christ  did  not  differ  in  outward 
appearances  from  other  sons  of  Israel :  but  among  the 
Gentiles  he  begins  his  narrative  with  the  opening  of  His 
Public  Ministry.  Saint  Matthew  is  never  tired  of  re- 
minding his  hearers  how  at  every  step  the  Prophecies 
were  fulfilled  in  Jesus  ;  only  once  does  Saint  Peter  cite 
the  Old  Testament  on  his  own  account.^  He  never  mani- 
fests any  such  anxiety,  as  the  First  Evangelist  displays, 
to  prove  that  the  words  of  Jesus  are  in  accordance  with 
all  his  hearers  have  heard  from  the  Ancients ;  he  never 
so  much  as  mentions  the  name  of  the  Law  ;  instead  of 
the  Eabbinical  terms  current  in  the  church  of  Jeru- 
salem, he  makes  use  of  expressions  which  would  convey 
a  clearer  meaning  to  the  Gentiles,  —  thus,  the  "  Kingdom 
of  Heaven  "  becomes  "  the  Kingdom  of  God."  He  goes 
even  further  when  he  boldly  avows  that  the  truth  as  set 
forth  by  Jesus  is  "  a  new  teaching  ; "  ^  he  condemns  the 
practices  which  the  Synagogue  imposed  upon  the  people 
with  such  rigorous  penalties,  —  "  all  those  things,  ob- 
served out  of  custom,  such  as  the  washing  of  cups,  pots, 
brazen  vessels,  and  beds."  *  He  looks  upon  all  this  as  a 
mere  mask  for  hypocrisy,  and  reminds  us  that  the  Master 
had  uttered  against  them  that  anathema  from  Isaiah  : 
"This    people   honoreth    Me   with  their   lips,  but  their 

1  Acts  X.  13. 

2  This  citation,  placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Gospel,  was  taken  from 
two  of  the  Prophets,  Malachy  (iii.  1)  and  Isaiah  (xl.  3).  Another  quota- 
tion is  found  in  the  Vulgate  (xv.  28),  "  Et  cum  iniquis  reputatus  est."  But 
modern  editors,  not  finding  these  words  in  the  oldest  manuscripts  (A,  B, 
C,  D,  X,  X),  question  their  authenticity.  The  other  texts  are  quotations 
as  made  by  the  Saviour  in  the  very  words  which  S.  Mark  records  as  His. 

■^  Mark  i.  27.  '       4  Mark  vii.  4. 


THE   GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  Zll 

heart  is  far  from  Me  ;  in  vain  do  they  honor  Me,  teach- 
ing for  their  doctrines  the  commandments  of  men."  ^ 

Before  Peter  began  to  preach  to  the  Eomans,  had  he 
already  given  this  purely  Christian  coloring  to  his  teach- 
ing ?  In  the  earlier  days,  had  his  sermons  been  divested 
of  the  Judaic  terms  of  expression,  with  the  other  manners 
and  reminiscences  of  Jewry  which  impregnate  the  Gospel 
of  Saint  Matthew  ?  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  the 
contrary,  for  although  the  Vision  at  Joppa  had  shown  the 
Apostle  how  the  Mosaical  worship  was  to  fade  away 
before  the  bright  sunlight  of  the  Gospel,  yet  at  the  same 
time  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit  kept  him  from 
dazzling  his  brethren  of  Israel  with  the  noontide  bril- 
liancy of  Faith.  In  the  synagogues  which  he  visited  on 
his  way  from  Judea  to  Eome,  his  language  was  accommo- 
dated to  the  weakness  of  his  hearers ;  again,  during  the 
first  days  after  his  arrival,  in  the  "  ghettos  "  of  Trastevere 
and  Porta  Capena,  he  refrained  in  like  manner  from 
offending  his  fellow-countrymen's  prejudices.  The  Good 
News,  as  we  read  it  in  Saint  Mark's  version,  could  not 
have  been  preached  until  a  later  date,  when,  after  the 
Synagogue  had  finally  rejected  the  Christians,  the  latter 
possessed  sanctuaries  of  their  own,  where  the  Pagans 
foregathered  with  them.  The  omission  of  any  reference 
to  the  Law,  and  the  absence  of  all  subserviency  to  the 
prejudices  of  Israel,  are  not  the  only  signs  which  point 
to  this  conclusion.  There  are  numerous  tokens  besides 
these,  all  going  to  prove  that  the  Christians  evangelized 
by  Peter  were  strangers  to  the  Mosaical  system ;  thus  we 
find  the  customs  and  rites  of  Israel  explained,^  Hebrew 
words  are  translated,^  while  the  value  of  Jewish  money  is 
given  in  Roman  coin.^  Few  of  his  hearers  could  ever 
have  seen  Judea,  for  he  sees  fit  to  inform  them  that  the 
Jordan  is  a  river,  and  that  the  Mount  of  Olives  rises  op- 
posite the  Temple.^ 

1  Mark  vii.  7. 

2  Mark  ii.  18;  vii.  1-4;  xi.  13;  xii.  18;  xiv.  12;  xv.  6. 

3  Mark  iii.  17  ;  v.  41  ;  vii.  1 1,  34 ;  x.  46  ;  xiv.  36  ;  xv.  34. 
*  Mark  xii.  42.         ^  Mark  i.  5;  xiii.  3. 


378  SAINT  PETER. 

Taken  together,  these  details  leave  no  question  as  to 
the  fact  that  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Mark  was  intended  for 
Gentile  readers,  and,  according  to  all  appearances,  for 
those  living  in  the  Capital.^  Indeed,  no  style  of  preach- 
ing could  be  better  adapted  to  this  virile  race,  of  whom 
Livy  has  said,  "  To  do  and  to  endure  manfully,  —  that 
is  the  whole  Koman."  '^  Men  of  action,  as  was  Peter  him- 
self, like  him  paying  more  heed  to  deeds  than  to  words, 
these  Romans  found  a  doctrine  suited  to  their  needs  in 
Peter's  preaching  of  the  Glad  Tidings,  —  facts,  not  long 
speeches.  We  have  remarked  above  that  these  facts  are 
for  the  most  part  Miracles.  Now,  no  incitement  to  faith 
was  more  eagerly  looked  for  by  the  Pagan  society  of 
Rome.  The  belief  in  dreams,  presages,  and  astrology  was 
general ;  the  laws  condemned  magicians  and  astrologers 
to  the  flames  and  wild  beasts,  —  but  all  in  vain  ;  the 
people  still  trembled  before  them.  The  most  serious 
thinkers  —  Livy  and  Tacitus  among  them  —  fill  their 
histories  with  accounts  of  prodigies.  Pliny  the  Elder, 
who  did  not  believe  in  the  gods,  accepted  many  stories 
of  marvellous  happenings  as  really  unquestionable.^  To 
the  minds  of  men  so  hungry  for  the  supernatural,  Peter's 
words  were  doubly  welcome ;  for  he  did  not  tell  them  of 
gross  impostures,  but  of  the  very  handiwork  of  God,  — 
divine  deeds,  whereof  all  Judea  was  the  living  witness. 

However,  as  to  the  mere  fact  that  this  Gospel,  with  its 
many  indications  of  Roman  influence,  was  actually  writ- 
ten at  Rome,  there  is  nowadays  no  difference  of  opinion  ; 
the  only  point  at  issue  concerns  its  date.  To  defer  its 
compilation  as  late  as  the  year  120,  as  critics  of  the 
extreme  school  contend,  would  seem  impossible  in  the 
light  of  modern  investigations.^  Even  the  Rationalists 
acknowledge  that  these  pages  were  finished  "before  all 

1  The  frequent  use  of  Latinisms  in  the  Second  Gospel  supports  this 
opinion  :  Kevrvpicov,  xv.  39,  44,  45  ;  Ko5pdvT7}s,  xii.  42  ;  iSweKovXaTcop,  vi.  27  ; 
Heo-Trjs,  vii.  4,  8,  etc. 

2  Livy,  Historice,  ii.  12. 

3  Friedlander,  Mceurs  romaines,  t.  iv.  p,  209  et  seq. 

*  Davidson,  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Neic  Testament,  vol.  ii. 
P.  111. 


THE   GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  379 

the  eye-witnesses  of  the  Life  of  Jesus  were  dead."  ^  Nat- 
urally they  would  like  to  choose  some  one  of  the  years 
which  followed  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,^  but  their 
only  motive  is  that  they  find  this  catastrophe  predicted 
in  Saint  Mark.  Instead  of  this  gratuitous  hypothesis,  no 
one  will  be  surprised  if  I  prefer  the  opinion  handed 
down  on  the  authority  of  Eusebius,  and  with  the  learned 
historian  hold  that  the  Second  Gospel  was  compiled  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Claudius.^  This  date  was  given  by  him, 
not  for  fanciful  reasons,  but  in  accordance  with  evidence 
so  trustworthy  that  succeeding  centuries  have  accepted  it 
without  questioning.*  Furthermore,  it  is  confirmed  by 
the  eagerness  shown  by  the  Eomans  when  urging  Mark 
to  take  down  the  Apostle's  words.  And  certainly  it 
could  only  have  been  at  the  beginning  of  his  preaching 
that  this  abstract  of  Peter's  sermons,  as  arranged  by  his 
disciple,  would  have  possessed  that  attraction  of  novelty 
which  the  Fathers  say  it  had.^  Finally,  the  traditions 
which  give  us  an  account  of  Mark's  apostleship  at  Alex- 
andria, would  also  lead  us  to  infer  that  he  wrote  in  the 
time  of  Claudius  ;  for  it  is  during  his  reign  that  they  tell 
of  Mark's  arrival  in  Egypt,  adding  that  he  brought  with 
him  the  Good  News,  composed  by  him  only  a  short  time 
before  that  event.^ 

1  Reuan,  Les  EvangUes,  p.  125. 

2  The  concessions  which  the  Rationalistic  school  makes  on  this  point 
are  of  considerable  importance,  for  if  S.  Mark's  Gospel  was  written  about 
70,  that  is,  not  over  forty  years  after  the  death  of  the  Saviour,  we  have  in 
our  hands  the  evidence  of  a  contemporary. 

^  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ii.  15. 

■*  Theophylactus,  Prooemium  in  Matlfi. ;  Euthymius  Zigabenus,  Patrologie 
grecque,  t.  cxxix.  p.  116  ;  tlie  concluding  glosses  of  MSS.  G  and  K.  As  to 
the  passage  from  S.  Irenseus  {Adversus  H(ereses,  in.  1)  which  seems  to  con- 
tradict all  the  ancient  authorities,  and  apparently  defers  the  publication 
of  the  Second  Gospel  till  after  the  death  of  S.  Peter,  see  the  Appendix 
(III.). 

^  Note  the  testimony  of  Papias  and  Clement  of  Alexandria,  referred  to 
in  the  course  of  this  chapter. 

6  It  is  quite  the  fashion  of  late  to  contest  this  fact  on  the  pretext  that 
there  is  no  mention  made  of  it  earlier  than  the  fourth  century.  Certainly, 
Eusebius  is  the  first  historian  to  speak  of  it ;  but  lie  had  before  him  the 
episcopal  lists  collected  by  Hegesippus  from  the  principal  Churches ;  the 
latter  had  examined  his  authorities  on  the  spot,  and  has  compiled  as  com- 


380  SAINT  PETER. 

The  last-mentioned  fact  merits  particular  attention  on 
our  part,  because  it  completes  the  evidence  which  goes  to 
show  the  supremacy  of  Peter  over  the  new-born  Church  : 
it  proves,  in  fact,  that  from  the  first  his  preaching  found 
its  way  into  the  three  great  Metropolises  of  Christianity, — 
Antioch,  Eome,  and  Alexandria.  If  we  are  to  believe 
Saint  Epiphanius,^  it  was  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles  him- 
self who  sent  Mark  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  Egypt ;  Euse- 
bius  and  Saint  Jerome,  however,  make  no  mention  of 
this.2  And  yet,  whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of 
this  mission,  Mark  carried  thither  no  other  faith  but  that 
which  he  had  received  from  Peter.  Accordingly,  we 
know  that  the  three  watch-fires  which  were  soon  to  illu- 
minate the  world  with  the  light  of  the  Gospel,  had  all 
been  kindled  by  the  same  breath,  —  the  word  and  author- 
ity of  that  Apostle  to  whom  Jesus  once  said,  "  I  have 
prayed  for  thee  that  thy  faith  fail  not.  .  .  .  Do  thou  con- 
firm thy  brethren."  ^ 

plete  a  catalogue  of  the  pastors  of  Alexandria  as  of  Rome,  Antioch,  and 
Jerusalem.  He  names  the  series  of  Alexandrian  Bishops,  in  unbroken 
succession,  from  his  own  times  back  to  the  first  century,  down  to  Cerdon, 
Avilius,  and  Annianus,  the  successor  of  Mark  Evangelist  (Eusebius,  His- 
toria  Ecclesiast'ica,  ii.  24;  iii.  14,  21).  So  then  he  did  not  accept  untrust- 
worthy traditions,  but  relied  upon  the  truth  of  ascertained  documentary 
evidence,  when  he  ascribed  the  foundation  of  the  Church  of  Alexandria  to 
S.  Peter's  Interpreter.  Furthermore,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  suppose  that 
Egypt  was  inaccessible  to  Christianity  at  a  time  when  the  Gospel  was 
spreading  over  the  whole  Roman  world.  The  Glad  Tidings,  as  we  know, 
Avas  transmitted  so  easily,  thanks  to  the  mutual  relations  subsisting  be- 
tween the  scattered  Jews  of  the  Dispersion ;  and  we  know  also  what  num- 
bers the  children  of  Israel  could  boast  of  along  the  banks  of  the  Nile. 

1  S.  Epiphanius,  li.  6. 

2  S.  Jerome,  Interpretatio  Chronica  Eusebii,  a.  d.  45.  "Marcus  Evan- 
gelista,  interpres  Petri,  ^gypto  et  Alexandrise  Christum  annuntiat "  {Pa- 
troloyie  latine,  t.  xxvii.  p.  579).  This  year  45  is  only  an  approximate  date. 
Eutychius,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  mentions  the  ninth  of  Claudius 
{Patrologie  grecque,  t.  cxi.  p.  903).  Apparently  this  was  the  local  tradi- 
tion, and  certainly  it  is  likelier  than  any  other,  for  this  was  the  very  year, 
according  to  Orosius,  in  which  the  Jews  were  driven  from  the  Capital  of 
the  Empire.  As  this  expulsion  compelled  Peter  and  Mark  to  quit  Rome, 
the  event  must  also  have  impelled  the  latter  to  leave  his  Gospel  in  writing 
for  the  benefit  of  those  baptized  Pagans  who  were  not  ailected  by  the 
edict  of  Claudius,  while  he  himself  set  forth  for  Egypt  to  carry  thither 
the  Faith. 

3  Luke  xxii.  32. 


THE   GOSPEL   OF  SAINT  MARK.  381 

Albeit  united  by  the  ties  of  a  common  origin,  the  Chris- 
tian peoples  of  the  three  great  Sees  followed  each  their 
own  line  of  action.  Alexandria  pressed  forward  in  the 
paths  of  noble  speculation  ;  with  them  Plato  became  a 
Christian,  but  he  continued  to  reign  supreme.  Antioch 
was  less  given  to  theorizing :  there  Aristotle  held  sway ; 
mysticism  and  allegory  they  abandoned  to  the  Alexan- 
drians, in  order  to  devote  themselves  to  the  study  of  the 
literal  meaning  of  Holy  Writ.  As  for  Eome,  whether 
Christian  or  Pagan,  she  remained  true  to  her  native  genius, 
—  always  a  government,  not  a  school.  With  little  taste 
for  anything  that  smacked  of  novelty,  her  first  care  was 
to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  unity,  and  thereafter  act  as 
judge ;  as  in  the  domain  of  politics,  so  too  in  the  realms 
of  Faith,  it  was  her  destiny  to  be  Queen  of  the  world  : 
popidnm  late  regent}  Hereafter  when  we  shall  come  to 
study  these  mother  Churches  engaged  in  very  various 
spheres  of  action,  it  will  be  fitting  to  bear  in  mind  that 
as  sisters  they  were  nourished  with  the  same  milk  of 
Truth,  and  that  all  three,  from  their  earliest  hours,  received 
the  words  of  Jesus  from  the  Gospel  of  Saint  Peter. 

1  Vergil,  j^neid,  i,  25, 


EPILOGUE. 

In  the  latter  half  of  this  work  Rome  has  absorbed  all 
our  attention.  Not  that  the  Church  founded  in  that  city 
had  already  attained  the  important  position  which  it  held 
later  on,  —  to  all  appearances,  indeed,  it  was  still  one  of 
the  most  unassuming  among  the  Christian  communities, 
—  but  Peter  was  there,  and  by  virtue  of  that  fact  she 
was  destined  to  become  the  centre  of  that  New  King- 
dom,  whose  rule  was  to  extend  over  the  whole  world. 
And  therefore,  to  show  that,  from  the  beginning,  the  seat 
of  infallible  authority  was  established  there  where  we  still 
revere  its  utterances,  was  a  point  which  involved  such 
weighty  consequences  that  we  have  been  forced  to  study 
its  surroundings  with  more  than  usual  care. 

Nor  was  it  less  important  to  determine  how  far  the 
Head  of  the  Twelve  had  succeeded  in  fostering  the  Church 
of  Pome,  before  the  period  when  Saint  Paul  came  to  sup- 
port the  Apostle's  teaching  by  his  own  revelations  from 
God.  Hazardous  as  this  attempt  £o  study  the  progress  of 
the  Faith  may  seem,  surely  no  one  can  accuse  us  of  in- 
dulging in  arbitrary  dicta  when  we  hold  that  the  Gospel 
of  Saint  Mark  contained  the  generally  accepted  doctrine 
of  the  Roman  Church  up  to  the  day  when  Saint  Paul 
began  his  mission  work  there.  This  line  of  demarcation 
between  the  work  of  Peter  and  that  of  Paul  will  make  us 
realize  all  the  better  how  wonderfully  the  Apostle  of  the 
Gentiles  enlarged  the  scope  of  Christian  Theology. 

Another  advantage  we  have  reaped  from  this  historical 
study  has  been  that  we  can  now  judge  better  of  the 
moral  state  of  the  world  which  the  Evangelists  endeav- 
ored to  reform.  And  Rome  must  give  us  a  better  idea  of 
this  than   any  other  place  on   earth ;   for   men   flocked 


EPILOGUE.  383 

thither  from  all  parts,  while  the  tombs,  votive  tablets, 
and  inscriptions,  furnished  the  scholar  by  this  city  in 
such  abundance,  give  us  a  very  fair  insight  into  the  minds, 
not  only  of  the  citizens,  but  of  the  foreign  element  as 
well.  All  these  witnesses,  as  we  have  seen,  testify  that, 
despite  the  unparalleled  decadence  in  manners,  their  re- 
ligious spirit  was  never  more  alert,  —  the  need  of  a  Sa- 
viour never  more  keenly  felt.  It  is  necessary  to  grasp 
this  distinction  in  order  to  get  a  clear  idea  of  the  strug- 
gles which  fill  the  history  of  Saint  Paul's  Apostolate. 
With  this  in  mind,  we  shall  comprehend  something  of 
the  part  which  the  Church  has  to  play  in  the  restoration 
of  the  Pagan  world;  and,  further,  the  resources  which, 
by  God's  providence,  she  made  use  of  to  consummate  her 
triumph. 

The  principal  instrument  put  in  her  hands  was  the 
Roman  Empire.  After  centuries  of  wars,  revolutions,  and 
internal  strifes,  the  sovereign  *nation  suddenly  ceased  to 
display  any  interest  in  battles.  Well  satisfied  at  having 
put  the  known  world  under  their  yoke,  the  Romans  were 
ready  to  exchange  all  their  liberties  for  a  quiet  life,  and 
yielded  submissively  to  the  will  of  Augustus.  The  very 
name  of  Rome,  which  for  so  many  years  had  been  sym- 
bolical of  bloody  conquests,  now  became  a  pledge  of  peace. 
From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Indies,  from  the  heart  of  Africa 
to  the  shores  of  Great  Britain,  there  were  no  rumors  of 
war ;  even  the  brigands  had  ceased  their  depredations,  and 
pirates  were  no  longer  seen  upon  the  high  seas.  In  this 
profound  quiet  the  "  Roman  Peace  "  ^  became  world-famous. 
The  Jewish  Philo  and  the  Greek  Philosopher  Epictetus 
speak  of  it  with  as  much  enthusiasm  as  do  the  Romans  by 
birth.2  Aristides,  a  rhetorician  of  Smyrna,  when  lauding 
the  sovereigns  of  the  Empire,  tells  us  how  under  their 
rule  the  harbors  are  filled  with  vessels,  the  mountain 
passes  are  as  safe  as  the  city  streets,  the  country  is  happy 

1  "  Immensa  romanae  pacis  majestas "  (Pliny,  Historia  Naturalis, 
xxvii.  1). 

2  Philo,  Legatio  ad  Caium,  21,  22,  39,  40;  Epictetus,  Dissert,  iii.  13,  9  -, 
Pliny,  Historia  Naturalis,  xiv,  2 ;  xxvii.  2,  etc. 


384  SAINT  PETER. 

and  prosperous,  all  fears  have  vanished,  while  the  streams 
and  straits  are  opened  to  commerce.^ 

Even  those  whom  Eome  persecuted,  felt  an  attraction 
to  her.  Implacable  as  he  was  in  scourging  the  vices  of 
the  Empire,  Tertullian  delights  to  expatiate  on  its  bene- 
tits.  "  The  world  is  better  known  every  day,"  he  says, 
"  better  cultivated  and  richer.  New  routes  are  opened  to 
commerce.  Deserts  are  transformed  into  fruitful  domains. 
Seed  is  sown  where  heretofore  nothing  but  barren  rocks 
met  the  traveller's  eye.  Marshes  are  drained,  and  the 
flocks  no  longer  fear  wild  beasts.  No  island  now  excites 
terror,  no  rock  affrights  us ;  but  everywhere  we  find 
houses,  peoples,  and  cities,  • —  everywhere  human  life."  ^ 

This  calm  was  certainly  most  favorable  to  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Gospel ;  the  minds  of  men,  freed  from  temporal 
anxieties,  found  leisure  hours  when  they  could  listen  and 
ponder  on  the  words  of  salvation.  The  very  fulness  of 
present  joys  left  their  hearts  still  unsatisfied,  while  it 
awakened  vague  desires  for  less  fleeting  goods.  And  this 
expectant  feeling  spread  from  nation  to  nation.  All  bar- 
riers between  them  being  swept  away,  Rome's  voice  was 
heard  from  one  end  of  the  world  to  the  other.  Thus  the 
Christian's  words  uttered  there,  re-echoed  through  the 
whole  earth.  Nor  were  the  Apostles  of  the  Christ  obliv- 
ious of  the  fact  that  they  owed  these  advantages  to  the 
Eomans.  "  It  is  due  to  them,"  says  Saint  Irenseus,  "  that 
we  can  traverse  any  highway  with  impunity,  while  ships 
bear  us  whither  we  are  pleased  to  go."  ^ 

Day  after  day,  in  fact,  armed  bands  of  legionaries  ex- 
tended the  network  of  roads  which  united  the  provinces 
of  the  Empire.  These  stupendous  highways  have  been 
diligently  investigated  by  modern  savants;  it  would  be 
difficult  to  conceive  a  system  of  communication  on  more 
majestic  or  bolder  lines.  They  span  the  marshes  of  wild 
northern,  regions  and  traverse  the  sandy  wastes,  of  the 
desert,  pushing  their  way  to  the  far-off  Eastern  frontiers, 
into  solitary  reaches  nowadays  abandoned  to  nomad  tribes. 

^  Aristides,  Encomium  Romce,  ^  Tertullian,  De  Anima,  xxx. 

3  S.  Irenseus,  iv.  30,  3 


EPILOGUE.  385 

Modern  armies  have  followed  the  ancient  routes  from 
the  Mediterranean  coasts  to  the  oases  of  Sahara.  Besides 
a  secure  passage,  these  roads  assured  the  travellers'  safe 
repose  during  the  night ;  the  itineraries  of  antiquity  indi- 
cate the  numberless  way-stations,  with  the  distances 
which  separated  them.^  At  no  time  in  the  history  of  the 
world  was  intercourse  between  various  nations  easier  or 
more  agreeable.^ 

With  the  extension  of  these  ties,  difi'erent  peoples,  iso- 
lated hitherto,  became  so  closely  united  as  to  make  one 
body  politic  ;  commercial  and  social  relations  expanded ; 
a  common  language,  Greek,  was  spoken  throughout  the 
Empire  ;  the  peculiar  constitutions  of  each  State  gradu- 
ally shaped  themselves  in  conformity  with  that  of  the 
Capital ;  the  national  religions,  while  remaining  free  and 
distinct,  had  one  point  in  common,  — the  cultus  of  Eome 
and  Csesar,  or  at  least  sacrifices  offered  in  their  behalf. 
Philosophy  performed  its  part  in  bringing  about  a  union 
of  minds  by  summing  up  the  dictates  of  reason  in  a  few 
concise  rules  concerning  the  duty  of  man.  These  moral 
ideas,  first  enunciated  in  the  form  of  maxims,  passed 
from  the  precincts  of  the  schools  into  the  Theatre,  the 
orator's  discourses,  and  the  poet's  verse.  Granted  that 
only  the  thinking  part  of  the  community  grasped  their 
true  meaning,  still  the  multitude  kept  repeating  these 
wise  saws,  and,  as  they  grew  more  familiar  with  the 
turns  of  thought,  managed  to  get  some  glimpses  of  true 
wisdom.  In  this  way  the  Stoics  fostered  sentiments  of 
humanity  and  the  brotherhood  of  mankind  ;  thus  they 
popularized  their  dream  of  a  City  which  should  embrace 
the  whole  world,  governed  by  one  only  Law,  eternal,  im- 
mutable, and  the  same  to  all  men  alike.  True,  these 
splendid  aspirations  were  never  to  be  realized  as  they 
conceived  them,  for  the  world  was  sunk  too  low  to  be  re- 
stored by  any  theories ;  nevertheless,  they  did  this  great 

1  Vicarello's  Itinerary  (Henzen,  Antiquites  de  Vicarello  in  the 
Rheinisch.es  Museum,  1853) ,  Itineranum  Antonini  Augusti  et  Hierosolymita- 
num,  ed.  Parthey  and  Pinder. 

2  Friedlander  Mceurs  romaines,  t.  ii.  1,  vii. :  Les  Voyages. 

25 


386  SAINT  PETER. 

good,  that  they  made  men  sensible  of  the  wretchedness 
of  the  struggle  for  life  about  them,  and  of  their  own  in- 
ability to  rise  above  it. 

To  souls  prepared  for  its  coming  by  these  means,  Chris- 
tianity stood  revealed  as  a  present  Saviour.  Its  universal 
mission,  while  placing  it  at  once  on  a  higher  plane  than 
any  of  the  religions  which  divided  the  world,  made  their 
exclusive  and  unsatisfying  character  all  the  more  mani- 
fest. From  the  very  fact  that  it  was  a  "  worship  of  the 
spirit,"  ^  it  far  excelled  their  materialistic  beliefs,  and 
ruined  their  ascendency  ;  but  at  the  same  time,  with  its 
powers  of  revivifying  what  was  barren  in  itself,  the  New 
Faith  retained  all  their  outward  practices  which  could  be 
made  to  express  its  own  sublime  beliefs.^  In  like  manner, 
the  Church  appropriated  for  her  use  the  administrative 
methods  of  Pagan  Eome,  adopted  its  public  and  private 
customs,  and  willingly  accepted  society  as  she  found  it, 
if  only  she  might  accomplish  its  regeneration.  A  faith 
which  realized  to  the  full  so  many  aspirations  must 
have  been  gladly  welcomed  by  the  minds  of  men  weary 
of  doubting  and  vain  expectations. 

But  it  was  principally  because  it  spoke  to  their  hearts 
that  the  Heavenly  Message  triumphed.  The  wretched 
and  unfortunate,  so  numerous  at  that  time,  were  hunger- 
ing for  some  consolation.  The  Christian  life  had  every- 
thing to  attract  them  :  it  realized  the  philosophers'  Vision 
of  a  City  wherein  reigned  a  charity  which  was  boundless, 
knowing  no  respect  of  persons,  filled  with  peace  born  of  an 
equal  share  in  all  privileges  and  duties  ;  with  one  stroke 
it  swept  away  those  odious  prejudices  which  made  for  the 
debasement  of  the  slave  and  womankind.     Instead  of  the 

1  John  iv.  24. 

'^  In  chapter  xix.  p.  363,  it  has  been  shown  by  means  of  several  exam- 
ples, how  the  Church  brought  about  these  transformations.  Perfect  inde- 
pendence was  preserved  throughout,  despite  all  that  was  borrowed  from 
local  sources ;  for  though  it  seemed  fitting  to  adopt  the  customs  and  for- 
mularies prevalent  in  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  the  name  used  to  designate 
the  democratic  Assemblies  of  Greece  was  taken  to  denominate  the  meet- 
ings of  Christian  believers,  —  eKKXricria-  Ecclesm.  From  the  Hellenic 
confraternities  they  took  the  titles  of  the  new  Hierarchy  also,  iiria-Koiro?, 
K\^pos       .  .     See  Wescher,  Revue  archeologique,  avril,  1866. 


EPILOGUE.  387 

timid  essays  of  statesmen  who  hardly  ventured  to  lessen 
a  few  of  their  hardships,  the  New  Faith  spread  forth  that 
great  charter  of  emancipation :  "  There  is  no  longer  either 
Jew  or  Gentile,  there  is  neither  slave  nor  free,  nor  male 
nor  female.  You  are  all  one  in  Christ  Jesus."  ^  Assured 
of  recovering  their  dignity  and  self-respect  in  this  new 
Kingdom,  the  humble  folk,  who  are  God's  little  ones, 
thronged  the  Church,  and,  once  within  the  fold,  labored 
to  extend  His  rule.  Their  zeal  found  greater  facilities 
for  obtaining  a  hearing  in  those  times,  because,  in  point 
of  culture  and  intelligence,  the  difference  between  the 
common  people  and  the  upper  classes  was  not  so  marked 
as  it  is  to-day.  Furthermore,  in  the  masses  of  the  work- 
ing-people there  were  many  men  noted  for  their  qualities, 
some  national,  others  gained  in  the  pursuit  of  letters,  — 
Greek  freedmen,  of  as  keen  intelligence  as  their  brethren 
of  Attica  or  Ionia;  Orientals,  too,  who  were  in  nowise 
inferior  to  them  in  everything  which  demanded  subtle 
genius.  Despite  their  ragged  garb,  these  strangers  showed 
the  fruits  of  thoughtful  habits,  and  a  language  ever  ready, 
eloquent,  and  instinct  with  charm  :  no  wonder,  then,  that 
Eome  listened  to  them. 

These  were  some  of  the  natural  causes  which  favored 
the  foundation  of  Christianity.  We  must  not  imagine, 
however,  that  they  operated  constantly,  nor  that  they 
exercised  the  same  influence  over  all.  The  arch-enemy 
now  marshalling  his  forces  against  them  was  too  strong 
to  be  vanquished  by  a  series  of  unvarying  victories  ;  at  the 
slightest  sign  of  weakening,  he  recovered  his  former  do- 
mains. The  hands  which  were  raised  in  prayer  to  their  Ee- 
deemer  were  the  hands  of  poor  captives  powerless  to  break 
their  heavy  chains.  Soon  the  pall  of  darkness  would  over- 
shadow them  once  more  and  blind  their  hearts.  All  that 
remained  to  them  was  the  light  Saint  John  speaks  of,  — 
a  Light  glimmering  amid  the  shades  of  night,  shadows  so 
murky  that  the  daylight  is  no  longer  to  be  seen.^  That 
was  the  condition  in  which  the  great  majority  of  Pagans 

1  Gal.  iii.  28.  2  John  i.  .5. 


388  SAINT  PETER. 

were  languishing  at  this  time.  To  arouse  and  save  them, 
the  feeble  resources  we  have  been  describing  were  not 
enough ;  such  means  are  not  in  proportion  with  a  restora- 
tion so  far-reaching  and  entire.  Herein  God  reveals  His 
workings,  and  His  handiwork  appears  all  the  mightier, 
when,  taking  the  events  which  seconded  the  diffusion  of 
the  Gospel,  we  contrast  with  them  the  obstacles  which 
the  Apostles  had  to  overcome. 

On  every  hand,  indeed,  hatred  and  insurmountable 
feuds  impeded  their  work.  Man's  reason,  while  attracted, 
on  one  hand,  by  the  lofty  tone  of  Christian  dogma,  on  the 
other  was  repelled  by  what  seemed  incomprehensible. 
Many  points  of  morality  offended  their  pride  and  the 
promptings  of  human  nature, — forgiveness  of  injuries,  love 
of  one's  enemies,  humiliation  and  poverty  pronounced 
blessed :  this  was  ''  the  Cross  of  Jesus,  a  scandal  to  the 
Jews,  and  to  the  Gentiles  sheer  folly."  ^  The  austere 
worship  of  the  one  and  only  God,  Who  manifests  Him- 
self only  to  man's  heart,  shocked  men  from  childhood 
familiar  with  the  fables  of  Olympus  and  the  pomp  of 
Pagan  rites.  Christianity,  with  no  altars  crimsoned  with 
the  blood  of  sacrifices,  and  with  no  images  of  the  Divin- 
ity, seemed  to  them  like  a  religion  fit  only  for  atheists. 
Many  even  regarded  it  as  a  seditious  system  of  worship ; 
for  instead  of  accommodating  its  practices  to  the  Eoman 
ceremonial,  like  the  rites  of  all  the  conquered  peoples,  it 
declared  that  the  Christian  religion  was  the  only  true  and 
acceptable  service  of  God.  The  Jews,  who  made  the 
same  pretensions,  consented  at  least  to  immolate  victims 
for  the  well-being  of  C^sar ;  yet  these  Christians  offered 
him  nothing  but  their  prayers  I  Grievances  of  this  kind, 
exaggerated  by  perfidious  foes,  raised  such  barriers  about 
the  Church  that  in  the  second  century  the  scholars  of 
Eome  continued  to  confound  the  doctrines  of  Christ  with 
the  obscene  Mysteries  of  the  East.  In  a  sarcastic  epigram, 
Celsus  gives  us  the  common  opinion  of  his  times :  "  While 
all  other  religions  summon  those  whose  consciences  are 
pure  to   take  part  in    their  ceremonies,   the  Christians 

1  1  Cor.  i.  23. 


EPILOGUE.  389 

promise  the  Kingdom  of  God  to  sinners,  fools,  and  those 
who  are  accursed  of  the  gods."  ^ 

Even  more  to  be  dreaded  than  such  offences  against 
reason,  were  other  teachings  which  were  repugnant  to 
their  tastes.  Paganism  had  so  far  penetrated  every  fea- 
ture of  social  life  that  the  disciple  must  needs  break 
with  all  his  old  customs  if  he  would  not  do  violence  to 
his  Faith.  The  games,  the  theatres,  circuses,  baths,  and 
banquets  were  all  noxious  to  his  sight  and  his  soul ;  the 
public  functions,  even  the  slightest  intercourse  with  so- 
ciety, constrained  him  to  take  part  in  idolatrous  acts  in- 
compatible with  his  new  beliefs  ;  at  Eome  especially, 
where  every  legal  act  was  consecrated  by  a  religious  rite, 
to  live  in  the  Christ  was  indeed  to  die  to  the  world.^  As- 
suredly, those  who  made  this  sacrifice  found  ample  recom- 
pense in  a  brotherly  union  so  comforting  that  even  the 
Gentiles  were  moved  at  beholding  it.  But  this  very 
union,  which  attracted  the  poorer  folk,  was  a  subject  for 
the  scornful  criticism  of  the  great.  Their  pride  revolted  at 
the  thought  of  treating  as  brethren  vile  laborers,  slaves, 
and  poor  women,  who  made  up  the  great  mass  of  the 
faithful.  Like  the  rich  young  man  in  the  Gospel,  they 
withdrew  in  sadness  because  they  had  "great  posses- 
sions." ^  These  feelings  of  disdain  for  Christianity  were 
those  generally  found  among  the  Pagans ;  then,  at  rare 
intervals,  came  days  when  the  anguish  of  doubt,  the  re- 
pulsiveness  of  sin,  remorse  and  fear  of  a  world  to  come, 
seized  upon  their  souls  and  impelled  them  to  flee  for 
refuge  to  the  Church. 

We  shall  see  the  history  of  the  infant  Church  develop- 
ing amid  these  alternations  of  shadow  and  sunshine,  — 
of  resistance  and  yielding  to  the  promptings  of  Grace. 
Saint  Paul's  ministry,  especially,  will  illustrate  these 
changes,  as  they  follow  one  another  in  swift  succession ; 
at  his  first  appearance  the  Apostle  is  welcomed  with 
transports  of  joy,  —  on  the  morrow  he  is  repulsed  and  exe- 
crated.    From  those  earliest  times,  Jesus    stands    forth 

1  Origen,  Adversus  Celsum,  iii.  59.        ^  Philip,  i.  21 ;  Col.  iii.  3. 
8  Mark  x.  22. 


390  SAINT  PETER. 

revealed  to  the  world,  as  in  our  own  day,  even  as  He  shall 
be  unto  the  end  of  time,  "  a  Sign  of  contradiction,"  clear 
and  evident  enough  to  attract  the  souls  of  men  and  to 
make  faith  reasonable,  yet  so  veiled  in  mystery  to  mortal 
eyes  that  haughty  minds  mistake  His  meaning.  "  Lo,  this 
Child  is  set  for  the  fall  and  for  the  resurrection  of  many, 
.  .  .  and  for  a  Sign  which  shall  be  contradicted."  ^ 

1  Luke  ii.  34. 


APPEIS^DIX. 


I. 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

The  only  certain  date,  in  the  history  of  the  first  twenty 
years  of  the  Church,  is  that  of  Agrippa's  death,  which  Jo- 
sephus  sets  down  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Claudius 
(44  A.  J).)}  For  the  rest  of  this  period  the  chronological 
order  can  be  determined  only  approximately,  with  the  excep- 
tions of  Saint  Paul's  conversion  and  the  Council  of  Jeru- 
salem, their  dates  being  fixed  by  certain  facts  in  profane 
history  with  which  these  two  events  have  certain  obvious 
connections. 

Indeed,  both  the  conversion  of  Paul  and  the  martyrdom 
of  Saint  Stephen,  which  preceded  it  by  a  few  months,  took 
place  under  peculiar  circumstances.  The  holy  Deacon  is 
tried  according  to  the  ancient  Eules  and  before  a  Jewish 
tribunal ;  he  suffers  the  penalty  decreed  by  the  Law  ^  with- 
out any  efforts  being  made,  as  in  the  trial  of  Jesus,  to  ob- 
tain the  ratification  of  the  Procurator.  After  this  opening 
act  in  the  persecution  that  followed,  Saul  receives  unlimited 
powers  from  the  Sanhedrin  to  imprison,  torture,  and  put  to 
death  all  followers  of  the  Christ ;  in  a  word,  the  Eoman 
authority,  hitherto  all-powerful,  appears  suddenly  to  have 
relaxed  its  hold.  There  is  only  one  known  fact  which  can 
explain  this  sudden  change,  —  the  death  of  Tiberius,  which 
occurred  on  the  16th  of  March,  a.  d.  37.  Caligula,  adopt- 
ing a  policy  the  opposite  of  that  pursued  by  his  prede- 
cessor, allowed  the  various  peoples  of  the  East  to  regain 
their  autonomy ;  thus  it  came  about  that  during  the  first 

^  Josephus,  Antiqidtates,  xix.  8,  2.  '^  Deut.  xiii.  6-10 


392  APPENDIX. 

two  years  of  this  Prince's  reign,  the  Eoman  rule  seems  an- 
nulled in  Palestine.  Consequently,  this  is  the  interval  to 
which  we  must  set  down  the  martyrdom  of  Stephen  and 
the  conversion  of  Saint  Paul,  —  that  is  to  say,  about  the 
year  37. 

Other  circumstances,  no  less  exceptional,  lead  us  to  de- 
cide for  62  as  the  date  of  the  Council  of  Jerusalem.  A 
tradition,  traced  back  to  the  first  Fathers  and  repeated  by  a 
long  line  of  witnesses,^  informs  us  that  Saint  Peter  arrived 
in  Pome  during  the  reign  of  Claudius,  and  according  to  the 
best  evidences  did  not  return  to  Jerusalem  until  that  Em- 
peror expelled  the  Jews  and  Christians  from  the  Capital  of 
the  world.  Wieseler  has  demonstrated  that  this  edict  was 
promulgated  in  the  month  of  January,  62."^  So,  then,  it 
was  not  until  some  time  during  this  year  that  Peter  ap- 
peared again  in  Jerusalem,  and  that  Paul  repaired  thither 
to  bring  before  the  Apostolic  Council  certain  weighty  ques- 
tions which  were  dividing  the  Church  of  Antioch. 

It  only  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  two  dates  we 
have  just  determined  —  37  for  Paul's  conversion,  52  for  the 
lirst  Council  —  harmonize  with  what  we  learn  from  the 
Acts  and  the  letters  of  Saint  Paul  concerning  the  various 
journeys  which  that  Apostle  made  to  Jerusalem.  The  Acts 
mention  three  missions,  —  the  first  after  the  conversion  of 
Saul,^  the  second  before  the  great  famine,^  the  third  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Council  of  Jerusalem.^  In  the  Epistle  to 
the  Galatians  the  Apostle  speaks  of  only  two  visits  to  the 
Holy  City,  —  one  three  years  after  his  conversion,^  which 
all  scholars  not  biassed  by  rationalistic  prejudices  identify 
with  the  first  journey  recounted  by  Saint  Luke ;  the  other 
fourteen  years  later,  which  evidently  coincides  with  the 
third  mentioned  in  the  Acts."^  To  obtain  this  number  from 
37  and  52,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  Jews  were  ac- 
customed to  count  the  unfinished  and  incomplete  year  as  if 
it  was  a  full  twelvemonth.  According  to  this  method  of 
computation,  the  first  journey,  which  he  made  three  years 
after  his  conversion,  took  place  in  39,  and  the  fourteen 
years  which  elapsed  between  this  first  visit  and  the  third 
are  the  years  from  39  to  52. 

1  See  Appendix  IV.  ^  Chronologic  des  apostoUschen  Zeitalters,  p,  127. 

5  Acts  ix.  26.  4  Acts  xi.'so.  ^  Acts  xv.  2. 

«  Gal  i.  18.  "'  Gal.  ii.  1. 


APPENDIX.  393 


II. 

DATE    OF    THE    MARTYRDOM    OF    SAINT    JAMES    THE    GREATER 
AND    THE    IMPRISONMENT    OF    SAINT    PETER. 

From  the  historian  Josephus/  we  learn  that  Agrippa 
ended  his  life  at  Csesarea  in  the  year  44  of  our  era.  As  the 
Acts  recount  his  death  immediately  after  the  persecution 
of  the  Church,  some  scholars  infer  that  the  two  events  oc- 
curred in  the  same  epoch.  This  conclusion  does  not  flow 
necessarily  from  the  sacred  text,^  for  although  Saint  Luke 
did  not  usually  invert  the  order  of  events,  yet  he  often 
neglects  to  mention  any  fixed  date,  and  connects  incidents 
separated  by  a  considerable  interval,  with  the  sole  end  in 
view  of  showing  that  one  was  the  consequence  of  the  other. 
This  is  the  case  with  the  passage  we  are  considering.  The 
narrator,  regarding  the  disease  which  preyed  upon  Agrippa 
as  the  just  punishment  for  his  crimes,  appends  the  account 
of  this  awful  sequel  to  the  tyrant's  persecutions  in  order  to 
make  their  relation  more  apparent,  but  without  intending 
to  have  us  understand  that  the  Prince  died  immediately 
after  Peter's  miraculous  release  from  prison.  Indeed,  there 
is  nothing  to  indicate  this  in  the  text  of  the  Acts,  where  we 
read  simply,  ''  And  he  went  down  from  Judea  to  Csesarea ; ''  ^ 
or,  in  other  words,  on  leaving  Jerusalem,  Herod,  as  Josephus 
relates,  visited  various  cities  of  Judea,  —  Beyrouth,  Tibe- 
rias,^ —  arriving  finally  at  Caesarea,  where  he  died.  Be- 
tween his  decease  and  the  persecution  we  must  suppose 
that  several  years  elapsed,  and  we  have  only  to  study 
Josephus'  account  of  Agrippa's  reign  to  admit  that  the 
hypothesis  is  a  very  plausible  one  which  puts  the  impris- 
onment of  Saint  Peter  in  the  Passover-tide  of  42,  and  the 
death  of  the  King  some  time  in  the  beginning  of  44.^ 

^  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xix.  8,  2. 

2  Eusebius,  it  is  true,  says  that  Herod's  death  followed  immediately 
upon  the  martyrdom  of  S.  James  and  the  deliverance  of  Peter  (Historia 
Ecclesiastica,  ii.  10) ;  but  he  relies  solely  upon  the  authority  of  the  Acts, 
which  he  interprets  as  it  ordinarily  is  understood. 

^  Acts  xii.  19.  *  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  xix.  7  and  8. 

5  Here  I  have  merely  adopted  and  summarized  the  scholarly  disserta- 
tion by  Father  de  Smedt  (Dissertationes  selectee  in  primam  cetatem  historic^ 
ecclesiasticce,  dissert,  i.  :  De  Romano  S.  Petri  Episcopatu). 


394  APPENDIX. 

The  Jewish  historian  describes  this  Prince  as  solely  oc- 
cupied, from  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem  (41),  in 
winning  the  good-will  of  his  subjects.  Now,  Agrippaknew 
that  the  Jews  hated  the  Christians,  and  that  the  surest 
way  of  making  himself  popular  was  to  persecute  the  dis- 
ciples of  Jesus.  How  can  any  one  suppose  that  he  would 
have  waited  until  44  —  until  the  last  days  of  his  reign  —  to 
make  use  of  this  weapon  ?  Agrippa  assumed  the  sovereign 
power  about  the  middle  of  41 ;  there  is  every  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  it  was  during  the  following  Pasch  —  that  of  42  — 
that  this  Prince  put  Saint  James  to  death  and  cast  Saint 
Peter  into  prison. 

The  close  of  Josephus'  account  confirms  this  hypothesis, 
and  also  enforces  the  conclusion  that  the  persecution  in 
which  Saint  James  was  martyred  did  not  take  place  at  the 
Passover  of  44,  since  Agrippa  was  dead  before  that  date. 
The  great  historian  of  the  Jews,  after  making  us  acquainted 
with  the  incidents  worthy  of  note  during  the  King's  stay  at 
Beyrouth  and  Tiberias,  continues  in  these  words  :  "  Agrippa 
had  just  completed  the  third  year  of  his  reign  over  all 
Judea  when  he  made  his  entry  into  Csesarea."  Thereupon 
he  tells  of  the  festivals  held  in  that  city,  in  the  midst  of 
which  the  King  died,  and  ends  his  narrative  thus:  "So, 
then,  Agrippa  reigned  -seven  years,  four  under  Caius,  and 
three  under  Claudius." 

These  two  passages  seem  to  be  contradictory,  one  speak- 
ing of  four  years,  the  other  of  only  three,  during  which 
Agrippa  governed  his  Empire,  which  Claudius  had  just  re- 
stored, or,  as  it  was  called,  "  all  Judea."  To  reconcile  his 
statements,  we  must  suppose  that  the  King  had  indeed  en- 
tered upon  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign  under  Claudius 
when  he  arrived  at  Csesarea,  but  that  he  lived  so  few  days 
thereafter  that  Josephus,  in  his  general  computation, 
makes  no  reckoning  of  it.  If  we  look  farther,  and  try  to 
determine  the  exact  date  in  this  lesser  half  of  the  fourth 
year,  we  find  that  the  games  in  honor  of  Claudius  were 
celebrated  twice  a  year,  —  the  24th  of  January,  to  com- 
memorate his  coming  to  the  throne,  and  the  6th  of  August, 
in  honor  of  his  birthday.  The  latter  date  cannot  be  the 
one  referred  to,  for  seven  months  is  too  considerable  a  lapse 
of  time  to  be  passed  over  by  the  historian  when  giving  the 
full   duration  of  Agrippa's  reign.      Accordingly,   the  only 


APPENDIX.  395 

plausible  conclusion  from  these  facts  is  the  one  proposed 
at  first;  namely,  that  this  Prince  died  during  the  festi- 
vals in  honor  of  Claudius'  accession,  toward  the  end  of 
January,  44. 

It  follows  that  the  facts  related  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of 
the  Acts  — the  martyrdom  of  Saint  James  and  Saint  Peter's 
imprisonment  —  did  not  occur  during  the  Paschal-tide  of 
that  year  (44),  but  during  one  of  the  preceding,  either  42 
or  43.  It  would  seem  natural  to  select  42,  not  only  for  the 
reason  given  above,  that  Agrippa  certainly  did  not  defer  his 
persecution  of  the  Christians  until  the  close  of  his  reigu, 
but  also  because  the  last-mentioned  date  accords  with 
three  important  traditions,  —  one  ^  which  tells  us  that  the 
Apostles  dispersed  twelve  years  after  their  Master's  death, 
—  that  is,  in  42;  while  another  says  it  was  during  the 
second  year  of  Claudius  (42)  that  Saint  Peter  went  to  Rome 
and  there  founded  the  Apostolic  See ;  ^  finally,  a  third 
asserts  that  Peter's  Pontificate  at  Rome  lasted  twenty-five 
years  (4^67).^ 


III. 


THE    TESTIMONY    OF    SAINT    IREN^US    AS    TO    THE    DATE    OF 
THE    COMPOSITION    OF    SAINT    MATTHEW's    GOSPEL. 

The  traditions,  with  one  accord,  attribute  the  composition 
of  the  First  Gospel  to  the  time  when  the  Apostles  quitted 
Jerusalem.  One  witness  alone  dissents  from  this  unani- 
mous testimony :  this  is  Saint  Irenseus,  who  seems  to 
adopt  a  later  date,  —  the  year  0)2.  In  the  text  of  this 
Father,  as  it  is  usually  punctuated  and  understood,  we  read 
these  words  :  "  Matthew  wrote  his  Gospel  for  the  Hebrews 
and  in  their  tongue,  while  Peter  and  Paul  were  evangelizing 

1  ApoUonius  (sec.  iii.),  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia  Ecclesiastica,  v. 
18):  "Tanquam  ex  veterum  traditione  refert  Dominum  Apostolis  suis 
precepisse  ne  intra  duodecim  annos  Hierosolymis  excederent."  We  find 
this  tradition  again  in  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Stromatn,  vi,  5). 

'■^  S.  Jerome,  De  Viris  I/hisfribus,  i.  "  Simon  Petrus,  secundo  Claudii 
anno  .  .  .  Romam  pergit,  ibique  viginti  annis  cathedram  sacerdotalem 
tenuit." 

'■''  Liberian  Catalogue,  "  Petrus  ann.  xxv.  mens,  uno  d.  viii."  Duchesne, 
Liber  Pontificalis. 


396  APPENDIX. 

Eome  and  founding  the  Church  in  that  city.  After  their 
departure  [from  this  world],  Mark,  Peter's  disciple  and  in- 
terpreter, left  us  in  writing  all  that  Peter  had  proclaimed ; 
and  Luke,  who  had  accompanied  Paul,  gathered  together  in 
his  book  the  Gospel  preached  by  the  latter."  ^ 

Taken  in  this  sense,  the  passage  gives  rise  to  serious  dif- 
ficulties. Not  only  does  the  author  disagree  with  all  the 
other  Fathers  as  to  the  date  of  Saint  Matthew's  writing,  he 
even  leads  us  to  infer  that  Saints  Peter  and  Paul  came  to 
Kome  together,  which,  as  we  shall  see,  is  contradicted  by 
the  whole  mass  of  Tradition.  Furthermore,  he  refers  the 
composition  of  the  Third  Gospel  to  a  date  much  too  late 
(after  the  death  of  the  two  Apostles  in  67)  ;  for  all  critics 
concede  that  Saint  Luke  wrote  his  Gospel  before  the  Acts. 
Now,  the  latter  work  was  completed,  at  the  latest,  in  64,  be- 
fore Saint  Paul  was  released  from  prison,  since  the  closing 
lines  of  this  book  which  mention  the  confinement  of  the 
Apostle,  do  not  speak  of  its  end.  It  is  a  wise  rule  of  crit- 
icism that  when  a  single  isolated  text  contradicts  the  whole 
body  of  traditions  on  any  point,  we  should  either  accept  it 
with  great  reservations,  or  look  about  for  some  more  satis- 
factory interpretation  of  the  text  itself.  Adopting  the 
latter  course.  Father  Patrizi  ^  calls  our  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  vague  expression  t^ohovy  "departure,"  may  refer 
either  to  the  death  of  the  Apostles  or  to  their  leaving  Rome. 
Again,  the  punctuation  remains  a  very  uncertain  question,  as 
always  in  the  case  of  ancient  writers,  and  these  words,  "when 
Feter  and  Paul  were  evangelizing  Rome,^^  need  not  be  re- 
ferred to  the  foregoing  sentence,  where  the  writer  is  speak- 
ing of  Saint  Matthew's  Gospel,  but  to  the  following  phrase, 
which  sets  forth  the  origin  of  the  Gospels  of  Saints  Mark 
and  Luke.  This  slight  change  will  suffice  to  make  the  tes- 
timony of  Saint  Irenseus  coincide  with  all  the  other  tradi- 
tions :  ^  "  Matthew  wrote  his  Gospel  for  the  Hebrews  and 

^  Eusebius,  Historia  EccJesiastica,  v.  8. 

2  Patrizi,  De  Evangeliis,  i. 

3  The  text  of  S.  Irenseus  is  given  above,  with  the  punctuation  adopted 
by  Father  Patrizi :  "  Matthseus  in  Hebraeis  ipsorum  lingua  scripturam 
edidit  Evangelii.  Cum  Petrus  et  Paulus  Romae  evangelizarent  et  funda- 
rent  ecclesiam,  post  vero  horum  exitum,  Marcus,  discipulus  et  interpres 
Petri,  et  ipse,  quae  a  Paulo  annuntiabantur,  per  scripta  nobis  tradidit,  et 
Lucas  autem  sectator  Pauli,  quod  ab  illo  praedicabatur,  evangelium  in 
libro  condidit." 


APPENDIX.  397 

in  their  tongue.  Mark  and  Luke  composed  theirs  during 
the  time  when  Peter  and  Paul  were  preaching  in  Rome  ; 
later  on,  however,  when  both  these  Apostles  had  left  the 
city." 

All  we  know  about  the  missionary  labors  of  these  two 
Apostles,  their  sojourn  in  and  departure  from  Rome,  would 
compel  us  to  separate  the  facts  grouped  together  here  in 
one  sentence,  and  refer  them  to  different  dates ;  for  so 
much  seems  to  be  quite  incontestable,  —  to  wit,  that  Saint 
Peter  appeared  in  Rome  a  long  time  before  Saint  Paul's 
arrival  there,  and  that  he  left  the  Capital  several  times. 
His  first  visit  was  as  early  as  42,  as  we  shall  see  shortly ; 
but  as,  according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Acts,  he  was 
present  at  the  First  Council  of  Jerusalem,  about  52,  we  are 
warranted  in  concluding  that  he  had  quitted  Rome  at  some 
earlier  date,  —  probably  when  Claudius  banished  all  Jews 
from  Rome  (in  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign,  according  to 
Orosius, — 49  A.  D.).^  Consequently,  we  must  believe  that 
this  is  the  period  to  which  Saint  Irenseus  assigns  the  com- 
position of  Saint  Mark's  Gospel. 

Saint  Paul,  on  the  contrary,  did  not  go  to  Rome  until 
some  time  in  62.  After  remaining  there  for  two  years  as  a 
prisoner,  he  left  in  64.  His  departure  determined  Saint 
Luke  to  give  the  Christians  of  Rome  the  Gospel  which  he 
had  compiled  from  the  preaching  of  the  great  Doctor  of  the 
Gentiles, — probably  composed  at  Caesarea  during  the  im- 
prisonment of  Saint  Paul.^ 

Any  one  can  see  at  a  glance  the  new  meaning  this  com- 
mentary gives  to  Saint  Irenseus'  words,  and  what  we  must 
conclude  from  them  as  to  the  date  of  each  Gospel.  The 
first  was  composed  for  use  among  the  Hebrews  of  Jerusa- 
lem, —  consequently,  before  Saint  Matthew  left  the  Holy 
City ;  the  second  was  edited  by  Saint  Mark,  after  Peter, 
with  all  his  fellow-countrymen,  was  expelled  from  Rome  by 
Claudius,  in  or  about  52 ;  Saint  Luke  published  the  third 
when  Paul  on  getting  out  of  prison,  left  the  Imperial  Cap- 
ital, in  64.  It  seems  almost  beyond  question  that  Eusebius 
understood  the  text  of  Saint  Irenseus  in  this  sense,  for  in 

1  Orosius,  Histor.  7,  6.  In  52,  according  to  Wieseler's  reckoning.  See 
above,  p.  392. 

2  The  Acts,  as  we  have  seen,  were  finished  in  64,  and  S.  Luke  wrote  his 
Gospel  at  an  earlier  date. 


398  APPENDIX. 

the  very  book  in  which  he  quotes  this  passage,^  he  states 
expressly  that  Saint  Matthew  ^  wrote  his  work  before 
leaving  Jerusalem,  while  Saint  Mark  wrote  at  a  later  date, 
during  Claudius'  reign.^  In  the  following  century  Saint 
Jerome,  w^ho  studied  all  the  traditions  attentively,  and  no- 
tably those  he  found  in  Saint  Irenaeus,  —  Saint  Jerome 
makes  use  of  almost  the  same  words  as  Eusebius  :  "  Mat- 
thew, also  called  Levi,  was  the  first  to  write  the  Gospel  of 
the  Christ  in  Judea  for  those  of  the  Circumcision  who  were 
believers,  and  he  composed  it  in  the  Hebrew  tongue."  '* 
This  imposing  body  of  witnesses  not  only  demonstrates  the 
force  of  this  conclusion,  it  also  confirms  and  explains  the 
testimony  of  tradition. 

Accordingly,  we  may  feel  justified  in  drawing  the  follow- 
ing conclusions.  Those  critics  who  defer  the  date  of  the 
composition  of  the  First  Gospel  as  late  as  70,  can  find  no 
text,  nor  any  tradition  in  the  writings  of  antiquity,  to  jus- 
tify their  hypothesis.  On  the  contrary,  all  down  the  ages 
we  hear  the  fact  asserted  and  reiterated  that  Saint  Matthew 
was  the  first  of  all  the  Evangelists  to  set  down  the  Good 
News  in  writing ;  and  this  he  did  in  the  Hebrew  language, 
for  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  before  he  quitted  his  native  land. 
Now,  we  have  seen  that  the  Apostles  abandoned  Jerusalem 
and  went  forth  to  evangelize  the  world,  twelve  years  after 
the  Ascension;  so  then  we  must  conclude  that  the  First 
Gospel  was  composed  at  this  juncture.  I  should  be  far 
from  contending  that  this  date  is  beyond  all  question,  bat  I 
do  believe  that  it  is  better  founded  than  any  other,  because 
it  rests,  not  on  any  gratuitous  conjectures,  but  on  facts  at- 
tested by  the  five  first  centuries  of  Christianity. 


IV. 

SAINT    PETER    AT    ROME. 

Whichever  opinion  the  reader  adopts  touching  the  period 
when  Saint  Peter  first  appeared  in  Rome,  the  actual  fact 
of  his  having  resided  there  is  hardly  ever  disputed  nowa- 

1  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica,  v.  8. 

2  Id.,  in.  24,  3  Id.,  ii.  u,  15. 
*  S.  Jerome,  De  Viris  Illustribus,  3. 


APPENDIX,  399 

days  ;  ^  for  although  no  contemporary  writer  makes  any  ex- 
press allusion  to  that  event,  we  have  a  series  of  witnesses 
in  testimony  of  it,  from  the  third  century  back  to  Apostolic 
times,  together  casting  a  continuous  light  on  this  turning- 
point  of  history.^ 

One  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Saint  Peter, 
we  find  his  martyrdom  at  Rome  spoken  of  everywhere  in 
the  Church  as  one  of  the  most  assured  events,  well  known 
to  all.  Caius,  who  wrote  his  work  in  that  city  during  the 
pontificate  of  Zephyrinus  (202-219),  describes  the  tomb  of 
the  Apostle  at  the  Vatican ;  ^  and  no  other  city  has  ever 
laid  claim  to  possessing  his  remains.  Tertullian,  about  the 
same  time,  reminds  the  African  Church  that  Peter  estab- 
lished his  pontifical  seat  in  Rome,  that  he  there  endured 
the  same  tortures  which  his  Lord  had  suffered,  and  that  he 
baptized  in  the  Tiber,  as  John  had  done  in  the  Jordan.* 
Twenty-five  years  later.  Saint  Dionysius  of  Corinth  testifies 
to  the  same  facts  in  Greece  ;  ^  Clement  and  his  disciple 
Origen  relate  these  events  in  Alexandria.^  The  East 
abounds  with  similar  traditions.  If  we  pass  over  into 
Gaul,  we  find  Saint  Irenseus  writing  his  treatise  against 
heresies,  in  which  he  twice  alludes  to  the  fact  that  Peter 
and  Paul  founded  the  Roman  Church.''  Now,  the  Bishop 
of  Lyons  had  known  many  contemporaries  of  the  Apostle  in 
Asia;  he  was  a  disciple  of  Saint  Polycarp,  who,  in  turn, 
had  listened  to  the  teachings  of  Saint  John  the  Evangelist ; 
through  these  men  we  have  a  continuous  record  of  the  first 
century  of  the  Church.  Their  testimony,  even  if  unsup- 
ported, would  make  us  certain  of  the  fact  which  we  are 

1  "  I  regard  the  tradition  of  Peter's  sojourn  at  Rome  as  very  probable ; 
but  I  believe  his  stay  was  of  short  duration,  and  that  Peter  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom a  little  while  after  his  arrival  in  the  Eternal  City  "  (Renan,  UAnte- 
christ,  p.  556). 

2  See  Father  de  Smedt's  De  Romano  S.  Petri  Episcopatu,  in  his 
Dissertationes  Selectee,  pp.  1-48. 

3  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ii.  25 ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx. 
p.  207. 

4  Tertullian,  De  Prcescript.  36;  Scorpiac.  15;  De  Baptismo,  4 ;  Patrolo- 
gie latine,  t.  ii.  pp.  49,  151  ;  t.  1.  p.  1203. 

^  S.  Dionysius,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ii.  25 ;  Pa- 
trologie grecque,  t.  XX.  p.  210). 

^  Clement  and  Origen,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {Historia  Ecclesiastica,  vi. 
14;  iii.  1. :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx.  pp.  551,  214). 

"^  S.  Irenaeus,  Adversus  Hcereses,  iii.  1  :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  vii.  pp. 
844.  848. 


400  APPENDIX. 

considering ;  but  we  have  other  witnesses,  less  explicit 
certainly,  yet  sufficiently  clear  when  studied  in  the  light  of 
later  traditions. 

Forty  years  after  Saint  Peter's  death  (107),  Saint  Igna- 
tius, then  brought  to  Eome  to  die  in  the  amphitheatre, 
wrote  the  Christians  of  the  Capital :  "  I  beseech  you  not 
to  display,  for  my  sake,  a  kindness  which  is  out  of  place ; 
let  me  be  the  prey  of  their  wild  beasts.  ...  I  do  not  com- 
mand you,  like  Peter  and  Paul :  they  were  Apostles,  1  am 
only  a  condemned  man."  ^  These  words  are  easily  under- 
stood if  we  admit  that  the  two  Apostles  governed  the 
Eoman  Church  ;  they  are  quite  unintelligible  if  we  dispute 
it.  We  again  encounter  the  same  belief  toward  the  end  of 
Domitian's  reign  (96)  ;  Saint  Clement  of  Eome,  speaking  of 
the  Christians  immolated  by  Nero  after  the  burning  of  the 
city,  reckons  Saints  Peter  and  Paul  in  the  number.  "  They 
have  been  great  ensamples  in  our  midst,"  ^  he  adds ;  thereby 
showing  that  they  suffered  death  in  the  presence  of  their 
Eoman  foes  and  followers. 

This  Epistle  of  Saint  Clement  is  the  first  Christian  docu- 
ment, outside  of  the  inspired  books,  which  has  come  down  to 
us.^  The  latter  make  no  explicit  mention  of  Saint  Peter's 
sojourn  at  Eome.  The  first  Epistle  written  by  the  Prince 
of  the  Apostles  does,  however,  contain  one  indication  which 
has  attracted  the  attention  of  historians.  His  letter  is 
dated  from  Babylon.  This  word  is  not  used  to  designate 
the  city  of  that  name  in  Mesopotamia,  for  it  seems  hardly 
likely  that  the  Apostle  could  have  journeyed  so  far  as  those 
distant  regions ;  here  Babylon  is  only  the  symbolic  name 
for  Eome,  now  become  in  Jewish  eyes  the  centre  of  a  uni- 
versal impiety,  just  as  the  Capital  of  Assyria  had  been  to 
their  fathers.^    The  children  of  Israel  were  always  fond  of 

1  S.  Ignatius,  Ep.  ad  Romanos,  iv.  ;   Patrologie  grecque,  t.  v.  p.  690. 

2  S.  Clement,  Ep.  I.  ad  Corinthios,  5,  6  ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  i.  p.  218. 

3  The  Epistle  of  S.  Barnabas  is  not,  of  course,  the  work  of  the  Apostle 
whose  name  it  bears,  and  does  not  seem  to  have  been  composed  earlier 
than  the  opening  years  of  the  second  century  ;  Mgr.  Hefele  thinks  it  was 
Avritten  between  107  and  120;  Funk,  on  the  other  hand,  dates  its  composi- 
tion in  the  last  years  of  the  first  century  {Opera  Patrum  Apostohcorum,  t.  i.  ; 
Prolegomena,  v.), 

^  M.  Renan  does  not  suggest  a  doubt  as  to  the  signification  of  the  word 
"  Babylon  "  in  this  Epistle.  "  The  Church  of  Rome  is  here  designated  by 
the  words,  '  the  elect  which  are  in  Babylon.'  ...  In  order  to  baffle  the 
suspicions  of  the  police,  Peter  thought  best  to  use  the  name  of  the  olden 


APPENDIX.  401 

such  mystical  appellations  :  thus,  in  the  Book  of  Esther, 
Aman  is  called  "  the  Amalekite,  and  the  son  of  Agag  ;  "  ^  the 
Samaritans  and  other  Gentiles  are  spoken  of  as  Cutheans  ;  ^ 
Edom  and  Nineveh  also  serve  as  injurious  epithets  where- 
by to  designate  the  Eoman  Empire.  The  Christians  acted 
in  like  manner  :  in  the  Apocalypse,  as  well  as  in  the  Sibyl- 
line Books,  Babylon  always  is  meant  to  signify  Kome.^ 
No  one  in  that  day  could  misunderstand  the  allusion. 
Furthermore,  they  knew  well  what  were  the  reasons  which 
compelled  them  to  use  such  secrecy, — the  dangers  threat- 
ening the  Church,  now  on  the  eve  of  Nero's  persecution  ; 
the  surveillance  exercised  over  all  leaders  of  their  commu- 
nity by  the  Imperial  power ;  finally,  the  necessity  of  keep- 
ing Peter's  residence  a  secret,  especially  in  case  his  letter 
should  be  intercepted.  The  veil  was  so  transparent  to  all 
believers  that  the  Fathers  never  dreamed  of  interpreting  it 
in  any  other  light.  Taken  together  with  posterior  testi- 
mony, and  explained  and  confirmed  by  it,  this  evidence, 
standing  at  the  end  of  his  Epistle,  leaves  no  room  for  doubt 
that  Peter  was  in  Kome  once,  at  least  to  die  there. 

Is  it  possible  to  bring  forward  arguments  of  equal  value 
to  prove  that  the  Apostle  not  only  visited  that  city,  but 
that  he  was  its  first  pastor  ?  Saint  Ignatius  of  Antioch 
implies  as  much,  as  we  have  just  seen  ;  and  after  him  it  is 
vouched  for  by  all  ancient  writers,  with  not  a  single  au- 
thority to  gainsay  the  universal  tradition.  However,  we 
have  no  documents  to  establish  the  fact  of  Peter's  Pontifi- 
cate as  old  as  the  one  referred  to  above,  since  Saint  Irenseus 
is  the  first  to  plainly  attribute  the  foundation  of  the  Roman 
Church  to  the  Chief  of  the  Apostles.*    This  Doctor  of  the 

Capital  of  Asiatic  impiety  to  designate  Rome,  —  a  name  whose  symbolical 
import  could  not  be  mistaken  by  any  one"  (Renan,  L'Antechrist,  p.  122). 
If  we  are  to  believe  the  Copts,  the  Apostle  referred  to  Old  Cairo,  where  in 
his  time  there  was  a  small  town  called  Babylon  by  the  Assyrian  colonists 
who  founded  it  (Strabo,  xvii.  1).  This  tradition,  although  adopted  by 
several  modern  critics,  is  not  generally  accepted  as  credible. 

1  Esther  iii.  1,  10;  viii.  3,  5. 

2  Josephus,  Antiquitates,  ix.  14,  3,  and  the  Talmud,  passim. 

^  Apoc.  xiv.  8  ;  xvi.  19  ,  xviii.  5,  9,  18  ;  xviii,  2  ;  Oracula  Sihyll.  v.  143, 
159. 

*  S.  Irenseus,  Adversus  Hcereses,  iii.  1,3  From  this  period  document- 
ary evidence  is  to  be  had  in  abundance.  Tertullian,  the  author  of  the 
poem  against  Marcion,  Caius,  S.  Cyprian,  Firmilian  of  Cassarea,  and  in- 
deed all  writers  of  the  third  century,  speak  in  the  same  terms  as  S. 
Irenaeus. 

26 


402  APPENDIX. 

Church,  writing  more  than  a  century  after  Saint  Peter's 
death,  does  not  impress  us  with  the  same  confidence  as 
woukl  a  contemporary  of  like  character.  His  testimony, 
nevertlieless,  cannot  be  set  aside  as  devoid  of  authority  j 
for  the  anxiety  shown  by  the  great  Bishop  of  Lyons  to 
treasure  up  the  lessons  of  his  elders,  as  also  his  youth  spent 
in  the  company  of  Saint  Poly  carp,  ought  to  be  sufficient  to 
gain  him  a  respectful  hearing  as  an  echo  of  the  Apostolic 
times.  And  especially  so  far  as  concerns  the  Pontificate  of 
Saint  Peter,  his  teachings  are  of  exceptional  importance, 
since,  before  betaking  himself  to  Gaul,  he  had  resided  for 
some  time  in  Rome,  and  had  studied  its  traditions ;  ^'  in 
order  to  confound  the  heretics,  he  found  no  mightier  argu- 
ment to  bring  forth  against  them  than  the  faith  of  that 
Church,  wherein  the  succession  of  pastors  from  Peter's  time 
was  manifest  and  acknowledged  by  all."  ^ 

Twenty-five  years  before  Saint  Irenaeus,  a  converted  Jew 
named  Hegesippus  had  visited  the  Churches  of  the  East  and 
West,  testified  to  the  agreement  of  their  doctrine  with  that 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  investigated  especially  into  the  series 
of  pastors  by  whose  ministrations  they  had  each  received 
the  teachings  of  the  Apostles.  On  coming  to  the  Capital 
of  the  Empire,  he  collected  facts  giving  him  the  succes- 
sion of  Pontiffs  down  to  Saint  Anicetus  (156).^  These 
notes  of  Hegesippus  were  under  Eusebius'  eyes,  who  made 
great  use  of  them,  and,  it  would  seem,  extracted  therefrom 
the  list  inserted  in  his  history.  Now,  this  is  what  we  find 
in  his  relation :  "  Linus  was  the  first  to  become  Bishop  of 
the  Roman  Church  after  Peter  ;  Clement  was  the  third."  ^ 

1  "  Maxima  et  antiquissimse  et  omnibus  cognitss,  a  gloriosissimis  duobus 
Apostolis  Petro  et  Paulo  Romae  fundata3  et  constitutje  Ecclesiae,  earn  quam 
habet  ab  Apostolis  traditionem,  et  annuntiatam  hominibus  fidem,  per  suc- 
cessiones  episcoporum  pervenientem  usque  ad  nos  Indicantes,  confundimus 
omnes  "  (S.  Irenseus,  Adversus  Hcrreses,  iii.  3). 

2  AiaUxhv  iTToiTfo-afiev  jx^xpis  'AyiK'fjTov.  Hegesippus,  quoted  by  Euse- 
bius (Historia  Ecdesiastica,  iv.  22  ;  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx.  p,377).  The 
word  SmSoxTj  is  used  here  to  signify  the  series  of  Roman  Bishops  as  far  as 
Anicetus ;  for,  immediately  thereafter,  Hegesippus  employs  the  same  ex- 
pression when  stating  that  Soter  replaced  Anicetus ;  Uapa  'AviK-f}Tov  5to- 
Se'xerat  2a)Ti7p,  and  he  adds  that,  so  far  as  concerned  the  succession  of 
Bishops  in  each  city  {ip  eKacrTT)  SiaSoxfi  koI  eV  kKaarri  ir6K€i),  everything 
was  ordered  in  accordance  with  the  proclamations  of  the  Law,  the  Prophets, 
and  the  Lord. 

■^  EusDoius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica,  iii.  4:  Patrologie  grecque^  t.  xx 
p.  221. 


APPENDIX.  403 

Saint  Irenseus  could  not  have  been  acquainted  with  Hege- 
sippus'  book/  for  he  never  quotes  it,  nor  does  he  invoke  his 
authority  against  the  heretics.  Hence,  these  are  two  inde- 
pendent depositions  which  go  far  to  confirm  one  another. 

A  third  proof  is  found  in  a  chronicle  of  the  Popes  com- 
piled about  350  and  called  the  Catalogue  of  Liberius,  be- 
cause that  is  the  name  of  the  last  Pontiff  given  in  it. 
Mommsen  ^  has  established  the  fact  that  up  to  223  this 
series  of  the  successors  of  Peter  is  a  reproduction  of  the 
annals  which  Saint  Hip  poly  tiis  composed  at  Rome  in  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century,  wherein  was  made  mention 
"  of  the  names  of  the  Bishops  of  Eome  and  the  duration  of 
their  pontificates."  Not  content  with  merely  copying  these 
authentic  lists,  the  author  of  the  Liberian  Catalogue  wished 
to  do  more,  even  going  so  far  as  to  settle  the  precise  months 
and  days,  and  decide  under  what  Emperors  and  Consuls 
each  Pope  lived.  In  this  mass  of  details,  he  committed 
numerous  errors ;  but  these  additions,  for  which  he  alone 
is  responsible,  do  not  deprive  the  primitive  documents  of 
their  intrinsic  value.  In  the  chronicle  of  the  names  of 
Sovereign  Pontiffs  with  the  years  of  their  Episcopates,  we 
have  the  testimony  of  Saint  Hippolytus  himself.  Now, 
this  witness  wrote  in  Rome,  and  had  the  official  catalogues 
to  refer  to,  the  same  which  Hegesippus  and  Saint  Irenseus 
speak  of  before  him ;  from  them  he  transcribed  the  list  as 
it  stands  in  his  chronicle.  At  the  head  we  read  the  name 
of  Peter. 

These  evidences,  each  confirming  the  other,  are  sufficient 
to  establish  the  fact  of  the  foundation  of  the  Roman  Church 
by  the  Chief  of  the  Apostles.  Furthermore,  there  is  no 
tradition  which  contradicts  it ;  no  Christian  community  has 
ever  claimed  him  as  its  first  pastor :  Antioch  alone,  on  this 
point  always  in  accord  with  Rome,  glories  in  having  pos- 

1  Hegesippus  published  his  work  during  the  Pontificate  of  Eleutherius 
(175-189).  Now,  at  this  time  S.  Irenaeus  had  already  left  Rome,  for  we 
find  that  in  177  he  had  been  named  as  the  coadjutor  and  future  successor 
of  S.  Pothinus  at  Lyons ;  in  all  likelihood  he  had  already  resided  in  that 
city  for  some  years. 

2  Consult  Mommsen  (Ueber  den  Chronographen  vom  Jahre  354,  p.  634) ; 
De  Kossi  (Roma  Sotterranea,  t.  ii.  p.  Ill),  and  especially  M.  I'Abbe  Du- 
chesne (Introduction  to  the  Liber  Pontificalis,  §  i.  4 ;  §  ii.  pp.  7  and  8).  The 
text  of  the  Liberian  Catalogue  is  published  with  admirable  fidelity  at  the 
head  of  this  .scholarly  work. 


404  APPENDIX. 

sessed  Peter's  episcopal  chair  for  seven  years  ;  ^  and  not- 
withstanding she  never  considered  the  great  Apostle  as, 
properly  speaking,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  for  Eusebius,  who 
had  before  him,  as  we  have  said,  the  catalogues  of  the 
Eastern  Churches  collected  by  Hegesippus,  —  Eusebius 
names  Saint  Evodius  as  first  Pontiff  of  Antioch,  and  Saint 
Ignatius  as  the  second.^ 

So  general  a  belief  overawed  even  the  heretics.  The  Ebi- 
onite  and  Gnostic  apocryphas,^  which  invented  a  thousand 
fables  concerning  Saint  Peter,  never  located  his  Episcopal 
See  anywhere  else  but  at  Rome.  How  would  they  dare  to  do 
so,  indeed,  face  to  face  with  the  monuments  of  that  city, 
the  Apostle's  tomb  on  the  Vatican,  the  cemetery  "  where 
Peter  baptized,"  and  especially  the  Episcopal  Chair,  that 
symbol  of  his  pontificate  ?  In  Signor  de  Eossi's  judgment, 
the  last-named  relic  has  so  many  marks  of  authenticity  that 
he  gives  it  a  place  among  the  witnesses  from  whose  testi- 
mony it  has  been  demonstrated  that  Saint  Peter  founded 
the  Roman  Church.^  The  time-hallowed  chair  is  well 
known  to  all  readers  ;  nevertheless,  certain  points  in  its 
history  are  so  important  to  the  understanding  of  the  ques- 
tion before  us  that  it  will  not  be  a  digression  to  freshen 
our  memory  of  them. 

Though  generally  enclosed  in  its  throne  of  gilded  bronze, 
which  stands  at  the  end  of  the  apse  of  Saint  Peter's,  this 
chair,  in  1867,  was  exhibited  to  assembled  multitudes. 
Underneath  the  ivories  and  the  plates  of  acacia  wood  which 
cover  it,  it  was  possible  to  distinguish  all  that  was  left  of 
the  ancient  seat,  —  four  legs,  connected  by  their  cross- 
pieces,  and  two  uprights  for  the  back.  These  pieces,  of  a 
yellowish  oak,  coarsely  fashioned,  are  worm-eaten  with  old 

1  Tillemont,  Me'inoires,  t.  i.  p.  167  :  S.  Pierre,  art.  xxviii. 

2  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecclesiastica :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xx.  p.  255. 

^  The  principal  examples  of  these  apocryphas  are  the  Gospel  and  the 
Acts  of  Peter,  the  Preachlnfj  of  Peter,  and  several  writings  wrongly  attrib- 
uted to  S.  Clement,  —  the  Recognitions,  Homilies,  and  Apostolic  Constitutions. 

^  Here  I  simply  reproduce,  in  brief,  a  dissertation  which  the  illustrious 
archgeologist  published  in  the  Bullettino  for  May  and  June,  1867.  His  series 
of  ingenious  deductions  should  not  be  passed  over  in  silence  by  any  one 
treating  this  subject,  although  they  may  not  seem  to  establish  with  abso- 
lute certainty  the  particular  point  De  Rossi  has  in  view.  The  passages 
cited  do  indeed  prove  that  Rome  Avas  the  seat  of  Peter's  Pontificate,  but 
they  do  not  demonstrate  with  equal  clearness  that  the  chair  mentioned  by 
his  witnesses  was  the  material  seat  which  was  used  by  the  Apostle. 


APPENDIX.  405 

age  and  worn  by  the  handling  of  pilgrims.  This  shabby 
and  almost  shapeless  object  is  in  harmony  with  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  Apostles  and  the  primitive  Church.  The 
rings  set  in  the  wood  are  just  large  enough  to  admit  the 
poles,  by  which  it  was  converted  into  a  sella  gestatoria. 
It  is  impossible  to  decide  whether  these  accessories  existed 
from  the  beginning,  or  were  added  when  the  custom  was 
established  of  enthroning  the  new  Popes  on  this  chair. 
This  much  at  least  Commendatore  de  E,ossi  regards  as  certain, 
—  that  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  century  Ennodius  of  Pavia 
saw  it  in  the  baptistery  of  Saint  Peter's  Church,  just  as  it 
has  come  down  to  us  ;  the  name  he  gives  it  is  sufficient 
proof  of  this,  for  he  speaks  of  it  as  ^'  the  gestatorial  chair 
of  the  Apostolical  Confession."  "  Thereon,"  he  says,  "  the 
Pontiff  was  wont  to  sit  when  he  conferred  on  the  neo- 
phytes who  came  forth  from  the  baptismal  waters,  another 
heavenly  gift,  — the  grace  of  Confirmation."^ 

A  century  and  a  half  earlier  the  same  custom  existed, 
and  the  fonts  of  the  Vatican  already  contained  Saint  Peter's 
Episcopal  throne ;  for  proof  of  this  we  have  the  inscription 
engraved  by  Saint  Damasus  on  the  pediment  of  this  monu- 
ment. "  The  one  and  only  Chair  of  Peter,  one  only  and 
true  baptism  !  "  ^  —  a  thought  which  we  find  reproduced  and 
explained  in  the  epitaph  of  his  successor,  Soricius  :  "  As 
Sovereign  Pontiff  he  was  worthy  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
sacred  fonts."  ^  To  prove  that  here  the  allusion  is  to  the 
material  seat  of  the  Apostle,  Signor  de  Kossi  cites  a  pas- 
sage from  Saint  Optatus  of  Miletus  ;  writing  against  the 
Donatists  about  the  year  372,  this  author  in  his  contro- 
versy with  the  Bishop  argued  that  the  Romans  rejoiced  in 
the  possession  of  an  unbroken  series  of  legitimate  pastors 
who  had  one  and  all  been  installed  on  the  papal  throne. 
''  If  you  ask  Macrobius  what  position  he  occupies  here,  can 
he  make  answer,  ^  The  Chair  of  Peter '  ?  I  know  not 
whether  he  ever  beheld  that  Chair  with  his  own  eyes ;  but 
certainly  he  never  approached  it,  for  he  is  a  schismatic."  * 

1  "  Ecce  nunc  ad  gestatoriam  sellam  apostolicee  confessionis  uda  mit- 
tunt  limina  candidates ;  et  uberibus,  gaudio  exactore,  fletibus  collata  Dei 
beneficio  dona  geminantur  "  (Ennodius,  Apolog.  pro  Synod.). 

2  "  Una  Petri  sedes,  unum  verumque  lavacrum "  (Gruter,  Inscript., 
p.  1163,  10). 

^  "  Fonte  sacro  magnus  meruit  sedere  sacerdos "  (Gruter,  Inscript., 
p.  1171,  6).  4  S.  Optatus,  Ad  Parmeniarn,  lib.  ii.  4. 


406  APPENDIX. 

The  baptistery,  wherein  these  witnesses  of  the  fourth 
century  assert  that  the  illustrious  relic  was  preserved,  had 
just  been  erected  by  Saint  Damasus.  Where  had  it  been 
kept  up  to  that  time  ?  Perhaps  in  the  basilica  built  by  Con- 
stantine,  or  in  the  crypt  of  Saint  Peter's  tomb.  No  one 
can  tell ;  but  certainly  its  shrine  was  in  Pome,  and  there 
the  Christians  venerated  it  ''as  Saint  Peter's  own  Chair, 
whereon  he  himself  was  wont  to  sit,  and  from  which  he  or- 
dained that  Linus  should  be  the  first  to  take  this  seat  after 
him."  ^  This  is  the  language  of  the  author  of  a  poem 
against  Marcion,  written  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  cen- 
tury. Tertullian  testifies  to  the  same  effect.  "Travel 
through  the  Apostolic  Churches,  and  you  will  behold  in 
them  the  very  seats  once  occupied  by  the  Apostles,  each 
in  its  proper  place.  If  you  live  near  Italy,  you  have 
Kome."  ^  Consequently,  this  city  had  preserved  the  Epis- 
copal throne  of  Saint  Peter  up  to  that  time,  as  Jerusalem 
had  that  of  Saint  James,  and  Alexandria  Saint  Mark's. 
Now,  Tertullian  lived  in  Rome  toward  the  close  of  the 
second  century,  and  among  the  oldest  of  the  faithful,  whom 
he  met  there,  were  many  who  had  known  the  later  contem- 
poraries of  the  Apostles.  This  unbroken  series  of  witnesses, 
to  Signor  de  Rossi's  mind,  establishes  the  authenticity  of 
the  chair  at  the  Vatican,  and,  accordingly,  he  contends  that 
it  is  a  tangible,  visible  sign  of  Saint  Peter's  Pontificate  at 
Rome. 

Whatever  opinion  we  may  hold  as  to  the  value  of  this 
last  proof,  reading  over  the  foregoing  pages  we  shall  find 
that  two  facts  stand  out  so  plainly  that  no  unbiassed  mind 
will  think  of  disputing  them,  —  first,  that  the  Chief  of 
the  Twelve  came  to  Rome,  and  that  he  died  there  as 
Bishop  of  the  Mother  Church.  Can  we  go  further  and  fix 
the  year  when  he  first  appeared  in  the  city  of  the  Caesars  ? 
On  this  point  such  documents  as  we  possess,  are  neither  so 
harmonious  nor  so  clear,  while  those  which  exactly  deter- 
mine the  date  are  too  recent  to  be  accepted  as  reliable. 
However,  the  tradition  which  states  that  Saint  Peter  ar- 
rived at  Rome  in  the  year  42  is  handed  down  to  us  by 

1  Hac  cathedra,  Petrus  qua  sederat  ipse,  locatum 
Maxima  Roma  Linum  primum  considere  jussit. 
Carmina  adv.  Marcionem,  1.  iii.  c.  ix.  :  Patrologie  latme,  t.  ii.  p.  1077. 

2  Tertullian,  De  Prcescriptionibus,  xxxvi. 


APPENDIX.  407 

trustworthy  authorities,  who  are  generally  very  exact ;  and 
furthermore  it  accords  so  well  with  what  we  know  of  the 
first  years  of  the  Church  that  we  need  not  hesitate  about 
adopting  it. 

The  first  historian  to  mention  it  is  Eusebius,  in  his  Chron- 
icle, written  about  310.-^  In  the  following  century  we  find 
his  testimony  repeated  by  Orosius  ^  and  Saint  Jerome.^ 
"Simon  Peter,"  says  the  latter,  "came  to  Kome  to  combat 
the  teaching  of  Simon  the  Magician,  in  the  second  year  of 
Claudius,  and  he  there  occupied  the  sacerdotal  chair  during 
twenty-five  years,  until  the  last  year  of  jSTero."  The  Cata- 
logue of  Liberius  gives  the  same  duration  for  the  Apostle's 
Pontificate ;  ^  yet,  on  this  point,  it  did  no  more  than  repro- 
duce the  Chronicle  of  Saint  Hippolytus,  — as  we  have  seen 
already.  At  the  end  of  the  second  century,  therefore,  it 
was  an  accepted  tradition  that  Peter's  Episcopate  lasted 
twenty-five  years,  and  consequently  that  he  established  his 
seat  at  Kome  at  an  early  date,  —  or  about  42,  —  if  we  adopt 
the  common  opinion,  according  to  which  he  was  martyred 
m  67. 

The  principal  difiiculty  rises  from  a  passage  in  Lactantius 
(sixth  century),  which  recounts  that  Peter  came  to  Eome 
during  Nero's  reign. ^  Hence,  it  is  inferred  that  even  in 
the  time  of  Eusebius  the  traditions  were  contradictory  and, 
for  that  reason  alone,  untrustworthy.  This  conclusion 
strikes  us  as  too  sweeping,  for  Lactantius,  when  mentioning 
the  Apostle  as  being  at  Rome  about  64,  does  not  deny  that 
he  had  been  there  at  some  previous  time.  All  that  he  has 
in  mind  is  to  give  an  account  of  the  miserable  deaths  of 
the  persecutors  of  the  Church.  The  first  of  these  was  Nero  ; 
our  author  begins  with  him,  and  incidentally  reminds  his 
readers  that  Saint  Peter  evangelized  the  Capital  of  the  Em- 
pire during  the  reign  of  this  Prince.  May  we  not  conclude 
from  this  that  in  the  fourth  century  the  Roman  people 
treasured  the  memory  of  a  twofold  visit  from  Saint  Peter, 
one  being  his  sojourn  during  Claudius'  reign  mentioned  by 
Eusebius,  Saint  Jerome,   and    Orosius  ;    the    other  during 

^  Eusebius,  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  xix.  p.  539. 
2  Orosius,  Hist.  vii.  6:  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxxi.  p.  1072. 
^  S.  Jerome,  De  Viris  Illustribus,  1  :  Patrologie  latine,  t.  xxxiii.  p.  607. 
4  Liber  Pontijicalls,  ed.  Duchesne,  t.  i.  p.  2, 

^Lactantius,  De  Mortibus  Persecnlorum,  2:  Patrologie  latine,  t.  vii. 
p.  50. 


408  APPENDIX. 

Nero's,  as  related  by  Lactantius  ?  This  hypothesis  fur- 
nishes a  reasonable  explanation  of  a  peculiar  contradiction 
which  we  come  upon  two  centuries  later.  In  the  Catalogue 
of  Felix  IV., ^  an  abridgment  of  the  primitive  compilation  in 
the  Liber  Pontijicalis  (sixth  century),  we  read  that  Saint 
Peter  visited  Eome  in  the  time  of  Nero,  and  then,  immedi- 
ately after  this,  that  he  was  Bishop  of  that  city  for  twenty- 
five  years.  Apparently  without  perceiving  it  himself,  the 
author  of  this  Catalogue  has  here  joined  together,  and 
thereby  acquaints  us  with,  the  traditions  of  two  successive 
visits  of  the  Apostle. 

These  evidences,  to  which  no  valid  objection  has  been 
raised,  are  sufficient  to  make  it,  if  not  certain,  at  least  very 
probable,  that  Peter  visited  Rome  during  the  reign  of  Clau- 
dius.^ Commendatore  de  Rossi  believes  that  we  possess  a 
complete  confirmation  of  this  fact  in  the  monuments  of 
Christian  antiquity.  Although  his  deductions,  under  their 
present  form,  still  seem  to  lack  that  something  which  would 
make  them  positively  convincing,  we  cannot  pass  over  them 
here  without  serious  consideration  ;  for  it  needs  only  some 
new  discovery  to  strengthen  the  weak  points  in  his  argu- 
ment, and  we  all  know  that  the  hypotheses  of  the  illus- 
trious archaeologist  have  almost  always  had  the  good  fortune 
of  being  verified  promptly. 

De  Rossi  finds  his  first  traces  of  the  two  successive  so- 
journs of  the  Apostle  at  Rome,  in  the  liturgical  remains ; 
to  his  thinking,  the  feasts  celebrated  on  the  eighteenth  of 
January  and  the  twenty -second  of  February  in  honor  of  the 
Chair  of  Saint  Peter,  referred  to  two  different  Episcopal 
seats, — one  venerated  at  the  Vatican,  the  other  at  the 
Ostrian  Cemetery,  near  the  waters  where  Peter  baptized  at 
the  time  of  his  first  visit.  This  incident  in  the  Apostle's 
career,  De  Rossi  brings  forward  in  a  clearer  light  by  addu- 
cing certain  curious  references  on  an  old  papyrus,  and  some 
vials  of  oils  preserved  at  Monza.^  We  owe  these  relics  to 
John   the   Abbot,   who  visited    Rome   under   Gregory  the 

1  Liber  Pontijicalis,  ed.  Duchesne,  t.  i.  p.  50. 

2  "  Petrum  25  annos  Komanam  cathedram  teuuisse  diserte  testantur 
auctor  primoB  partis  Catalogi  LAher'iani,  Eusebius,  Hieronymus,  Orosius, 
et  alii,  nullo  antique  auctore  vel  monumento  directe  aut  indirecte  contra- 
dicente.  Hanc  seutentiam  igitur  ut  loiige  probabiliorem  tenendam  esse 
censemus  "  (De  Smedt,  D  is  serf  ati  ones  Selectee,  diss.  i.  cap.  ii.  art.  iv.  18). 

3  See  the  Bullettino  for  Mav  and  June,  1867. 


APPENDIX.  •        409 

Great,  and  brought  back  to  Queen  Theodolinda  a  few  vials  of 
oil  taken  from  the  most  celebrated  churches.  On  each  of 
them  the  pilgrim  made  a  note  of  the  spot  whence  he  pro- 
cured them,  andj  setting  down  these  inscriptions  on  a 
papyrus  as  he  journeyed  through  the  city,  he  thus  arranged 
a  topographical  list,  which  might  serve  as  an  itinerary  for 
a  visitor  to  the  Holy  City. 

After  collecting  his  oil  from  the  sanctuary  "  of  the  Chair 
which  Peter  occupied  for  the  first  time^^  he  visits  the  holy 
places  along  the  new  Salarian  Road,  from  there  crosses  the 
Tiber,  and  arrives  at  the  Vatican,  where,  near  the  Tomb  of 
Saint  Peter,  as  De  Rossi  has  proved,  stood  a  second  Ponti- 
fical seat,  distinct  from  the  one  which  the  Abbot  John 
saw  on  the  other  side  of  the  stream.  Not  far  from  the  Via 
Salaria,  the  savants  of  our  times  have  discovered  the  most 
ancient  catacomb  in  Rome,  the  Ostrian  Cemetery,  "where 
Peter  baptized."  Here,  then,  as  it  would  certainly  seem, 
the  pilgrim  from  Lombardy  venerated  the  first  Chair  of 
which  he  speaks,  more  ancient  than  that  at  the  Vatican ; 
for  on  the  Papyrus  of  Monza,  as  well  as  in  the  Martyr- 
ologies  and  Calendars  of  the  period,  it  is  called  "the 
first  whereon  Peter  was  seated." 

The  cultus  of  these  relics  gave  rise  to  the  two  feasts  cele- 
brated in  our  Liturgy,  on  the  eighteenth  of  January  and 
the  twenty-second  of  February.  The  first  was  instituted  in 
honor  of  the  Chair  at  the  Ostrian  Cemetery;  to  this  the 
most  ancient  Martyrologies  bear  witness  by  marking  this 
as  the  day  "  Of  the  Dedication  of  Saint  Peter's  Chair, 
whereon  for  the  first  time  he  took  his  seat  at  Rome."  ^ 
This,  as  we  see,  is  the  same  formula  as  that  which  John 
the  Abbot  transcribed  on  the  ampulla  and  the  papyrus  of 
Monza ;  it  seems  most  likely  that  he  found  this  inscription 
in  the  oratory  which  he  visited.  As  to  the  feast  of  Febru- 
ary twenty-second,  our  liturgical  books  give  it  this  title, 
"  Saint  Peter's  Chair  at  Antioch."  But  De  Rossi  has  proved 
that  the  words  "  at  Antioch  "  were  added  by  a  clerk  of  the 
Church  of  Auxerre,  who,  in  the  seventh  century,  attempted 
to  correct  and  harmonize  the  ancient  catalogues  of  the 
martyrs.     Finding  two  feasts  of  Saint  Peter's  Chair,  the 

1  "  Dedicatio  cathedras  S.  Petri  Apostoli,  qua  primum  Romae  sedit " 
(Martyrolof/ium  Hieronymianum).  "  Cathedra  S.  Petri  qua  primum  Romye 
sedit "  (Parvum  Romanum  Mart  i/rologi urn). 


410         •  APPENDIX. 

first  referring  to  the  Apostle's  sojourn  at  Konie,  the  second 
without  any  specific  reference,  he  fancied  that  the  latter 
was  meant  to  recall  Saint  Peter's  Episcopate  at  Antioch, 
and  his  erroneous  conjecture  little  by  little  obtained  uni- 
versal credence,  especially  as  the  compilation  made  by  the 
clerk  of  Auxerre  was  the  principal  source  of  our  existing 
martyrologies.  To  convince  oneself  of  his  mistake  it  will 
suflS.ce  to  examine  the  calendars  and  liturgical  books  ante- 
rior to  the  seventh  century.^  Nowhere  is  the  name  of 
Antioch  connected  with  the  chair  commemorated  on  the 
twenty-second  of  February.  Furthermore,  the  feast  of  this 
day  was  considered  too  solemn  then  for  us  to  believe  now 
that  it  merely  recalled  an  event  of  secondary  importance 
in  the  life  of  the  Apostle.  As  late  as  the  sixteenth  century 
it  continued  to  be  one  of  the  principal  solemnities  in  the 
papal  city ;  in  the  time  of  Saint  Leo  it  was  celebrated  at 
the  Vatican  by  a  great  concourse  of  bishops  ]  more  than 
any  other,  this  was  the  Day  of  the  Apostle,  "  Dies  Apos- 
toli."^  The  prayers  proper  to  this  anniversary,  particu- 
larly those  in  the  ancient  Galilean  Liturgy,  clearly  indicate 
its  object;  all  recall  that  Profession  of  Faith  made  b}^  Peter 
at  Csesarea-Philippi,  and  the  promises  which  were  its  recom- 
pense, —  the  Apostle  made  chief  over  his  brethren,  and  thus 
becoming  the  immovable  foundation  of  the  Church.^  Hence 
it  was  to  celebrate  this  great  event  in  the  Gospel  history, 
together  with  the  Primacy  of  Peter,  that  they  observed  this 
day ;  in  the  other  Feast,  as  a  visible  symbol  of  the  Sovereign 
Pontificate,  the  Chair  of  the  Vatican,  the  one  which  the 
Apostle  had  occupied  toward  the  close  of  his  life,  which 

1  In  the  Depositio  Marty  mm  (a  Roman  Calendar  of  the  fourth  century), 
which  forms  part  of  the  Philocalian  collection,  we  read  these  Avords  alone  . 
viii.  ka/.  mart,  natale  Petri  de  catedra  (Duchesne,  Liber  Pontificalis,  t^.  11). 
Almost  all  the  manuscripts  in  S.  Gregory's  Sacramentary  have  xiii.  kal. 
mart,  cathedra  smicti  Petri.  The  Codex  Ratoldi  (980)  is  the  only  one  to 
add  in  Antioch  a  (see  Patrohcjie  Jatine,  t.  Ixxviii.  pp.  50,  302,  588).  Accord- 
ing to  John  the  Deacon's  statement  {Vita  Gregorii,  ii.  17),  S.  Gregory's 
Sacramentary  is  merely  the  work  of  S.  Gelasius  (492-496),  revised  and 
abridged. 

2  De  Rossi,  Bullettino,  for  May  and  June,  1867. 

3  Mabillon,  De  Liturqia  GaUicana,  p.  226.  "Deus  qui  hodierna  die 
beatum  Petrum  post  te  dedisti  caput  Ecclesiae,  cum  te  ille  vere  confessns 
sit  et  a  te  digne  proelatus  sit.  ..."  In  the  beginning  of  the  Gallican 
Mass,  this  feast  is  called :  "  Beatissimi  Petri  sollemnissimus  dies,  quern 
ipsa  divinitas  consecravit  delegando  coelorum  claves."  Mabillon,  Mus. 
Ital.  t.  i.  p.  297. 


APPENDIX.  411 

was  preserved  beside  his  tomb  and  on  which,  his  successors 
had  been  enthroned,  was  venerated  by  the  Church. 

However  ingenious  these  conchisions  may  seem,  they  do 
not  make  it  absolutely  certain  that  Eome  possessed  two 
Chairs  once  used  by  Peter,  for  the  one  which  the  Abbot 
John  venerated  at  the  Ostrian  Cemetery  might  have  been 
transferred  to  the  Vatican  at  a  later  date ;  and  the  texts 
cited  to  prove  that  in  the  latter  locality  there  had  always 
been  a  Pontifical  throne,  are  not  explicit  enough  to  remove 
all  doubts  on  the  question.  The  only  definite  conclusion  to 
be  drawn  from  these  archaeological  researches,  is  that  Rome 
ever  cherished  the  memory  of  the  Apostle's  first  visit,  and 
connected  it  in  some  way  with  the  Ostrian  Cemetery.  To 
determine  the  epoch  in  which  he  arrived  at  the  Capital,  we 
have  only  two  pieces  of  documentary  evidence,  strictly 
speaking,  —  the  Liberian  Catalogue,  and  the  chronology  gen- 
erally received  in  the  Church  from  the  beginning  of  the 
third  century. 


SIMON    THE    MAGICIAN. 

The  details  invented  to  embellish  the  meeting  of  Saint 
Peter  and  Simon  the  Magician  at  Rome,  are  enough  to 
arouse  suspicions  in  any  judicious  mind.  Two  points  in 
particular  are  open  to  criticism,  —  the  public  contention 
between  the  Apostle  and  the  Magician,  wherein  the  latter 
succumbed ;  and  the  statue  erected  on  the  island  in  the 
Tiber,  between  the  two  bridges,  bearing  on  it  this  inscrip- 
tion :  SiMONi  Deo  Sancto,  "  To  Simon,  the  holy  God."  ^ 

Eusebius  has  a  brief  allusion  to  the  first  of  these  facts. 
After  recording  that  the  impostor  astounded  Rome  by  his 
marvellous  performances,  he  merely  adds  :  "  The  arrival  of 
Peter  sufficed  to  extinguish  his  great  renown."  ^  If  the 
historian  alludes  to  the  second  overthrow  of  the  Samaritan 
in  these  terms,  without  mentioning  the  circumstances,  we 
may  conclude  that  he  regarded  the  traditions  current  in  his 
own  times  ^  as  devoid  of  foundation.     He  had  encountered 

1  Eusebius,  Historia  Ecdesiastica,  ii.  13.  ^  j^^  {{   15 

2  The  Abbe  Duchesne  has  written  a  dissertation  on  Simon  the  Magi- 
cian, which  forms  the  eighth  chapter  of  his  signed  pamphlets ;  his  lumi- 


412  APPENDIX. 

them  in  as  great  numbers  in  the  East  as  in  the  West,  for 
Simon  had  become  the  central  figure  for  the  legendary  lore 
of  that  period.  In  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  the 
Essenian  Ebionites  of  Syria  ^  had  woven  lengthy  romances 
anent  the  strifes  between  Saint  Peter  and  the  Magician. 
Two  of  these  works  have  come  down  to  us,  —  the  Recog- 
nitions and  Homilies,  falsely  attributed  to  Saint  Clement. 
They  make  Saint  Peter  the  hero  of  adventures  which  are  as 
absurd  as  they  are  fictitious,  —  relating  how  he  travelled 
over  the  whole  Syrian  coast,  from  Csesarea  to  Antioch, 
everywhere  gaining  new  triumphs  over  Simon.  Eusebius 
was  too  conscientious  to  draw  his  facts  from  such  sources. 
In  the  West  he  found  another  series  of  legends  from  those 
which  were  common  in  Syria.  Here  the  scene  of  his  vic- 
tory is  Rome,  and  the  time  that  of  Nero,  in  whose  presence 
Saints  Peter  and  Paul  together  strive  against  the  Magician. 
As  his  last  resort,  Simon  promises,  in  proof  of  his  divinity, 
to  ascend  into  the  air ;  but  no  sooner  does  he  begin  his 
flight  than  he  falls  to  the  ground  and  is  dashed  to  pieces.^ 
This  Western  legend  gained  currency  about  the  same  time 
that  the  Ebionites  of  Syria  were  inventing  their  fabulous 
tales;  for  we  find  it  circulated  far  and  wide  during  the 
fourth  century.  In  Africa  it  was  known  to  Arnobius 
(305) ;  ^  the  legates  of  Pope  Liberius  speak  of  it  in  their 
letter  to  Eusebius  of  Vercellse  (355)  ;  ^  and  Saint  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  also  alludes  to  it  (347). ^  In  earlier  times,  how- 
ever, a  very  different  account  of  the  Magician's  death  pre- 
vailed. The  author  of  the  Philosophumena,  who  wrote 
about  the  year  225,  does  not  mention  any  attempt  at  an 

nous  critical  genius  has  shed  invaluable  light  on  this  subject.  We  have 
done  little  more  above  than  follow  in  his  footsteps. 

1  For  an  account  of  these  sectaries,  see  article  headed  Elkesaites  in 
Smith's  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography. 

2  The  Apocryphal  Acts  of  Peter  and  Paul  is  the  principal  work  from 
which  this  legend  is  taken  (Acta  Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  by  Tischendorf) ; 
but  it  had  been  known  for  two  centuries,  since  various  authors  of  the  fourth 
century  allude  to  it.  "Baronius  (68,  §  14)  accepts  the  story  of  Simon  as 
we  read  it  in  Dion  Chrysostom  (Orat.  xxi.  9) ;  to  wit,  that  for  some  time 
Nero  maintained  at  his  court  a  man  who  had  pledged  himself  to  fly 
through  the  air.  Suetonius  {Nero,  xii.)  also  relates  that  once,  at  the 
games,  a  man  endeavored  to  fly  in  Nero's  presence,  but  that  at  the  first 
attempt  he  fell  to  the  earth,  and  his  blood  spurted  up  even  to  the  pavilion 
whence  this  Prince  was  observing  the  performance  "  (Tillemont,  Me'moires, 
S.  Pierre,  art,  xxxiv.).  ^  Patrotogie  latine,  t.  v.  p.  828. 

*  Id.,  t.  xiii.  p.  765.  ^  S.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Catech.  vi.  14,  15, 


APPENDIX.  413 

ascension.  He  represents  Simon  as  seated  on  a  plane-tree 
and  disputing  with  his  opponents.  To  bring  the  contest  to 
a  triumphant  close,  the  Magician  offers  to  submit  to  being 
buried  alive,  affirming  that  he  will  arise  on  the  third  day,  as 
the  Christ  had  risen  ;  he  was  buried,  but  never  came  forth 
from  his  voluntary  tomb.^  These  divergences  in  the  stories, 
in  which  the  scene,  the  incidents,  and  the  personages  vary  ac- 
cording to  the  fancy  of  the  narrator,  were  enough  to  excite 
distrust  in  a  writer  like  Eusebius.  The  only  point  which 
seemed  to  him  worthy  of  credence  was  that,  in  the  time  of 
Claudius,  Peter  encountered  Simon  again  at  Rome,  and 
again  covered  the  impostor  with  confusion  as  he  had  done  in 
Samaria.  So  far  history  ;  the  rest  belongs  to  legendary  lore. 
Most  modern  critics  also  relegate  to  the  realm  of  fable 
the  story  of  the  statue  set  up  in  the  Isola  Tiberiana  "  to 
Simon  the  Holy  God."  Eusebius,  it  is  true,  quotes  two  of 
the  first  Fathers,  Saint  Justin  and  Saint  Irenaeus,^  as  his 
authority  for  this  fact.  But  his  first  witness,  whose  crit- 
ical powers  are  often  at  fault,^  has  probably  fallen  into  an 
error  here.  On  the  island  of  the  Tiber,  "  Semo  Sancus," 
an  ancient  Sabine  divinity,  received  special  honors,  and  in 
the  sixteenth  century  the  pediment  of  a  statue  was  discov- 
ered there,  bearing  the  words :  Semoni  Sanco  Deo  Fidio 
Sacrum.''     This   inscription   may  explain   Saint   Justin's 

1  Patrologle  grecque,  t.  xvi.  p.  3326. 

2  Tertullian  likewise  mentions  this  fact ;  but  here,  as  in  many  other 
circumstances,  he  is  merely  copying  SS.  Justin  and  Ireneeus ;  it  all  comes 
down,  therefore,  as  M.  Duchesne  has  demonstrated,  to  the  single  testimony 
of  S.  Justin. 

3  In  his  first  Apology  (Patrologie  grecque,  t.  vi.  p.  376),  he  does  not 
hesitate  to  call  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  a  contemporary  of  Herod. 

*  For  an  account  of  Semo  Sancus  and  the  statues  of  that  deity,  with 
their  inscriptions  which  have  been  discovered,  consult  an  article  by  Pro- 
fessor Visconti  in  the  Studi  e  Documenti  di  Storm  e  Diritto  (anno  ii.  fasci- 
coli  3*^  e  4'',  p.  105).  The  inscription,  found  in  the  fourteenth  century  in 
the  island  of  the  Tiber,  ran, — 

SEMONI 

SANCO 

DEO    •    FIDIO 

SACRUM 

SEX         POMPEIUS    •    SP    •    F 

COL    •    MUSSIANUS 

QUINQUENNALIS 

DECUR 

BIDENTALIS 

DONUM    •     DEDIT 

Corp.  Inscript.  Lat.  vi.  576. 


414  APPENDIX. 

mistake.  As  for  Saint  Irenseus,  he  does  no  more  than  re- 
peat, not  without  some  hesitancy,  the  testimony  of  this 
Father ;  for  although  he  had  resided  at  Rome,^  he  had 
never  seen  the  image  of  Simon,  and  is  content  to  remark 
that  "  It  is  said  that  he  was  honored  with  a  statue."  ^ 
Thus  there  are  weighty  reasons  for  doubting  the  fact  that 
the  Magician  ever  had  an  image  erected  in  his  honour  on 
the  Isola  Tlberiana,  a  sanctuary  of  the  most  ancient  divini- 
ties. Nevertheless,  we  may  willingly  concede  that  Saint 
Justin  was  deceived  merely  as  to  the  spot  where  this  statue 
stood,  and  that  elsewhere  in  the  city  Simon  was  the  recipi- 
ent of  similar  honors,  for  in  an  apology  addressed  to  the 
Emperors  and  the  Roman  Senate,  Saint  Justin  would  not 
have  lightly  adduced  a  fact  which  could  have  been  so  easily 
refuted. 

Nor  should  we  forget  that  at  this  time  Rome  had  a  mania 
for  statues.  They  erected  them  by  hundreds,  not  only  to 
the  gods  and  the  Csesars,  but  to  persons  of  far  less  impor- 
tance, such  as  artists,  orators,  or  athletes  of  any  renown.^ 
In  this  way  clients  paid  honor  to  their  patrons.  Regulus, 
the  rival  of  Pliny  the  Younger,  after  covering  his  gardens 
across  the  Tiber  with  long  colonnades,  lined  the  river-side 
with  images  of  himself.*  The  porches  of  public  buildings, 
the  ancient  Forum,  the  approaches  to  the  Capitol,  were  en- 
cumbered with  them  to  such  an  extent  that  Augustus  was 
obliged  to  transport  a  goodly  number  of  these  marbles  to 
the  Campus  Martins.^  During  Claudius'  reign,  finding  that 
the  artistic  invasion  was  continuing,  it  became  necessary  to 
restrict  the  liberty  then  allowed  to  every  private  individual 
of  decreeing  such  public  honors  to  himself.  Thereafter  the 
authorization  of  the  Senate  had  to  be  procured.*  But  there 
could  have  been  no  difficulty  about  obtaining  it  for  such  a 
noted  character  as  Simon,  and  nothing  is  more  likely  than 
that  his  disciples  should  have  solicited  the  permission ;  for 
we  know  that  it  was  the  general  custom  to  erect  statues  to 
the  arch-impostor,  and  to  adore   him  as    a   divine  being. 

1  About  fifteen  years  after  the  date  of  S.  Justin's  writing. 

2  "Statua  honoratus  esse  dicitur,  propter  magicam  (S.  Irenaeus, 
Adversus  Hcereses,  i.  23,  1  :  Patrologie,  grecque,  t.  vii.  p.  671). 

3  See  Eriedlander's  Moeurs  roniaines,  t.  iii.  pp.  250-273. 

4  Pliny,  Epist.  iv.  2,  5. 

^  Suetonius,  Caligula,  xxxiv. 
^  Dion  Cassius,  Ix.  25. 


APPENDIX.  415 

Usually  he  was  represented  with  the  features  of  Jupiter ;  ^ 
at  Eome.  however,  this  likeness  would  have  been  impossible, 
for  the  God  who  was  enthroned  at  the  Capitol  admitted 
none  as  his  equal.  His  followers  must  needs  select  some 
ether  image,  —  probably  that  of  Semo  Saficus,  the  ancient 
Sabine  divinity,  analogous  to  the  Eoman  Jupiter.^  The 
statues  of  the  Sabine  god  were  numerous  in  Eome  ;  often 
their  inscription  bore  but  the  two  words,  Semo  Sancus.^ 
Saint  Justin,  knowing  that  they  had  given  the  Magician 
the  exterior  marks  of  this  divinity,  might  easily  have  been 
mistaken  as  to  the  locality  where  the  statue  was  placed, 
without  any  unfortunate  consequences  arising  from  his 
error  in  the  estimation  of  his  contemporaries,  and  without 
affecting  the  trustworthiness  of  the  facts  he  was  relating.^ 

1  S.  Irenseus,  Contra  Hcereses,  i.  23,  5  :  Patrologie  grecque,  t.  vii.  p. 
673. 

2  His  name,  Semo  Sancus,  Avhich  signifies  God  of  the  heavens,  is  con- 
nected with  the  celestial  Jupiter,  "  Diespiter,  diei  pater,"  father  of  the 
day,  the  enemy  of  darkness,  error,  and  falsehood,  and  the  avenger  of 
treachery.  Hence  the  two  names  that  usually  follow  Semo  Smicus  in  the 
inscriptions,  Deus  Fidius,  the  god  of  fidelity,  the  faithful  Jupiter,  accord 
ing  to  the  translation  of  JDionysius  of  Halicarnassus :  'Ei/  Upc^  Atbs  YliaTiov, 
%v  "Pwixaiot.  'SdyKTov  Ka\ovcriv  (iv.  58).  See  Pauly,  Real  Enci/clopddie, 
Sancus,  t.  vi.  p.  740. 

3  Orelli-Heuzen,  6999. 

^  M.  Studemund  has  discovered  a  very  ancient  manuscript  of  the  Acts 
of  Peter  and  Paul,  wherein  there  is  mention  of  the  statue  erected  to  Simon. 
De  Rossi  hopes  to  obtain  from  it  a  confirmation  of  the  fact  related  by  S. 
Justin  (Bullettino,  1882,  pp.  107,  108).  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  adopt  any 
opinion  in  the  premises  before  the  publication  of  the  document  in  question, 
which  M.  Studemund  delays  longer  than  any  one  could  have  foreseen. 


INDEX. 


Abana,  117. 

Abyssijsia,  92;  Church  of,  97. 

Acts  (Authenticity  of  the),  viii-xvi. 

Adiabene,  185. 

Africa,  when  evangelized,  97. 

Agrippa  (Herod),  Letter  to  Caligula, 
44;  in  Rome,  136;  made  King,  137; 
intercedes  for  Jews,  147 ;  persecutes 
Christians,  172;  Jewish  policy,  173; 
religious  zeal,  174;  beheads  iTames, 
176;  imprisons  Peter,  177;  royal 
progress,  181;  his  death,  183;  chro- 
nology of  his  reign,  393. 

Alabarchs,  44. 

Alexander  the  Great.  His  treat- 
ment of  Jewish  subjects,  43:  charac- 
ter, 328. 

Alexander  (Tiberius),  Procurator  of 
Judea,  172. 

Alexandria.  Treatment  of  its  Jew- 
ish citizens,  42 ;  religious  tendencies, 
54;  persecutions  of  Jews,  139;  con- 
trasted with  Rome,  268;  its  Chris- 
tian Schools,  381. 

Amasea  (Church  of),  founded  by  Saint 
Peter,  247. 

Ambrose  (Saint),  on  the  Creed,  233. 

Ammon,  47. 

Ananias  and  Saphira,  29-33. 

Ananias,  Jewish  trader  of  Adiabene, 
185. 

Ananias  of  Damascus,  120. 

Andrew  (Saint),  203. 

Angel  of  the  Lord,  73 ;  appears  to 
Cornelius,  148;  to  Peter,  179;  to 
Agrippa,  183;  ''Angel  of  the  Con- 
gregation," 190. 

Angels  ((juardian),  believed  in  by 
Primitive  Church,  187. 

Anianus  (Bishop),  successor  of  Mark 
the  Evangelist,  180. 

Annas,  regarded  as  real  High  Priest, 
23. 

Antioch,  chap.  ix. ;  pp.  157  et  setj.; 
its  Christian  Schools,  380. 


Antiochus  Epiphanes,  160;  rebukes 
people  of  Antioch,  162 ;  reparations 
to  Jews,  164. 

Antiochus  the  Great,  43. 

Antipas  (Herod),  137. 

Apostles,  see  the  Twelve. 

Apostleship,  197. 

Apuleius,  chap.  xv.  passim. 

Aquila,  346. 

Aquileia,  75. 

Aram^an,  Paul's  mother-tongue,  109. 

Archontes,  44,  270. 

Aretas,  King  of  Petra,  114. 

Aristobulus  of  Alexandria,  55. 

Aristotle,  taught  at  Antioch,  387. 

Art  of  Rome,  282. 

Asp  (urqeus),  91. 

Assyrian  Empire  and  its  treatment 
of  Jews,  41. 

Athenodorus  of  Tarsus,  102. 

Auguries,  280. 

Augustine  (Saint),  on  the  Creed, 
chap.  xiii.  passim. 

Augustus,  treatment  of  Jews,  46, 
253;  superstitions,  80;  on  the  Law, 
261;  synagogue  named  after  him, 
262;  why  worshipped,  285. 

Aventine  (Mount),  345. 

AzoTUS,  97. 

Bab  Bolos  (Saint  Paul's  Gate),  167. 

Babylon,  Jewish  population,  41;  mys- 
tical name  for  Rome,  291,  400. 

Bacchanals,  354. 

Barnabas  (Pseudo-Epistle  of),  400. 

Barnabas  (Saint),  28;  welcomes 
Paul,  132;  envoy  to  Antioch,  166; 
seeks  Paul,  167. 

Barsabas,  5. 

Bartholomew  (Saint),  204. 

Beautiful  Gate,  20. 

Bbit-Djibrin,  93. 

Beit  el-Ma,  site  of  Daphne,  163. 

Beyrouth,  182. 

Bezetha,  173. 


27 


418 


INDEX. 


Blastus,      Agrippa's     Chamberlain, 

183. 
Blood,  regarded  as  of  mystic  power, 

287. 

BOSTKA,  123. 

Breaking  of  the  Bread,  18;  and  see 
Eucharist. 

C/ESAR,  his  policy  for  the  Jews,  45 ; 

mourned  by   Jews,  253;   why  wor- 
shipped, 286. 
C.ESAREA,    built  by  Herod,  98 ;  home 

of  Cornelius,  148 ;  visited  by  Agrippa, 

182. 
Caiphas,  High  Priest,  23. 
Calf  of  Gold,  worshipped  by  Israel, 

72. 
Caligula,  his  policy,  114;  friendship 

for    Agrippa,    136;    madness,    138; 

persecution  of  Jews,  139 ;  his  death, 

142. 
Callinicus,  160. 

Callistus  (Nicephorus),  his  descrip- 
tion of  Saint  Paul,  127. 
Campus  Martius,  Jews'  trading-place, 

265;  Synagogue  of  the  Canipenses, 

267. 
Candaces,  Queens  of  Ethiopia,  91. 
Capena  Gate,  344. 
Carmel,  143. 

Celsus,  on  the  Christians,  388. 
Cemeteries,  of  the  Jews,  265;  Ro- 
mans,   324;   the   Ostrian  Cemetery, 

347;  privileges,   367. 
Chair  of  Saint  Peter,  347,  404,  409. 
Charon  (Statue  of),  at  Antioch,  162. 
Chrism,  85. 
Christians,   origin    of    name,    168; 

popular    significance,    169;    among 

Romans,  358. 
Chronology  of  the  Early    Church, 

App.  I.,  391. 
Cicero  and  Roman  Jews,  252,  257. 
Cilicia,  104. 

Circumcision  of  Proselytes,  53. 
Claudius,  accession  to  the  throne,  173 : 

banishes  Jews  and  Christians,  357. 
Clement  (Saint),  400. 
Clementine  (Pseudo-)  writings,  87. 
Clientship,  at  Rome,  307,  359. 
Cohorts  of  Roman  arnw,  147. 
Colleges    of  Rome,   suppressed    bv 

Caesars,  253,  268,  339,  356. 
Confirmation,  administered  byPeter, 

85. 
Cornelius,  the  Centurion,  147-154. 
Council  of  Jerusalem,  392. 
Creed  (Apostles'),  232  et  seq. 
Cyprus,  165. 


Cyrene,  165. 
Cyrus,  40. 

Daphne,  worshipped  at  Antioch,  163. 
Damascus,  its  government,  114;  site 

described,  116;  house  whence  Paul 

escaped,  130. 
David,  prophecy  of  Christ,  12. 
Deacons   (Order  of),  its  institution, 

60;   duties,   199. 
Decapitation,  introduced  by  Agrippa, 

176. 
Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  8-27;  at 

Samaria,  85 ;  on  Gentiles  at  Csesarea, 

154;    gifts    accompanying  it,     202; 

gradual  illumination,  227. 
Dispersion  (Jews  of  the),  39  et  seq. 
Divorce  under  Roman  laws,  304. 
Doctors  of  the  Church,  202. 
Dolabella  (Consul),  46. 
Dorcas,  144. 
dositheus,  81. 

Education,  in  Tarsus,  103 ;  in  Rome, 

301. 
Egypt,  Jewish  colonies,  42. 
Elamites,  44. 

Elders  of  the  Church,  190,  200. 
Eleazar  (Rabbi),  48. 
Elias,  123. 

Elionas,  the  High  Priest,  174. 
Eliseus,  entombed  with  John  Baptist, 

79. 
Eneas,  143. 
Epicurus,  317. 
Epiphania  of  Antioch,  160. 
Episcopacy,  its  primitive  powers,  199; 

founded  by  Apostles,  201. 
Epitaphs  of  Roman  matrons,  300. 

ESSENES,  15. 

Ethiopia,  90. 

Ethnarchs,  44. 

Eucharist,  dispensed  by  Deacons, 
61;  treated  of  bv  Evangelists,  215; 
at  Rome,  338,  363. 

Eunuch  of  the  Candace,  93;  regarded 
by  Jewish  laws,  94;  his  conversion 
and  return  home,  97. 

Euphrates,  80. 

EusEBius,  369. 

Evangelists,  their  duties,  202;  man- 
ner of  preaching,  210. 

Exemptions  of  the  Jews,  45. 

Fadus  (Cuspius),  Procurator  of  Judea, 

172;  Jewish  policy,  184. 
Falashas,  92. 
Family    life    in   Rome,    chap.    xvi. 

passim. 


INDEX. 


419 


Famine,  prophesied  by  Agabus,  172; 
its  severity,  184. 

FoRTUNE-HUMTERS  in  the  Augustan 
age,  .310. 

Freedmen,  their  synagogue  in  Jeru- 
salem, 64;  their  numbers  at  Rome, 
252,  358. 

Gamaliel,  defends  Apostles,  34 ;  re- 
gard for  proselytes,  53;  his  school, 
106;  Seven  Rules,   110. 

Gaza,  93. 

Gazith  (Hall  of),  Sanhedrin's  meet- 
ing-place, 67. 

Genarchs,  44. 

Genius  of  Rome,  286. 

Gentiles  admitted  after  Peter's  Vis- 
ion, 151;  at  Antioch,  165;  in  Saint 
Matthew,  220. 

George  (Saint),  of  Damascus,  130. 

Gethsemani,  74. 

Ghetto,  described,  254;  a  field  for 
Christian  labor,  56. 

Gladiators,  313. 

Gnosticism,  its  germs  in  Simon's  doc- 
trine, 90. 

Gospels  (Synoptic),  oral  form,  208- 
213;  theories  of  their  origin,  214; 
Gospel  of  the  Nazarenes,  225 ;  Saint 
Mark's  213  and  chap.  xx. ;  Sauit 
Matthew's,  216. 

Gr^cina  (Pomponia),  same  personage 
as  Lucina,  342. 

Greek,  spoken  by  Stephen,  70. 

Hagada,  209. 

Halaka,  208. 

Hebrews,  use  of  the  name  in  New 
Testament,  38. 

Hegesippus  (Chronicle  of),  402. 

Helen,  disciple  of  Dositheus,  82 ;  and 
of  Simon  Magus,  89. 

Helen,  Queen  of  Adiabene,  185. 

Hellenists,  as  used  in  New  Testa- 
ment, 38;  in  Stephen's  time,  58; 
new  views  of  this  class,  63 ;  preached 
to  by  Paul,  133. 

Herodias,  137. 

Hierarchy  of  early  Church,  60,  189, 
203. 

High  Priests,  their  power  at  Rome, 
46;  under  Agrippa,  174;  their  de- 
pravity, 175. 

HiLLEL,  Gamaliel's  grandfather,  34; 
high  regard  for  proselytes,  53. 

HippoLYTUS  (Saint),  403. 

Horace,  on  Jews  and  their  proselytes, 
256,  261. 


Ignatius  (Saint),  of  Antioch,  170, 
400;  his  version  of  the  Creed,  242. 

Immortality  of  the  soul,  322. 

Incarnation  (The),  central  point  of 
Apostles'  preaching,  210. 

Indigitamenta  of  tlie  Romans,  276, 
285. 

Iren^us  (Saint),  on  the  Creed,  242; 
on  Saint  Matthew,  395. 

Isis  (worship  of),  284,  287,  341,  toler- 
ated at  Rome,  355. 

Izates,  King  of  Adiabene,  185. 

Jaffa  (see  Joppa). 

James  (Brother  of  the  Lord),  receives 
Paul,  132;  Bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
192. 

James  (Son  of  Zebedee),  martyrdom, 
176;  its  date,  393. 

Jerusalem,  its  customs  and  people, 
16;  disciples'  daily  life  there,  224. 

Jesus,  prayer  in  His  Name,  5,  26; 
appears  to  Stephen,  74;  as  preached 
by  Apostles,  277;  in  the  Gospels, 
215. 

Jews,  daily  life,  16;  political  influ- 
ence and' colonies,  42;  in  Parthian 
and  Roman  empires,  43;  exemptions, 
44;  commercial  power,  47;  gather- 
ings, 51;  schools,  105;  heroism, 
139;  of  Antioch,  163;  methods  of 
teaching,  206;  of  Rome,  249. 

John  the  Baptist,  his  tomb,  79. 

John  the  Evangelist,  is  arrested, 
24 ;  goes  to  Samaria,  84. 

John  the  Priest  on  Saint  Mark's 
Gospel,  368. 

Jonas,  prefigures  Resurrection,  147. 

Jonathan,  High  Priest,  174. 

Joppa,  Tabitha'shome,  144;  described, 
146. 

Josephus  on  the  Law,  56. 

JuDAizERS,  xii,  155. 

Judas'  fall  predicted,  4. 

Judas  of  Galilee,  35. 

JuDE  (Saint),  204. 

Jupiter,  274. 

Jus  Trium  Puerorum,  297. 

Juvenal,  on  the  Jews,  260;  on  Roman 
life,  chap.  xvi.  joossim. 

K/^nthera  (Simeon),  174. 
Kaphar  Gamala,  75. 
Kedron,  74. 
Kefar-Ba-rkai,  174. 

Lactantius,  407. 

Lame  man  healed  by  Peter,  21. 


420 


INDEX. 


Laodicea,  159. 

Law  of  Jehovah,  its  attractions  for 
Romans,  2G0 ;  observed  by  proselytes, 
271;  contrasted  with  Roman  cus- 
toms, 279. 

Levites,  converted  to  Christianity, 
67. 

LiBERiAN  Catalogue,  403, 

Linus,  407. 

LuciAN  the  Priest,  on  the  finding  of 
Saint  Stephen's  body,  74. 

Luke,  his  worlt,  viii;  his  name,  ix. 

Lydda,  143. 

Magicians,  of  Rome,  378. 
Malala,  167. 

Mark  (Saint),  same  as  John  Mark, 
180;     his    Gospel,    213   and    chap. 

XX. 

Marriage,  under  Roman  Law,  293. 
Martial,  on  Roman  Jews,  256. 
Maryllus,  Pilate's  successor,  137. 
Mathias  (Saint),  his  election,  4;  his 

life,  205. 
Mathias,  the  High  Priest,  174. 
Matthew  (Saint),  his  life,  205;  his 

Gospel,  216. 
Medes,  44. 

Merge,  91 ;  commerce,  93. 
Metilius,  Jewish   proselyte,  52. 
MiSCHNA,  105. 
Moloch,  72. 

MoNZA  (Papyrus  of),  408. 
Moses,  71. 
MusoNius  Rufus,  332. 

Napata,  91. 

Nazarites,  consecrated  by  Agrippa, 

173. 
NiCANOR,  the  Deacon,  60. 
Nineveh  (Jews  of),  41. 

Oracles,  217. 
Oracula  Sibyllina,  56. 
Orontes,  159. 
Orpheus,  55. 
OsTRiAN  Cemetery,  409. 

Pantheism,  the  foundation  of  Zeno's 
system,  319. 

Papias  on  Saint  Mark's  Gospel,  217. 

Parthian  Empire  and  its  Jewish  colo- 
nies, 43. 

Pastor  and  Timotheus  (Apocryphal 
Letters  of),  346. 

Pastors  of  the  Synagogues,  270. 

Paul  (Saint),  his  mission  contrasted 
with  Peter's,  vi;  one  of  Steplicn's 
judges,   69;    his  conversion   due  to 


Stephen's  prayer,  75;  date  of  his 
birth,  100;  Saul,  101;  his  family, 
106;  at  Gamaliel's  School,  107;  zeal 
against  Christians,  113  ;  commission 
to  Damascus,  114;  struck  down  at 
the  gates,  119;  baptism,  122;  long 
retreat  in  Arabia,  123;  revelations, 
124;  bodily  afflictions,  126;  returns 
to  Damascus,  129  ;  flees  to  Jerusalem, 
131;  vision  in  the  Temple,  133;  wan- 
derings, 134;  Greek  culture,  136; 
found  in  Tarsus,  166;  glories  in  his 
Apostleship,  197;  Letter  to  the 
Romans,  271. 

Peace  of  the  Church,  142;  of  Rome, 
383. 

Pentecost,  6. 

Persecutions,  by  the  Sanhedrin,  65; 
under  Agrippa,  172;  its  elose,  184; 
their  effects  on  the  Church,  389. 

Perseus,  on  Roman  Jews,  255,  261. 

Persians  and  Jewish  colonists,  42. 

Peter  (Saint),  in  the  Acts,  i;  dis- 
course in  the  Supper  Room,  2,  12; 
heals  a  cripple,  21;  healed  before 
Sanhedrin,  24;  his  miracles,  32; 
in  Samaria,  84;  meets  Simon  Magus, 
85;  receives  Paul,  131;  Angel  of 
the  Synagogue,  132;  mission-jour- 
ney to  Joppa,  143;  his  Vision,  149; 
Csesarea,  152;  at  Jerusalem,  155; 
at  Antioch,  157,  164;  imprisoned  by 
Agrippa,  177;  miraculous  release, 
179;  headship  over  Apostles,  188, 
198;  legendary  history,  208;  his 
witness,  211;  his  preaching  embod- 
ied in  Mark's  Gospel,  213;  progress 
of  his  genius,  228 ;  mission-journevs, 
246;  Peter's  wife,  248;  at  Rome,  271, 
chap,  xviii.;  his  Gospel  that  of  Saint 
Mark,  chap.  xx. ;  dates  of  his  visits 
to  Rome,  App.  IV. ;  his  death,  412. 

Petronius,  Prefect  of  S^-ria,  141. 

Pharisaic  Observances,  259. 

Pharisees,  220. 

Pharpar  (River),  117. 

Philip  (Saint),  the  Apostle,  204. 

Philip  (Saint),  the  Deacon,  his  elec- 
tion, 60;  mission  to  Samaria,  83; 
meets  Eunuch,  94;  in  Azotus,  97; 
Caesarea,  99;  possibility  of  his  hav- 
ing preached  before  Cornelius,  148. 

Philo,  139. 

Philosophers,  of  Tarsus,  103;  of 
Rome,  chap.  xvii. 

Philosophumena,  89. 

Pilate,  66. 

Plato  and  the  Stoics,  chap.  -kvu. pas- 
sim; taught  at  Alexandria,  381. 


I 


INDEX. 


421 


Pliny  the  Younger,  299. 
Flutakch,  on  Roman  Jews,  257. 
POLYCAKP,  207. 

PoKCH  (School  of  the),  chap.  xvii. 

Porta  Capena,  26-i. 

Preaching  in  the  primitive  Church, 

210. 
Priests,  199. 
Pkisca,  345. 
Prochorus,  60. 
Proletariat  of  Rome,  306. 
Prophecy,  its  significance.  171;  Aga- 

bus,  172;  its  functions,  202;  in  Saint 

Matthew's  Gospel,  219. 
Proselytes   (Jewish),    52;    "of  tlie 

Gate,"   and  "  of  Justice,"     54;    at 

Rome,  261,   270,    339,    chap,   xviii. 

passim. 
Ptolemies  and  their  Jewish  subjects, 

43. 
Pudens,  344. 
Pudentia  (Saint),  346. 

Rabban,  106. 

Rabbis  and  proseh-tes,  53;  their 
method  of  teaching,  110. 

Rabh  (Rabbi),  48. 

Ren  an  on  Saint  Luke,  vi,  ix;  on  Saint 
Matthew,    220. 

Renunciation  of  property,  15,  27. 

Rephan,  72,  note  6. 

Resurrection  of  the  dead,  20. 

Rhoda,  Saint  Mark's  maid-servant, 
180. 

Rome,  foundation  of  Church  there, 
vi;  its  Creed,  237;  Peter's  advent, 
249;  Jews  of  Rome,  255;  Pagan  cul- 
tus,  chap.  XV. ;  "  Roman  Peace,''  383; 
Roman  roads,  385;  growth  of  the 
Church,  chap,  xviii.;  its  ritual,  363. 

RuFiNUS  on  the  Creed,  232. 

Sadducees,  hostility  to  the  Apostles, 
20;  influence  with"  the  Pharisees,  24, 

Samaria,  78;  its  reception  of  Simon 
Magus,  89. 

Saphira,  30, 

Sardanapalus,  tutelary  deity  of  Tar- 
sus, 104. 

Satirists,  on  Roman  Jews,  257. 

Saul,  see  Paul. 

Sebaste,  79. 

Seleucus  NicATORand  the  Jews,  43; 
founder  of  Antioch,  159. 

Semo  Sancus  and  Simon  Magus,  413. 

Seneca,  on  Jews  of  Rome,  257 ;  and 
Saint  Paul,  314,  chap.  xvii. 

Sennacherib,  42. 


Sharon,  98,  143. 

Sibyls,  55. 

SiDON,  183. 

SiLPius  (Mount),  160. 

Simon  Magus,  early  life,  81;  con- 
version, 84;  character  and  teaching, 
87;  at  Rome,  349;  statue  in  Rome, 
App.  V. 

Simon  (Saint),  the  Zealot,  204. 

Simon  the  Tanner,  145. 

Simony,  85. 

SiNA'i,  Saul's  retreat  there,  123. 

Singon,  167. 

SiNOPE  (Church  of),  founded  bv  Saint 
Peter,  257. 

Slavery,  number  of  Jewish  slaves 
in  Rome,  251 ;  effects  on  Roman  so- 
cial life,  306;  mitigated  by  Stoics, 
329 ;  position  of  slaves  in  the  Church, 
336. 

Sleep,  a  figure  of  death,  75. 

Society  (Pagan),  chap.  xvi. 

Sodalities  of  Rome,  268. 

Son  of  God,  374. 

Stephen  (Saint),  the  Deacon,  elec- 
tion, 60;  origin,  63;  preaching,  65, 
before  the  Sanhedrin,  69;  scene  of 
his  martvrdom,  74;  death,  75;  burial, 
76. 

Stoics,  of  Tarsus,  103,  135;  of  Rome, 
chap.  xvii. 

Stylites,  170. 

SuBURA,  peopled  by  Jews,  264;  its 
Synagogue,  267. 

Supper  Room  (Coenaculum),  2. 

Symbol,  meaning  of  term,  233. 

Synagogues,  of  Jerusalem,  17;  num- 
bers and  wealth,  49 ;  in  Rome,  266, 
270. 

Tabitha,  144. 

Tacitus,  on  the  persecution  of  Jews, 
254;  on  Roman  Jews,  257  ;  on  Ro- 
man life,  chap.  xvi.  passim. 

Tanners,  despised  by  Pharisees,  145. 

Tarsus,  Paul's  birthplace,  102  ; 
schools,  105;  Paul's  return  thither, 
134. 

Tent-making,  Paul's  trade,  106. 

Theatre  of  Rome,  281 ;  its  effect  on 
women,  302. 

Theudas,  or  Theodas,  35. 

Thomas  (Saint),  Apostle,  205. 

Tiberius,  66;  his  superstitions,  80, 
persecutions  of  Jews,  254. 

Tradition,  231. 

Trastevere,  263,  344. 

Tyre,  visited  by  Paul,  134;  its  trade 
with  Judea,  183. 


422 


INDEX. 


Twelve  (The),  mystical  significance 
of  the  number,  2;  their  arrest  and 
trial,  '6'6 ,  bade  to  stay  in  Jerusalein, 
77;  how  regarded  by  Primitive 
Church,  189,  272;  dispersed,  191; 
prerogatives,  197;  growth  of  their 
genius,  231. 

Vatican,  peopled  by  Jews,  26-3. 
Vergil,  260. 
VliMlMAL,  344. 


ViTELLius,  Legate  to  Syria,  66;  leaves 
Jerusalem,  67;  against  Aretas,  lib. 

Whipping  of  the  Synagogue,  36. 
Widows,  their  position  in  the  Church, 

59. 
Women  of  Rome,  297,  342. 

Young  Men  (j/ewrepot),  an  Order  in 
the  Primitive  Hierarchy,  30. 

Zeno,  doctrines  taught  at  Tarsus,  135 ; 
at  Rome,  chap.  -sivW.  passim. 


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Infirmity — Sincerity  and  Hypocrisy — The  Testimony  of  Conscience — Many  called,  Few 
chosen — Present  Blessings — Endurance,  the  Christian's  Portion — Affliction,  a  School  of 
Comfort— The  Thought  of  God,  the  Stay  of  the  Soul— Love,  the  One  Thing  Needful— The 
Power  of  the  Will. 

Contents  of  Vol.  VI.:  Fasting,  a  Source  of  Trial— Life,  the  Season  of  Repentance- 
Apostolic  Abstinence,  a  Pattern  for  Christians— Christ's  Privations,  a  Meditation  for  Chris- 
tians—Christ the  Son  of  God  made  Man— The  Incarnate  Son,  a  Sufferer  and  Sacrifice— 
The  Cross  of  Christ  the  Measure  of  the  World — Difficulty  of  realizing  Sacred  Privileges — 
The  Gospel  Sign  Addressed  to  Faith — The  Spiritual  Presence  of  Christ  in  the  Church — 
The  Eucharistic  Presence — Faith  the  Title  for  Justification — Judaism  of  the  Present  Day 
— The  Fellowship  of  the  Apostles — Rising  with  Christ — Warfare  the  Condition  of  Victory 
— Waiting  for  Christ — Subjection  of  the  Reason  anl  Feelings  to  the  Revealed  Word — The 
Gospel  Palaces — Tlie  Visible  Temple — Offerings  for  the  Sanctuary— The  Weapons  of 
Saints — Faith  Without  Demonstration — The  Mystery  of  the  Holy  Trinity — Peace  in  Be- 
lieving. 

Contents  of  Vol.  VII. :  The  Lapse  of  Time— Religion,  a  Weariness  to  the  Natural 
Man — The  World  our  Enemy — The  Praise  of  Men — Temporal  Advantages — The  Season 
of  Epiphany— The  Duty  of  Self-denial — The  Yoke  of  Christ — Moses  the  Type  of  Christ — 
The  Crucifixion — Attendance  on  Holy  Communion — The  Gospel  Feast — Love  of  Religion, 
a  new  Nature — Religion  pleasant  to  the  Religion?— Mental  Prayer — Infant  Baptism — The 
Unity  of  the  Church— Steadfastness  in  the  Old  Paths. 

CoNTFNTS  OF  Vol.  VIII.  :  Reverence  in  Worship — Divine  Calls — The  Trial  of  Saul — 
The  Call  of  David — Curiosity,  a  Temptation  to  Sin — Miracles  no  Remedy  for  Unbelief— Jo- 
siah,  a  Pattern  for  the  Ignorant — Inward  Witness  to  the  Truth  of  the  Gospel— Jeremiah, 
a  Lesson  for  the  Disappointed -Endurance  of  the  World's  Censure— Doing  Glory  to  God 
in  Pursuits  of  the  World — Vanity  of  Human  Glory — ^Truth  hidden  when  r.ot  sought  after — 
Obedience  to  God  the  Way  to  Faith  in  Christ — Sudden  Conversions — The  Shepherd  of  our 
Souls — Religious  Joy — Ignorance  of  Evil. 

SERMONS  BEARING    UPON  SUBJECTS  OF    THE  DAY. 

Edited  by  the  Rev.  W.  J.  Copeland,   B.D.,  late   Rector  of  Farnham, 

Essex.     Crown  8vo.  $i-75 

Contents  :  The  Work  of  the  Christian — Saintliness  not  Forfeited  by  the  Penitent — Our 
Lord's  Last  Supper  and  His  First — Dangers  to  the  Penitent — ^The  Three  Offices  of  Christ- 
Faith  and  Experience— Faith  unto  the  World — The  Church  and  the  World — Indulgence  in 
Religious  Privileges— Connection  between  Personal  and  Public  Improvement— Christian  No- 
bleness— Joshua  a  Type  of  Christ  and  His  Followers — Elisha  a  Type  of  Christ  and  His  Fol- 
lowers— The  Christian  Church  a  Continuation  of  the  Jewish — The  Principles  of  Continuity 
between  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Churches — The  Christian  Church  an  Imperial  Power — 
Sanctity  the  Token  of  the  Christian  Empire — Condition  of  the  Members  of  the  Christian 
Empire — The  Apostolic  Christian — Wisdom  and  Innocence — Invisible  Presence  of  Christ — 
Outward  and  Inward  Notes  of  the  Church — Grounds  for  Steadfastness  in  our  Religious  Pro- 
fession—Elijah the  Prophet  of  the  Latter  Days— Feasting  in  Captivity— The  Parting  of 
Friends. 


IN    THEOLOGICAL   LITERATURE. 


Newman.— Works  by  Cardinal  ^YN^yiK^.— Continued. 

SERMONS  PREACHED  ON  VARIOUS  OCCASIONS. 
Crown  8vo.  $2.00 

Contents  :  Intellect  the  Instrument  of  Religious  Training— The  Religion  of  the  Phari- 
see and  the  Religion  of  Mankind— Waiting  for  Christ— The  Secret  Power  of  Divine  Grace- 
Dispositions  for  Faith— Omnipotence  in  Bonds — St.  Paul's  Characteristic  Gift— St.  Paul's 
Gift  of  Sympathy— Christ  upon  the  Waters— The  Second  Spring— Order,  the  Witness  and 
Instrument  of  Unity — The  Mission  of  St.  Philip  Neri— The  Tree  beside  the  Waters— In 
the  W^orld,  but  not  of  the  World — The  Pope  and  the  Revolution. 

FIFTEEN  SERMONS  PREACHED  BEFORE  THE  UNI- 
VERSITY OF  OXFORD,  between  A.D.  1826  and  1843.  New  Edition. 
Crown  8vo.  $r.7S 

Contents  :  The  Philosophical  Temper,  first  enjoined  by  the  Gospel — The  Influence  of 
Natural  and  Revealed  Religion  respectively — Evangelical  Sanctity  the  Perfection  of  Natu- 
ral Virtue— The  Usurpations  of  Reason — Personal  Influence,  the  Means  of  Propagating  the 
Truth — On  Justice  as  a  Principle  of  Divine  Governance — Contest  between  Faith  and 
Sight — Human  Responsibility,  as  independent  of  Circumstances — Wilfulness,  the  Sin  of 
Saul — Faith  and  Reason,  contrasted  as  Habits  of  Mind— The  Nature  of  Faith  in  Relation 
to  Reason — Love  the  Safeguard  of  Faith  against  Superstition — Implicit  and  Explicit  Rea- 
son— Wisdom,  as  contrasted  with  Faith  and  with  Bigotry — The  Theory  of  Developments 
in  Religious  Doctrine. 

DISCOURSES  ADDRESSED  TO  MIXED  CONGREGA- 
TIONS.    Crown  8vo.  $2.00 

Contents  :  The  Salvation  of  the  Hearer  the  Motive  of  the  Preacher — Neglect  of 
Divine  Calls  and  Warnings — Men  not  Angels — The  Priests  of  the  Gospel — Purity  and 
Love — Saintliness  the  Standard  of  Christian  Principle  — God's  Will  the  End  of  Life — Per- 
severance in  Grace — Nature  and  Grace — Illuminating  Grace— Faith  and  Private  Judg- 
ment— Faith  and  Doubt— Prospects  of  the  Catholic  Missioner — Mysteries  of  Nature  and 
of  Grace — The  Mystery  of  Divine  Condescension — The  Infinitude  of  Divine  Attributes — 
Mental  Sufferings  of  Our  Lord  in  His  Passion — The  Glories  of  Mary  for  the  Sake  of  Her 
Son — On  the  Fitness  of  the  Glories  of  Mary. 

SELECTION,  ADAPTED  TO  THE  SEASON  OF  THE 
ECCLESIASTICAL  YEAR,  from  the  "  Parochial  and  Plain  Sermons." 
Edited  by  the  Rev.  W.  J.  Copeland,  B.D.     Crown  8vo.  %^-lS 

Contents:  Advent:  Self-Denial  the  Test  of  Religious  Earnestness — Divine  Calls— 
The  Ventures  of  Faith — Watching.  Cliristnias  Day  :  Religious  Joy.  Neit'  i'ear's  Sun- 
day :  The  Lapse  of  Time.  Epiphatiy :  Remembrance  of  Past  Mercies — Equanimity — 
The  Immortality  of  the  Soul— Christian  Manhood— Sincerity  and  Hypocrisy — Christian 
Sympathy.  Septuagesiiiia  :  Present  Blessings.  Sexagesinia  :  Endurance,  the  Chris- 
tian's Portion.  Quinquagesima  :  Love,  the  One  Thing  Needful.  Lent :  The  Individu- 
ality of  the  Soul— Life  the  Season  of  Repentance — Bodily  Suffering — Tears  of  Christ  at  the 
Grave  of  Lazarus — Christ's  Privations,  a  Meditation  for  Christians — The  Cross  of  Christ 
the  Measure  of  the  World.  Good  Friday:  The  Crucifixion.  Easier  Day:  Keeping 
Fast  and  Festival.  Easter  Tide :  Witnesses  of  the  Resurrection — A  Particular  Providence 
as  Revealed  in  the  Gospel  — Christ  Manifested  in  Remembrance — The  Invisible  World — 
Waiting  for  Christ.  Ascension  :  Warfare  the  Condition  of  Victory.  Sunday  after  Ascen- 
sion :  Rising  with  Christ.  Whitsun  Day  :  The  Weapons  of  Saints.  Trinity  Sunday  : 
The  Mysteriousness  of  Our  Present  Being.  Sundays  after  Trinity  :  Holiness  Neces- 
sary for  Future  Blessedness — The  Religious  Use  of  Excited  Feelings— The  Self-Wise  In- 
quirer—  Scripture  a  Record  of  Human  Sorrow — The  Danger  of  Riches — Obedience  without 
Love,  as  instanced  in  the  Character  of  Balaam— Moral  Consequences  of  Single  Sins — The 
Greatness  and  Littleness  of  Hum;in  Life — Moral  Effects  of  Communion  with  God — The 
Thought  of  God  the  Stay  of  the  Soul — The  Power  of  the  Will — The  Gospel  Palaces — Re- 
ligion a  Weariness  to  the  Natural  Man — The  World  our  Enemy — The  Praise  of  Men— Re- 
ligion Pleasant  to  the  Religious — Mental  Prayer— Curiosity  a  Temptation  to  Sin — Miracles 
no  Remedy  for  Unbflief— Jeremiah,  a  Lesson  for  the  Disappointed — 'I'he  Shepherd  of  our 
Souls — Doing  Glory  to  God  in  Pursuits  of  the  World. 


A   SELECTED   LIST  OF  WORKS 


Newman. — Works  by  Cardinal  Newman. — Continued. 
LECTURES  ON  THE  DOCTRINE  OF  JUSTIFICATION. 

Fourth  Edition.     Crown  8vo.  %^-lS 

Contents  ;  Faith  considered  as  the  Instrumental  Cause  of  Justification — Love  con- 
sidered as  the  Formal  Cause  of  Justification — Primary  Sense  of  the  term  "Justification" 
— Secondary  Senses  of  the  term  "Justification" — Misuse  of  the  term  "Just"  or  "Right- 
eous"— The  Gift  of  Righteousness — The  Characteristics  of  the  Gift  of  Righteousness — 
Righteousness  viewed  as  a  Gift  and  as  a  QuaHty — Righteousness  the  Fruit  of  our  Lord's 
Resurrection — The  Office  of  Justifying  Faith — The  Nature  of  Justifying  Faith — Faith 
viewed  relatively  to  Rites  and  Works— On  preaching  the  Gospel — Appendix, 

ON  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  CHRISTIAN  DOCTRINE. 
Crown  8vo.  $2.00 

ON  THE  IDEA  OF  A  UNIVERSITY.     Crown  8vo.       $2.50 

AN  ESSAY  IN  AID  OF  A  GRAMMAR  OF  ASSENT. 
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TWO  ESSAYS  ON  MIRACLES,  i.  Of  Scripture.  2.  Of 
Ecclesiastical  History.     Crown  Svo.  $2.00 

DISCUSSIONS  AND  ARGUMENTS.     Crown  Svo.  $2.00 

I.  How  to  accomplish  it.  2.  The  Antichrist  of  the  Fathers.  3.  Scrip- 
ture and  the  Creed.  4.  Tamworth  Reading-room.  5.  Who's  to  Blame? 
6.  An  Argument  for  Christianity. 

ESSAYS,  CRITICAL  AND  HISTORICAL.  2  vols.  Crown 
Svo.  $4.00 

I.  Poetry.  2.  Rationalism.  3.  Apostolical  Tradition.  4.  De  la  Mennais. 
5.  Palmer  on  Faith  and  Unity.  6.  St.  Ignatius.  7.  Prospects  of  the  Angli- 
can Church.  8.  The  Anglo-American  Church.  9.  Countess  of  Huntingdon. 
10.  Catholicity  of  the  Anglican  Church.  11.  The  Antichrist  of  Protestants. 
12.  Wilman's  Christianity.  13.  Reformation  of  the  XI.  Century.  14.  Private 
Judgment.     15.   Davison.     16.   Keble. 

HISTORICAL  SKETCHES.    3  vols.    Crown  Svo.     Each  $2.00 
I.  The  Turks.     2.  Cicero.     3.  Apollonius.     4.  Primitive  Christianity.     5. 

Church  of  the  Fathers.    6.  St.  Chrysostom.    7.  Theodoret.    8.   St.  Benedict. 

9.  Benedictine  Schools.     10.  Universities.    11.  Northmen  and  Normans.    12. 

Mediaeval  Oxford.     13.  Convocation  of  Canterbury. 

THE  ARIANS  OF  THE  FOURTH  CENTURY.  Crown 
8vo.  $2.00 

SELECT  TREATISES  OF  ST.  ATHANASIUS  IN  CON- 
TROVERSY WITH  THE  ARIANS.  Freely  translated.  2  vols. 
Crown  Svo.  $5.00 


IN   THEOLOGICAL   LITERATURE. 


Newman. — Works  by  Cardinal  ^YN^yi^-^ .—Continued. 

THEOLOGICAL  TRACTS,  i.  Dissertatiuncula?.  2.  On  the 
Text  of  the  Seven  Epistles  of  St.  Ignatius.  3.  Doctrinal  Causes  of 
Arianism.  4.  Apollinarianisni.  5.  St.  Cyril's  Formula.  6.  Ordo  de 
Tempore.     7.  Douay  Version  of  Scriptures.     Crown  8vo.  $3. 00 

THE  VIA  MEDIA  OF  THE  ANGLICAN  CHURCH.  2 
vols.     With  Notes.     Crown  8vo. 

Vol.  I.     Prophetical  Office  of  the  Church.  $2.00 

Vol.  II.     Occasional  Letters  and  Tracts.  2.00 

CERTAIN     DIFFICULTIES     FELT     BY     ANGLICANS     IN 
CATHOLIC  TEACHING  CONSIDERED.     2  vols 
Vol.  I.     Turler  Lectures      Crown  8vo  $2.50 

Vol.  II.     Letters  to  Dr.  Pusey  concerning  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  to 

the  Duke  of  Norfolk  in  Defence  of  the  Pope  and  Council. 

Crown  8vo.  $2.00 

PRESENT     POSITION     OF    CATHOLICS     IN    ENGLAND. 
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APOLOGIA  PRO  VITA  SUA.     Crown  8vo.  2.00 

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Cloth,  0.3s 

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presentation  or  for  private  libraries.     Prices  upon  application  to  booksellers. 

Newman.— Works   by   Cardinal  Newman.  —  Cheap   Editions 
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Sermons  bearing  on  Subjects  of  the  Day,  1.25 

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6  A    SELECTED   LIST  OE    WORKS 

Newman. — Works  by  Cardinal  NF.WMA'N.—  Contimied. 

Cheap  Editions  {Silver  Library). —  Continued. 
An  Essay  in  Aid  of  a  Grammar  of  Assent, 
Biblical  and  Ecclesiastical  Miracles, 
Discussions  and  Arguments  on  Various  Subjects, 
Essays,  Critical  and  Historical.     2  vols., 
Historical  Sketches.     3  vols.     Each, 
The  Arians  of  the  Fourth  Century, 
The  Via  Media  of  the  Anglican  Church. 
Difficulties  felt  by  Anglicans  considered. 
Present  Position  of  Catholics, 
Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua, 
Verses  on  Various  Occasions, 
Loss  or  Gain, 
Callista, 


Newman.— THE  LETTERS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

JOHN  HENRY  NEWMAN  during  His  Life  in  the  English  Church. 
With  a  brief  Autobiographical  Memoir.  Arranged  and  edited,  at  Cardi- 
nal Newman's  request,  by  Miss  Anne  Mozley,  Editor  of  the  "  Letters 
of  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Mozley,  D.D.,  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Oxford."  With  Index  and  two  Portraits.  2  vols.  Crown 
8vo.  $4.00 

Half  calf,  $7.50 

Fouard.-THE  CHRIST,  THE  SON  OF  GOD.  A  Life  of  Our 
Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ.  By  the  Abbe  Constant  Fouard, 
Honorary  Cathedral  Canon,  Professor  of  the  Faculty  of  Theology  at 
Rouen,  etc.,  etc.  Translated  from  the  Fifth  Edition  with  the  Author's 
Sanction.  By  George  F.  X.  Griffith.  With  an  Introduction  by 
Cardmal  Manning.  Third  Edition.  With  3  maps.  2  volumes.  Small 
8vo,  gilt  top.  $4.00 

Half  morocco.  7.50 

Fouard.— SAINT    PETER    AND    THE    FIRST    YEARS     OF 

CHRISTIANITY.     By  the  Abbe  Constant  Fouard.     Translated  by 

George  F.  X.  Griffith.  [In  the  Press. 

The  success   of  Mr.    Griffith's  translation  of  the  Abbe   Fouard's  "  Life  of 

Jesus,"  in  this  country,  has  encouraged  the  translator  to  undertake  another 

volume  of  the  author's  series  on  the  Origins  of  the  Church.     "  St.  Peter  and 

the  First  Years  of  Christianity  "  is  in  the  printer's  hands,  and  will  be  published 

shortly. 


IN    THEOLOGICAL   LITERATURE. 


Lyons.  —  CHRISTIANITY    AND    INFALLIBILITY— Both   or  y 

Neither.     By  the  Rev.  Daniel  Lyons.     i2mo.     Cloth,  ^^^^r/,  6^(5 

"•  His  method  is  thoroughly  popular,  and  while  he  has  admirably  succeeded 
in  avoiding  that  didactic  and  argumentative  style  which  is  apt  to  repel  the 
ordinary  reader  of  our  day,  he  nevertheless  leaves  the  distinct  impression 
that  his  reasoning  is  based  on  sound  logic,  and  strengthened  by  such  author- 
ities as  would  command  the  attention  of  every  theological  student. 

The  work  is  full  of  erudition,  as  is  shown  by  the  numerous  notes  indicat- 
ing a  wide  range  of  pertinent  and  careful  reading.  ,  .  .  The  book  is  a 
solid  and  timely  contribution  to  the  theological  literature  of  the  day." — Am- 
erican Ecclesiastical  Review. 

Clarke.-A  PILGRIMAGE  TO  THE  HOLY  COAT  OF  TREVES. 
With  an  Account  of  its  History  and  Authenticity.  By  Richard  F. 
Clarke,  S.J.     With  illustrations.     Crown  8vo.  $iJo-'  ^ 

Christian  Biographies.— HENRI  DOMINIQUE  LACORDAIRE. 

A  Biographical  Sketch.     By  H.  L.  Sidney  Lear.     With  Frontispiece. 
Crown  8vo.  $L25 

A  CHRISTIAN  PAINTER  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CEN- 
TURY ;  being  the  Life  of  Hippolyte  Flandrin.  By  H.  L.  Sidney  Lear. 
Crown  8vo.  $1.25 

BOSSUET  AND  HIS  CONTEMPORARIES.  By  H.  L.  Sid- 
ney Lear.     Crown  Svo.  $1.25 

FENELON,  ARCHBISHOP  OF  CAMBRAI.  A  Biographical 
Sketch.     By  H.  L.  Sidney  Lear.     Crown  Svo.  $1.25 

A  DOMINICAN  ARTIST.  A  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  the  Rev. 
Fere  Besson,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Dominic.  By  H.  L.  Sidney  Lear. 
Crown  Svo.  $1-25 

THE  LIFE  OF  MADAME  LOUISE  DE  FRANCE,  Daugh- 
ter of  Louis  XV.,  also  known  as  the  Mother  Therese  de  S.  Augustin. 
By  H.  S.  Sidney  Lear.     Crown  Svo.  $1.25 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  PRIESTLY  LIFE  IN  THE  SEVEN- 
TEENTH CENTURY  IN  FRANCE.  Charles  de  Condren— S.  Philip 
Neri  and  Cardinal  de  Berulle — S.  Vincent  de  Paul — S.  Sulpice  and  Jean 
Jacques  Olier.     By  H.  L.  Sidney  Lear.     New  Edition.     Crown  8vo. 

$1.25 

LIFE  OF  S.  FRANCIS  DE  SALES,  Bishop  and  Prince  of 
Geneva.     By  H.  L.  Sidney  Lear,     New  Edition.     Crown  8vo.      $1.25 

HENRI  PERREYVE.  By  A.  Gratry,  Pretre  de  L'Oratoire, 
Professeur  de  Morale  Evangelique  a  la  Sorbonne,  et  Membre  de  I'Aca- 
demie  Frangaise.  Translated,  by  special  permission,  by  H.  L.  Sidney 
Lear.     With  portrait.     Crown  8vo.  $1.25 


WORKS  IN   THEOLOGICAL   LITERATURE. 


Fenelon— SPIRITUAL  LETTERS  TO  MEN.  By  Archbishop 

Fenelon.     Translated  by  H.   L,  Sidney  Lear,  author  of  "Life  of 

Fenelon,"  "  Life  of  S.  Francis  de  Sales,'' etc.,  etc.  i6,mo.     {Devotional 

Works. ^  $i.oo 

Crown  8vo.  2.00 

SPIRITUAL  LETTERS  TO  WOMEN.  By  Archbishop 
Fenelon.  Translated  by  H.  L.  Sidney  Leak,  author  of  "  Life  of 
Fenelon,"  "  Life  of  S.  Francis  de  Sales,"  etc. .  etc.  i6mo.  (Devotional 
Works.)  $i.co 

Crown  8vo.  2.00 

Drane.— THE  HISTORY  OF  ST.  DOMINIC,  FOUNDER  OF 
THE  FRIAR  PREACHERS.  By  Augusta  Theodora  Drane, 
Author  of  "  The  History  of  St.  Catherine  of  Siena  and  her  Companions.^' 
With  32  Illustrations.     8vo.  $5.00 

Lavigerie.— CARDINAL  LAVIGERIE  AND  THE  AFRICAN 

SLAVE  TRADE.  Edited  by  Richard  F.  Clarke,  S.J.,  Trinity 
College,  Oxford.     8vo.  $4-5o 

Jameson.— Works  by  Mrs.  Jameson  : 

SACRED  AND  LEGENDARY  ART.  With  19  Etchings  and 
197  Woodcuts.     2  vols.     Cloth,  gilt  top.  $8.00 

LEGENDS  OF  THE  MADONNA  :  The  Virgin  Mary  as  Rep- 
resented in  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art.  With  27  Etchings  and  165 
Woodcuts.     I  vol.     Cloth,  gilt  top.  $4.00 

LEGENDS  OF  THE  MONASTIC  ORDERS.  With  11  Etch- 
ings and  88  Woodcuts,     i  vol.     Cloth,  gilt  top.  $4.00 

HISTORY  OF  THE  SAVIOUR,  His  Types  and  Precursors. 
Completed  by  Lady  Eastlake.  With  13  Etchings  and  281  Wood- 
cuts.    2  vols.     Cloth,  gilt  top.  $8.00 

The  set,  complete  (6  vols.).     Cloth,  gilt  top.  24  00 

Northcote  and  Brownlow.  —  ROMA  SOTTERANEA  ;    or,  An 

Account  of  the  Roman  Catacombs,  especially  of  the  Cemetery  of  St. 
Callixtus.  Compiled  from  the  Works  of  Commendatore  de  Rossi,  with 
the  Consent  of  the  Author.  By  the  Rev.  J.  Spencer  Northcote, 
D.D. ,  Canon  of  Birmingham,  and  the  Rev.  W.  R.  Brownlow,  M.A.  , 
Canon  of  Plymouth.  New  Edition,  Re-written  and  Enlarged.  With 
Woodcuts  and  Plates  in  Chromo-lithography. 

Part  I.     History.     8vo.  $8.50 

Part  II.     Christian  Art.     8vo.  8.50 

Part  III.     Epitaphs  of  the  Catacombs.     8vo.  3.50 

Three  Volumes  in  Two.  20.00 


Fouard,  C.   -  St. Peter  and  the  first 
yeairs  of  Christianity. 


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